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Material Culture and Diasporic Experiences:
A Case of Medieval Hanse Merchantsin the Baltic
Magdalena NaumLund University
ABSTRACT
The Hanseatic League, a late medieval merchant association with roots in northern German towns, is credited
with the establishment of extensive economic and geographic connections and considerable impact on the develop-ment of urban culture around the Baltic and the North Sea. Its merchants, regularly crossing the Seas and settling
in foreign ports, created a network of diasporic communities often maintaining close physical and emotional con-
nections with their home towns. This chapter focuses on the late medieval German diaspora in Kalmar (Sweden)
and Tallinn (Estonia) and examines cultural and material practices of these communities. It theorizes about the
role and meaning of everyday material culture for Hanseatic merchants and their families, and investigates how
material objects figured in the experience of relocation. It discusses the centrality of everyday things in rebuilding
the migrants’ lives after relocation, constructing a sense of diaspora community and maintaining connections with
families they left behind. [migration, material culture, diaspora, the Hanse]
Everyday Life and Its Material Dimension
M igration is a transformative experience involving aseparation that can be perceived in terms of loss.Stepping outside the limits of well-known social and cultural
landscapes, disruption of the routines of everyday life in-
volves a break with familiarity, confidence and spontaneity,
“a destruction—temporary or not—of private life” (Deciu
Ritivoi 2002:13). The sensationof an almost therapeutic-like
flow of everyday life, when interrupted by migration, might
be partially replaced by the feeling of alienation. To deal
with this estrangement and counter the sense of disruption,
migrants and diaspora communities frequently reproduce
fragments of their daily routines and traditions using mate-
rial culture from their homelands. These preserved things
and traditions receive meanings transcending the ordinar-
iness of the everyday and acquire extraordinary qualities
restoring, if only temporarily, the sense of familiarity, conti-
nuity and self-assurance (Belk 1992; Ehrkamp 2005; Parkin
1999; studies in Svašek 2012).
The notion that mundane everyday life can be equipped
with such significance might seem counterintuitive. Af-ter all, daily routines are most commonly associated with
tedium, monotony and the dullness of human existence.
And yet these unexpected complexities and ambiguities of
everyday life, its pervasiveness and insignificance, drea-
riness and comfort engage many philosophers and social
scientists (e.g., Bourdieu 2003 [1977]; Felski 2000; Heller
1984; Highmore 2002; Lefebvre 1984, 1987; Schutz and
Luckmann 1973).
In its core everyday life is “the essential, taken-for-
granted continuumof mundane activities that framesour for-
ays into more esoteric and exotic worlds” (Felski 2000:15).
It is a way of experiencing the lived world as self-evident,habitual and the ordinary as an effect of a process of rou-
tinization, through which one achieves mastery and profi-
ciency. The everyday is a temporal term associated with
spatial landscape of home. It conveys the fact of repetition
and refers to that which happens “day after day” in cycles
of recurrences in the fixed points of space (Felski 2000;
ARCHEOLOGICAL PAPERS OF THE AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION , Vol. 26, pp. 72–86, ISSN 1551-823X,
online ISSN 1551-8248. C 2015 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.1111/apaa.12060.
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Material Culture and Diasporic Experiences 73
Heller 1984:239; Highmore 2002:128; Lefebvre 1984:18).
Both repetition and the spatial anchoring of the everyday
within the sphere of home addresses an essential feature of
daily routines: their familiarity. The familiarity epitomizes
the boredom and the sameness of the ordinary, but also the
comfort and the knowledge embedded in the quotidian. Thisfamiliarity and competence ensures the smooth flow of daily
tasks and the sense of accomplishment.
Thefamiliarity of dailyroutines,comfort andthe feeling
of order and mastery is embedded in the well-known social
settings and the deep knowledge of cultural norms and rules,
the “do’s and don’ts” that foreground daily course of ac-
tion. Furthermore, this ease with which one strides through
the day is conditioned and framed by the familiar material
settings without which the conduct of daily life would be
impossible. The cornucopia of anonymous objects fills do-
mestic and work spaces and its existence, although pivotal,
remains largely unquestioned and unremarked upon. Thequiet agency of these “standard setters” (see Robb, Chapter
12, this volume), i.e., the surprising capacity of everyday
objects to stay peripheral in one’s daily engagements and yet
be a determinant of one’s actions, their propensity to shape,
guide and restrain daily conduct is what Daniel Miller calls
“the humility of things” (1987:85–108, 2010:49–54; see also
Tilley 2006).
Migration has disruptive and discomforting (but also
relieving) effects on the conduct of everyday practices. It
repudiates the flow of quotidian life and alters relationships
with domestic material culture (Belk 1992; Deciu Ritivoi
2002; Marcoux 2001; Naum 2008, 2012, 2013; Tolia-Kelly2004). Relocation may provide a setting and opportunity to
at least partially reinvent oneself, escape the tyranny of rou-
tine and clutter of things. It may serveas a release from cum-
bersome relations and their material reminders (Marcoux
2001). More often, however, objects and routines associated
with places of origin are kept and cherished as emotionally
tinted reminders of landscapes left behind. In the process of
moving and reestablishing a daily course of life, the every-
day objects associated with the comfort of home may exit
the sphere of ordinary and invisible to become charged to-
kens of abandoned landscapes. Relocation imbues some of
these anonymous commodities with biographical contents.
They may acquire extraordinary qualities of mementos, act
as affective triggers inviting daydreaming and imaginary
escapes to the landscapes associated with life prior to the
relocation. Salvaged things brought by immigrants or sent
by their families may be perceived as material capsules of
the home country, material thus tangible points of connec-
tion with sites and landscapes from the past (Belk 1992;
Digby 2006; Naum 2008, 2012, 2013; Parkin1999; studies
in Svašek 2012; Tolia-Kelly 2004).
Members of the late medieval Hanseatic diaspora in the
Swedish town of Kalmar and the Estonian town of Tallinn
were familiar with these ambiguous qualities of material
culture. Migrating merchants and their families brought and
imported objects helped to deal with the emotions caused
by relocation and the loss of physical contact with familyand friends in their homelands. As these families acted on
their material surroundings, shaping and furnishing their
new homes according to well-rehearsed traditions and fash-
ions, and with familiar objects, the material culture acted
back provoking emotional reactions and demanding certain
attitudes. This chapter investigates how the material culture
of everyday life figured into the experience of relocation
in these migrant communities. It discusses the centrality
of everyday things in rebuilding their lives after relocation,
constructing a sense of diaspora community and staying
connected with families they left behind.
German Hanseatic Diaspora in the Baltic
Domestic material culture mattered for the medieval
Hanseatic merchants and their families establishing their
temporary and permanent homes in the ports along the coast
of the Baltic Sea. The formation of these diaspora commu-
nities is closely connected with the history of the Hanse and
its dominance in the late medieval Baltic trade (Dollinger
1970; Hammel-Kiesow and Puhle 2009; Wubs-Mrozewicz
2012). The mercantile network of Hanse encompassed a
wide geographical territory. It connected the northern parts
of Russia, Eastern Baltic and Scandinavia (exporters of furs,
wax, fish, butter, and metals) with North Sea ports, England
and Rhine areas supplying salt, cloth, wine and finished do-
mestic goods (Dollinger 1970; Lloyd 1991:2–12; L ¨ ubecker
Kolloquium 1999). In this constant traffic the Baltic Sea be-
came “Mare Nostrum” for the German Hanse merchants
(Figure 6.1).
To coordinate complex business operations involving
several different markets and overcome the crucial issue of
trust, Hanseatic companies were typically formed by mem-
bers of extended families (Murray 1988; Saltzer and Ewert
2001). Partners relocated to the relevant ports to oversee
their end of transactions. Some of the fourteenth-century
German families in the Swedish town of Kalmar clearly
exemplify this practice. The family of van dem Kleye, for
example, was split between at least two places: Kalmar and
Lübeck. Until 1370 some members of the family including
one Gödeke, his younger brother Gereke and Gereke’s wife
Aleke lived in Kalmar, while their third brother Henrik and
Gödeke’s son Rutgher were stationed in Lübeck. Later that
year Henrik changed places with Gödeke, whose decision to
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74 Magdalena Naum
Figure 6.1. Major Hanseatic ports around the Baltic Sea. Drawn by author.
re-migrate was likely caused by anticipated retirement. This
arrangement allowed these family members to oversee and
coordinate their business operations involving trade with
Lüneburg salt, Flemish cloth and Swedish butter and hides
on the Kalmar-Lübeck route (Koppe 1943; Lechner 1935;
Naum 2013; SDHK 7811). These business connections and
intensive communication meant that partners were well in-
formed about financial as well as political and social events
at each other’s places of operation.
Local legal, political and cultural conditions had a
considerable impact on the formation of the merchant dias- pora and their dynamics with wider urban communities. In
Kalmar and other Swedish towns, German merchants could
obtain the status of a guest, i.e., temporary resident who was
allowed to stay in the town for the duration of the trading
season attached to the household of a town citizen and whose
buying and selling rights were limited to the town of his
temporary residence. Alternatively, merchants frequenting
a particular town could apply for citizenship in that town,
which granted them more extensive rights and enforced
certain obligations on par with those of Swedish speaking
citizens ( Magnus Erikssons Stadslag: Konungabalken).
Citizenship erased legal distinctions between foreigners
and locals, although in popular consciousness these cultural
and ethnic differences were upheld (Hoffmann 1998;
Wubs-Mrozewicz 2004). Many of the German merchants
who regularly visited Swedish ports took advantage of these
citizenship laws and settled more or less permanently in
Sweden. The town of Kalmar, the establishment of which
roughly corresponds with the development of the Hanseatic
tradein Sweden, was one ofthe chief portsof call for Germanmerchants, and a considerable number of those merchants
became town citizens (Blomkvist 1979:200–203, 209–211,
248–249; Koppe 1943; Selling 1982:45–48). Population
estimates indicate that the German speaking burghers
(merchants, craftsmen, and their families) created a large
diaspora and constituted up to 40 % of the town’s population
(Selling 1982:45-46).
The attitudes and position of members of the German
diaspora towards the town and other residents of Kalmar
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Material Culture and Diasporic Experiences 75
Figure 6.2. Architecture of late medieval merchant houses in
Tallinn. Photo by author.
shifted between impartiality and particularism, sameness
and otherness. They participated actively in political, social,
and economic life in the town, and interacted and socialized
with Swedish merchants, craftsmen, and castle personnel.
Yet, members of the German diaspora shared a sense of par-
ticularity that was expressed in certain social and economic
practices, such as the preference of finding marriage and
business partners within their own group and celebration
of particular holidays (KSTb 1945–1949; Lamberg 2000:
94-95; Naum 2013). Everyday life in the German diaspora
involved navigation between these categories of sameness
and difference in relation to Swedish speakers of the town.
The legal equality that was professed in Kalmar stood
in stark contrast to the political and legal conditions in
Tallinn. The town’s foundation was a result of the 1219
German-Danish conquest of Northern Estonia propelled by
economic and political interest under the religious ban-
ner of the crusades (Kala 2001; Munzinger 2006; Murray
2009; Valk 2006). The conquest and subsequent rule of the
DanishCrown andthe Livonian branchof theTeutonic Order
introduced inequalities characteristic to the colonial regime.
These inequalities and privileged positions of German
patricians were visible in Tallinn, which quickly became
a dynamic urban center tightly connected with the Hanse.
In the course of the late thirteenth and fourteenth century,
immigrating merchants from the provinces of Westphalia,
Lower Saxony and Mecklenburg assumed the leading role
in government, as well as the economic and cultural lifeof the lower town (Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973:
95–100; Kaplinski 1980:183; Mänd 2005). The town laws
and governing structure were deeply influenced by the pat-
terns developed in western and northern Germany and
prioritized interest of merchants incorporated into the struc-
ture of the Great Guild, in which membership was princi-
pally restricted to Germans (Johansen and von zur Mühlen
1973:60–63; Mänd 2005:29–32). The late medieval legisla-
ture introduced rigid ethnic categories distinguishing among
the multiethnic population of the town: Germans ( Deutsch,
dudesche), Estonians (commonly called un-German; un-
dudesche, eesten), Swedes ( sweden) and Russians (russenn).The laws defined the experience of everyday life by regu-
lating the possibilities and scope of action for each of these
groups and providing guidelines of inclusion and exclu-
sion from these groups (Naum 2014). Through reduced
citizenship fees, greater access to the most profitable oc-
cupations and monopoly on long-distance trade, German-
speakers were put on an easier path to economic and social
advancement. Although they were a minority, constituting
about 30 % of lower town’s population, members of the Ger-
man diaspora were the wealthiest and most affluent group
in Tallinn (Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973; Kaplinski
1980:181; Mänd 2005).Throughout the late Middle Ages the character of town
policies became increasingly discriminatory and negative
towards non-German and lower status groups, leading to a
situation where ethnic and social divisions overlapped each
other (i.e., the members of the upper class were predomi-
nantly Germans while Estonians were pushed into the lower
echelons of the town’s community). German diaspora mem-
bers saw themselves in stark opposition to the Estonian
majority. Already the common names employed to these
groups—German and un-German—signified the total dis-
cursive opposition of the two. German burghers perceived
themselves as honest and honorable people (“ehrliche dude-
sche men”), sophisticated, just and good Christians, while
un-Germans were characterized as lacking in civility, igno-
rant and corrupted (Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973:
406-407). To sustain the sense of particularism and up-
hold these constructed cultural and ethnic boundaries the
town council, guilds and fraternities adopted discriminatory
policies pertaining to marriage and inclusion into profes-
sional associations. Although miscegenation across ethnic
lines was acceptable among middle and lower classes, it was
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76 Magdalena Naum
Figure 6.3. Façade and diele of a merchant house at 23 Lai Streetin Tallinn (today, Tallinn’s
City Theater). Photo by author.
strongly discouraged among the politically leading group of
German merchants. The statutes of the Great Guild and
some of the professions (e.g., beer brewers) explicitly ex-cluded non-Germans or German merchants and craftsmen
married to Estonian women from their ranks (Johansen and
von zur Mühlen 1973; Mänd 2005:38-39).
These policies helped members of the German diaspora
in Tallinn to construct and maintain their particularism.
Similarly to the Hanseatic community in Kalmar, German
burghers in Tallinn formed a tightly knit community based
on a shared lifestyle, culture and language (Naum 2013,
2014). Unlike in Kalmar, however, Tallinn’s diaspora created
a political and legal apparatus that allowed establishing,
defining and guarding the boundaries of the community. Ma-
terial culture too assisted in constructing a sense of closelydefined community along shared origins and cultural values.
Material culture played an important role in the every-
day life of the German-speaking community in Kalmar and
Tallinn. The availability of domestic commodities allowed
the recreation of familiar home interiors, domesticity and
lifestyle, which provided a recognizable backdrop for their
lives disrupted by migration. Material culture was also used
to objectify and negotiate their diasporic identities. Finally,
in the form of gifts, donations and investments, it served as
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Material Culture and Diasporic Experiences 77
a means of communication and engagement with communi-
ties left behind.
Homemaking: Domesticity of GermanDiaspora
During the late Middle Ages the urban dwellers of
Hanseatic and Northwestern European towns developed a
strong sense of identity anchored in the legal system par-
ticular to these towns, political strength, commercial ethics
and consumer culture (Ennen 1979; Arnade et al. 2002).
Material concerns and conspicuous consumption – accu-
mulation of goods and their outwardly use to communicate
identity and social difference – were closely associated with
the medieval urbanities and were reflected in their modes
of living and ideal of domesticity (Goldberg and Kowaleski2008; L¨ ubecker Kolloquium2008; Riddy2008; Wiegelmann
1996). The emerging urban tastes stimulated production and
exchange of specific commodities, which defined and “de-
manded” certain ways of acting.
The medieval urban homes bridged public and pri-
vate function and epitomized burgesses’ want of material
comfort, representation, practicality, intimacy and security.
These versatile functions of urban homes were material-
ized in the architecture of houses attempting to separate
private bedrooms from halls and working spaces. The com-
fort, urban identity and aspirations of the family were re-
flected in the furnishings: pieces of furniture (such as beds,
chairs, chests, tables, desks, and cupboards), table ceram-
ics such as jugs, tankards, and serving dishes of German
stoneware, glazed continental earthenware, and Mediter-
ranean majolica, pewter plates, silver cups and bowls, wine
glasses made by German and Venetian artisans, decorative
cutlery, vases, and table lighting. Ornamental fabrics, rugs,
table cloths, blankets, and cushions added a level of com-
fort, color, and coziness.Negotiating private desires for more
comfortable homes on the one hand and outwardly displays
of wealth and status on the other hand was also expressed
in architectural solutions used in urban architecture. Houses
of well-to-do merchants and craftsmen were equipped with
stoves and fire places that made the living quarters warm
and comfortable. They were usually multi-floored structures
built of stone, brick or timber-frame, which gave them a
sense of permanence and affluence alluding to the quality of
life led behind their walls. They were equipped with deco-
rative ceramic and stone floor tiles, colorful fabric tapestries
on the walls and glass windows providing light and invit-
ing a gaze of passers-by (Gaimster 2005, 2012; L¨ ubecker
Kolloquium 1999, 2001, 2008). This blend of ordinary and
luxurious things was distinctive to urban houses and shaped
burgher identity, their attitudes and ways of acting.
The familiar urban architecture and furnishings were
reconstructed in Tallinn and Kalmar. The scale of this
project of emplacement, turning the urban spaces of foreign
ports into familiar enclaves through the appropriation of thelandscape, house architecture and home furnishings is doc-
umented by written and archaeological sources. This appro-
priation started with the topographical arrangement of the
towns. Both Kalmar and Tallinn developed largely thanks
to their connections with the Hanse and the German speak-
ing merchants had considerable influence on the layout of
these towns. Both bore clear references to the townscapes
of the North German towns by elevating two nodal points:
the port and the market square connected to each other by
major arteries. The flow of everyday traffic, the planning
and social arrangement of the towns with the most sought-
after addresses located along the busiest streets and with thecivic institutions situated in the towns’ harbors and the main
squares followed the expected urban logic. To a newcomer
accustomed to urban centers of the Baltic and North Sea,
navigating the townscape of Kalmar and Tallinn must have
been relatively consternation-free.
From the thirteenth century onwards, stone and
timber-frame buildings replicating domestic architecture of
Northern Germany started to dot the urban landscape of
Kalmar and Tallinn. Their architectural integrity was as-
sured by stonemasons, bricklayers and carpenters follow-
ing the merchants across the sea (Johansen and von zur
Mühlen 1973; KSTb 1945–1949). In late medieval Tallinnand Kalmar, the most representative streets around the town
square and arteries connecting town square and the port
were lined up with large merchant houses with gabled roofs
and decorative façades (Figure 6.2). One such house still
stands (in a reconstructed form) at 45 Pikk Street in Tallinn.
In the late fourteenth century, a two-room timber dwelling
house with an adjoining stable and barn that was built at the
property along this section of the street was subsequently
owned by Thideke Molner, skipper Hyncke Haverlant and
Nicolaus Vyncketey (Sokolovski 2001:13–17). The succes-
sive owners of this and the neighboring plot (the families
of the under den Eykens and the Espinckrodes) built stone
houses, the architecture of which represented the so-called
diele-dornse (or dielenhaus) house type. The diele-dornse
houses became a common form of merchants’ dwellings in
late medieval Tallinn. The main floor of these houses usu-
ally had two large rooms. The high-ceiling hall (diele) was
a multi-functional space serving as an entrance hall, dining
room, merchant’s office or the craftsman’s workshop. One
of the corners of the room was taken up by a kitchen under a
smoke hood, and thewarmth from its open hearth also heated
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78 Magdalena Naum
the rest of the room (Figure 6.3). A private bedroom (dornse)
heated by a hypocaust (a heat storing stove) was located be-
hind the kitchen. Half cellars and additional unheated cham-
bers in the back part of the houses provided work space and
rented out dwellings for workers and craftsmen. The upper
floors of the buildings were used as storage and warehousespace (Böckler and Maiste 1995:31–34; Pärn 1997; Pärn
and Russow 2008:596–599; Zobel 2008). A line of similar
stone houseswas built along Tallinn’s Lai Street(Figure 6.3).
In the fifteenth century these gabled roof houses served as
dwellings for the families of Hans Love (property specula-
tor), Johann Super (town councilor and mayor), Henrik von
Passow (nobleman) and Gerd Satzem (wealthy merchant and
alderman of the Great Guild) (Böckler and Maiste 1995:19,
46, 54).
The interiors of these houseswere also arranged accord-
ing to familiar patterns and furnished with an array of well-
known ordinary and luxurious things. Continental household goods were easily available in both towns. The most abun-
dant example is pottery, and the visible presence of German
stoneware imported from various production centers, conti-
nental lead-glazed jugs and serving dishes indicates a repli-
cation of the culture of dining and degrees of persistence in
the sphere of foodways and diet (Naum 2013, 2014). The
cogs destined for Kalmar and Tallinn were laden with not
only these ceramics, but also salt, cloth, hopped beer, wine
and spices. Shipping documents, citizens’ wills and invento-
ries as well as archaeological finds indicate that these ships
also contained a substantial cargo of small goods, includ-
ing metal kettles, decorative silver and pewter spoons, glassvessels, and other household articles and trinkets (Gaimster
1999; Naum 2013; Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975; Selling 1979:
336–360). Gerd Satzem, who lived in a stone diele-dornse
house at Lai Street in Tallinn, considered multiple pieces
of silver tableware, silver bowls, two beds and bedding,
and gold jewelry to be his most valuable possessions
(Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975:73–74). During excavations in the
neighborhood of his house, large quantities of imported
stoneware from Siegburg and Lower Saxony along with
pieces of continental lead-glazed jugs, glass beakers, a
chess piece and fine leather artifacts were found (Lange
and Tamm 1985:387–389). Wineka Kerssebom, a wealthy
goldsmith who relocated to Kalmar where he died around
1410, lived in a comfortable house decorated with fab-
ric wall tapestries and rugs. His family sat on cushioned
chairs and slept on beds dressed with fine linens, blan-
kets, and pillows, some made of silk. They ate using
silver spoons, silver, pewter, and ceramic dining ware,
drank wine and beer, which was served in stoneware jugs,
glass bottles, and pewter tankards, and occasionally sa-
vored dishes made with exotic spices crushed in a mor-
Figure 6.4. Examples of German stoneware and continental lead-
glazed redware jugs found during excavations in Kalmar harbor.
Sherds of similar vessels were found during excavations in the old
town of Kalmar and Tallinn. Photo by author.
tar (KSTb 1945–1949:21–22; Naum 2013:390–391; Selling
1982:39–40). Wineka’s wealth, documented in his will,
might have not been exceptional. Large scale excavation
in the Kalmar’s harbor conducted in 1930s revealed a wide
array of objects dumped by the town dwellers, as well as
artifacts lost during cargo handling or thrown away by the
incoming merchants due to breakage the cargo had suf-
fered during shipment. This single largest medieval artifact
collection in the Baltic Sea basin (tens of thousands of ob-
jects) included continental tableware, German glass vessels,
metal kettles, silver, bone and pewter spoons, money boxes,
jewelry and metal details of clothing, shoes, and leather
objects (Elfwendahl and Gaimster 1995; Selling 1979:
336–360) (Figure 6.4 and Figure 6.5).
The constant supply of custom made things and articles
that matched the tastes and fashion of the diaspora was also
assured through the merchant’s encouragement of craftsmen
migration across the Baltic Sea. German gold and silver-
smiths, pewterers, potters, and tailors resided in medieval
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Material Culture and Diasporic Experiences 79
Figure 6.5. Examples of late medieval objects found in Kalmar harbor: beer tap in shape of a rooster, metal spoons, and wine
glass. Photo by author.
Kalmar and formed a substantial community in Tallinn
(Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973; Kaplinski 1980; KSTb
1945–1949; Selling 1982; Vissak 2006).
By adhering to the cultural norms of a “proper house,”
members of the German diaspora in Kalmar and Tallinn
could reproduce a familiar vocabulary for expressing their
social aspiration, urban identity and domesticity. But there
was more at stake. Their houses were microcosms of fa-
miliarity, materializations of habitus, i.e., cultural and so-
cial dispositions, norms and worldviews acquired grow-
ing up and living in the urban environment of the Hanse
(Bourdieu 2003 [1977]:78–79, 95; Naum 2013). Home fur-
nishings constituted collages of well-known textures repre-
senting environments the migrants parted with upon arrival
in Kalmar and Tallinn. The reconstructed architecture and
material possessions of these homes made possible the rein-
statement of thinking as usual, reconstruction of daily rou-
tines and the flows of ordinary life. One can speculate that
the material culture of furnishing occasionally exited the
sphere of ordinary and predesigned, becoming a tangible
reference to absent places and instigated memories of times
and landscapes lost due to relocation. Through the act of
furnishing and through daily engagements with known ob-
jects, the household members could embark on emotional
excursions to visit these landscapes and times. These sen-
sory qualities of domestic material culture might have been
particularly important for women, wives and daughters of
Hanse merchants. Unlike their husbands and fathers, women
were less mobile, rarely embarking on trans-Baltic journeys
to visit their family and friends. The recreated interiors of
their expatriate housesfilled with objects brought from home
helped to maintain emotional connections with the remem-
bered past and eased the reconstruction of daily routines in
their new homes.
Material Culture and Diaspora Identity
The quotidian material culture brought and imported
from Western Europe helped Hanseatic migrants to recon-
struct familiar landscapes and daily rhythms. It was also
used as a tangible medium to imagine and construct oneself
as a member of a specific community. Visual hints, espe-
cially differences in dress and appearance, were powerful
elements in categorization and stereotyping. The language
of “othering” in the Middle Ages placed consistent empha-
sis on the cultural and material components of ethnic iden-
tity (Bartlett 1994:197–198; 2001:45–50; Heng 2011; Jaritz2001; Pohl 1998). This process of “othering” through ma-
terial means was well pronounced in Tallinn. In the legally
and socially polarized urban community, distinguishing be-
tween Germans and un-Germans, merchants’ tastes for fine
imported cloth and furs, silver and jewels, exotic spices and
foodstuffs became synonymous with their supposed civil-
ity, status and power. Conversely, the commodities sought
after by the Estonian population were termed “un-German”
and considered ordinary, simple and plain, lacking sophis-
tication that in the eyes of Germans (Johansen and von zur
Mühlen 1973:388–389).
In the late medieval Tallinn common things were
given ethnic adjectives, which lifted them from the sphere
of ordinary and turned them into material symbols of
belonging to a specific ethnic and social group. By the
same token they betrayed otherness of those who did not
share particular lifestyle or cultural values. Late medieval
town books mention German and un-German baked goods.
The former included bread made partially with wheat flour
and ginger breads and sweet cakes flavored with spices and
sugar, while the latter consisted of heartier and cheaper
rye breads (Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973: 206–209;
Mänd 2005). The same documents differentiate between
beer made by the German brewers associated with a guild
and Estonian beer made in the countryside, as well as
between German and un-German bed covers, blankets,
and jewelry (Johansen and von zur Mühlen 1973:198–201,
209–211). The lower town boasted a considerable group of
shoemakers and cobblers of Estonian, Swedish, and German
origins, making shoes and leather articles matching the
tastes, fashions, and needs of the multicultural population
(Kaplinski 1980:90; Sarv 2000, 2006). Everyday dress was
also a subject of differences. Profitable and prestigious
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80 Magdalena Naum
positions of town tailors and cloth merchants were reserved
for Germans familiar with the clothing culture of North
European towns. They refused to make traditional Estonian
clothes, catering instead to diaspora clientele. Long gowns,
robes, pants, and waistcoats sewn from imported Dutch and
Flemish fine woolen fabric trimmed with lace, silk broidery,and fur visually distinguished upper and middle class im-
migrants from Estonians wearing linen and coarser woolen
garments (Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975; Põltsam 2002:26–29).
Differences in lifestyle were also manifested in con-
sumed foodstuffs, the culture of food serving and dining,
and are reflected in the diversified patterns of pottery con-
sumption among Tallinn’s multiethnic households. Compar-
ing pottery assemblages from the plots owned by German
merchants with ceramics collected at the Russian quarter
and from craftsmen plots in mostly Estonian neighborhoods
reveals, above all, quantitative and qualitative differences in
the use of table and kitchen ware (Table 6.1). The Germanfamilies living along the central arteries of Tallinn used glass
vessels and high quantities of imported tableware: stoneware
from Siegburg, Lower Saxony and Langerwehe, as well as
lead-glazed jugs and serving dishes made in France and
the Low Countries. Their number overshadows the finds
of ceramic cooking ware—locally produced earthenware
and imported blue-grey ware. This ratio is reversed in the
cases of sites associated with non-German settlers. Although
tableware, especially stoneware, was used by families living
at these addresses, unglazed earthenware dominated their
kitchens.
Members of the German diaspora constructed and sus-tained cultural and ethnic boundaries and visualized the
sense of particularism through various means. Differences in
consumption of material culture was aided by the cultivation
of language, traditions and customs, as well as by legal reg-
ulations prohibiting or limiting marriage across ethnic lines
and excluding Estonians from apprenticeship and member-
ship in professionalassociations in the more skilled branches
of crafts. Fashion and clothing styles, preferences/needs of
certain types of pottery, ways of cooking, food serving and
dining reflected habitual customs and aspirations of Tallinn’s
residents. While adhering to the cultural norms and repro-
duction of familiar home environments eased the process
of settling in, maintaining these customs played an essen-
tial role in asserting social and cultural identity and drawing
lines of difference. As pointed out by Florin Curta, “Cul-
tural practices and representations that become objectified
as symbols of group identity are derived from, and resonate
with, habitual practices and experiences of the agents in-
volved, but they also reflect the instrumental contingencies
of a particular situation. Ethnic differences are constituted
simultaneously in the mundane as well as in the decorative, T a b l e 6 . 1 . R a t i o s o f p o t t e r y ( i n p e
r c e n t ) f o u n d a t d i f f e r e n t s i t e s i n T a l l i n n . H o u s e s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h G e r m a n f a m i l i e s a r e i n b o l d . N o t e t h e h i g h p e r c e n t a g e o f t a b l e w a r e ( g l a z e d
e a r t h e n w a r e a n d s t o n e w a r e s ) i n G e r m a n h o u s e h o l d s . B a s e d o n A u s ( 1 9 9 2 ) ,
M ¨ a l l a n d R u s s o w ( 2 0 0 0 ) , a n d p e r s o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h V i l l u K a d a k a s ( M a y 1 1 , 2 0 1 2 )
1 3 t h - 1 4 t h c
e n t u r y
1 4 t h - 1 5 t h c e n t u r y
2
2 S a k a l a /
2 2 S a k a l a /
S u l e v i m ¨ a g i
P o t t e r y
8 T a
t a r i ( s u b u r b )
S a u n a
P i k k 3 3
V e n e 4
H a r j u
8 T a t a r i ( s u b u r b )
( R u s s i a n q u a r t e r )
P i k k 3 3
P
i k k 4 7
H a r j u
L o c a l e a r t h e n w a r e
5 1
4 6
3 5
1 5
1 3
7 7
7 0
0
1 8
1 0
P a f f r a t h
0
1
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
G e r m a n b l u e - g r e y w a r e
0
0
6
4
9
0
1
2 1
3
1
E a r l y g l a z e d w a r e
0
2
1 5
8
3 9
0
3
2 1
8
1 2
S i e g b u r g s t o n e w a r e
2 6
2 2
3 1
2 7
1 9
1 3
1 0
3 2
0
2 5
L a n g e r w e h e s t o n e w a r e
2 0
4
7
0
0
0
4
2 6
0
0
L o w e r S a x o n y s t o n e w a r e
3
1 6
4
2 5
0
1 0
2
0
0
0
U n i d e n t i fi e d s t o n e w a r e
0
0
0
1 7
1 4
0
2
0
7 0
1 5
O t h e r
0
9
0
4
6
0
8
0
1
3 7
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Material Culture and Diasporic Experiences 81
and become ‘naturalized’ by continual repetition in both
public and private” (Curta 2011:539). This observation res-
onates with Chris Tilley’s understanding of the way lifestyle
choices are objectified through an array of material forms
and activities, qualities of which “enter into the very manner
in which people think and feel about themselves and their relation to others” (Tilley 2006:67).
Creating an opposition to the natives through the
use of material culture and transplantation of Westphalian
and Saxon festivals, food ways, religious and secular ur-
ban sensitivities mattered to the German burghers. Far
from homelands and in the ethnically diversified land-
scape of Tallinn, it was important to emphasize their
“Germanness,” aspects of which, such as supposed sophisti-
cation and cultural and moral superiority, were used to sup-
port their claims of authority (Mänd 2005:284; Scales 2012:
425–427).
Divided Selves: Material Culture of Translocal
Connections
The German-speaking citizens of Kalmar and Tallinn,
being members of the wealthiest group of burghers, made
considerable investments in the towns of their residence
and gave substantial donations to the guilds and religious
institutions. Goldsmith Wineka Kerssebom, for example,
owned two houses, an undeveloped town plot, a shop in the
harbor area and two vegetable gardens in Kalmar (KSTb
1945–1949:21–22; Selling 1982:39–40). Across the sea, in
Tallinn, wealthy merchant Gerd Satzem was a proud owner of three town houses located within the lower town walls
(Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975:73–74).
Adhering to medieval religious ideals of charity
and culture of commemoration, these individuals were
generous sponsors of the towns’ churches. Johan van
Hoyngen, who moved from Lübeck to Kalmar in 1361 (and
died there in 1376), donated a large amount of money to
the town church in Kalmar to establish a chapel and to fi-
nance the post of a priest (SDHK 10851, 10914; Liedgren
1961:101–102). Johannes van der Borg used his assets to
fund the St. Barbara altar in Kalmar’s town church (SDHK
20681). Margitta Fögler nee Bödeker donated her house, a
shop, large amounts of money, silver and gilt chalices, reli-
quaries and a prayer book to the chapel of Corpus Christi
Guildin the town church (KSTb1945–1949:90–91). Unmar-
ried merchants associated in Tallinn’s guild of Black Heads
regularly donated money, artwork and liturgical objects to
the Dominican church of St. Catharine (Mänd and Randla
2012). The senior merchants and town magistrates spon-
sored churches and monasteries in and outside the town by
bequeathing silverwares, artwork and money (Mänd 2011;
Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975).
However, if merchants and craftsmen invested in the
ports that became their temporary or permanent points of
residence, they did not hesitate to maintain and purchase real
estate and to share their wealth with family and friends inthe places of their origin. Johan van Hoyngen of Kalmar and
two citizens of Tallinn: Arnoldus de Dornden and Nicholaus
van Colne were landlords of several villages on the island of
Fehmarn (Mecklenburg). Kalmar citizen Johannes van der
Borg owned a house in Wismar, while other German mer-
chants residing in Kalmar and Tallinn owned properties in
Rostock and Lübeck ( Das L¨ ubecker Niederstadtbuch 294:6,
733:7, 785:5–6; KSTb 1945–1949:166, 16; SDHK 6956,
9414).
These simultaneous attachments and networks span-
ning individuals living on both sides of the Baltic Sea are
also reflected in wills written by the German-speaking cit-izens of Kalmar and Tallinn. Merchants like Johan Witte,
who came from Lübeck but in the middle of the fourteen
century resided in Kalmar and Johan Buddingh, a fifteenth
century town councilor of Tallinn with roots in Westphalia,
divided part of their possessions consisting of everyday ob-
jects (shoes and clothing) and expensive items (silver and
jewelry) between relatives, friends and the poor in the places
that served as their homes throughout their merchant careers
(SDHK 7983; Seeberg-Elverfeldt 1975:45).
Property ownership, donations and active maintenance
of relationships in town circles on both sides of the Baltic
Sea might have been a viable way to maximize economic profit, achieve financial security and tend to spiritual needs.
However, they could also be viewed as an expression of
emotional attachments, manifestation of hopes or plans
of eventual return and a material aspect of medieval cul-
ture of remembrance.
Investments and donations were an important, material
way of reaching out to people in other places, from where
the migrants were physically away but to which they were
emotionally close. Here again, everyday objects exited the
sphere of ordinary, acting as a representation of the absent
individuals. With their material qualities stimulating recol-
lection of the absent persons, donated objects functioned as
a material reminder of one’s existence, bonds, and a place in
the social landscape (Belk 1992; Gielis 2009; Naum 2013).
Due to their tangibility and omnipresence, these personal
tokens had a propensity to fill the spaces of physical ab-
sence, standing for departed people and social relationships
in which they participated. Gifts of everyday and extraordi-
nary objects invited or even forced the receivers to reminisce
and acknowledge their relationship with the givers.
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82 Magdalena Naum
From Humble Things to Biographical Tokens:
Material Culture and Diasporic Experience
Migration changes attitude toward everyday life and its
material component. In the process of moving and establish-
ing residence abroad, the seeming ordinariness, humility and the unquestioned qualities of daily routines and mundane
objects are exposed as significant and essential to human
existence. In the gaze of prospect emigrants forced to make
decisions regarding what to take with them and what to leave
behind, and material objects move from background props
to central stage. Faced with the strangeness of the places mi-
grants move to, previously unreflected upon, tedious daily
tasks become a source of confidence and mastery, restoring
a sense of self-esteem as knowledgeable and skillful actors.
In the process of settling in, crucial elements of everyday
life, such as repetition, routine and its domestic settings ac-
quire life-stabilizing importance. For diaspora communities
the ability to restore repetitive rhythms of daily life not only
provides a connection to tradition reaching across historical
time, but also defies geographic distance, creating illusions
of constancy. Reconstructing the familiar micro-geography
of home, with its furnishing, spatial arrangement and domes-
ticity extends this impression of continuity and permanence.
The moments of feeling at ease, gradual overcoming of rup-
ture and settling in are largely due to sensory experiences
generated by interactions with material objects. The object
world is central to human existence, understanding, know-
ing and shaping the social world, and these qualities are
magnified when faced with the necessity to define oneself in
relation to the novel surroundings. As frequently noted by
Daniel Miller, Chris Tilley and others, people and things ex-
ist in dynamic relation and are mutually constitutive: people
make things that in turn transform them into social persona,
they touch material things, and these things simultaneously
touch them. “Through the things we can understand our-
selves and others, not because they are externalizations of
ourselves or others, reflecting something prior and more
basic in our consciousness or social relations but because
these things are the very medium through which we make
and know ourselves” (Tilley 2006:61). Yet this pervasive
influence of the material world and human dependency on
material props is often unrealized and unnoticed, proving the
extent of the objects’ humility. In the context of displace-
ment, material culture exits its humble and modest state just
as everyday routines may lose their taken-for-granted qual-
ities. The settings expose “undesigned” elements of things
that contradict or exceed their usual categorizations and ex-
pected functions, bringing to the fore, if only temporar-
ily, their unintended efficacy and “cognitive trappings” (cf.
Robb, Chapter 12 this volume). Tedious and repetitive tasks,
dull routines and mundane objects emerge as extraordinary
because of the sense of calm and familiarity they install.
Material culture, cherished personal objects and ordi-
nary furnishings often continue to play a pivotal role in
the lives of diaspora communities. While some objects and routines quickly return to the shadows of the ordinary, oth-
ers are lifted to become significant elements objectifying
diaspora connections and identities. Material culture was
manipulated to assume such a role by Hanse merchants and
their families who moved to Kalmar and Tallinn. Due to
their privileged position in the trans-Baltic trade and its rel-
ative wealth, members of the German diaspora were well
supplied in the commodities they considered essential and
desirable for rebuilding their homes and leading expatriate
lives. While purchases of particular styles of home furnish-
ings and tableware, clothing, jewelry and foodstuffsreflected
patterns of commodity consumption at home, in the settingsof Kalmar and Tallinn these objects became visual cues of
difference. In the eyes of diaspora minority and in the gaze
of urban onlookers, material culture objectified group asso-
ciation and identity. Restricted access to commodities and
practices introduced by the German magistrate in Tallinn
helped to solidify and maintain boundaries of the diaspora.
If a continuous stream of familiar objects was important
for refurbishing the homes of German families and visual-
izing identities and difference in the places to which they
relocated, material culture was also used to create impres-
sions of the emigrants’ continuous presence in the places
they left behind. Investing and maintaining property in their homelands, donations and involvement in social contracts
involving gift-giving might have served this precise purpose
for the Kalmar and Tallinn German-speaking community.
The importance of material culture in maintaining these
connections lies in the ability of physical objects to extend
personhood beyond the individual’s body, becoming a rep-
resentation of absent individuals (Belk 1992, Digby 2006;
Gielis 2009:280–281; Naum 2013).
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