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Research Project

Hypocrisy, Anti-Hypocrisy and International Order

The Dilemmas of Liberal Power in the 21st Century

BACKGROUND PAPER

Greece-EU relations: hypocrisy in all its greatness

(The Greek perspective on economic and refugee crisis)

Takis Karagiannis

With the kind support of:

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Greece-EU relations: hypocrisy in all its greatness

(The Greek perspective on economic and refugee crisis)

Takis Karagiannis is a senior political editor at the most prestigious Greek political website

www.protagon.gr. Mr. Karagiannis has studied International and European Economics at Athens

University of Economics and Business (Major: International Economics & Finance/International &

European Political Economy) and has a great experience covering the developments in the EU and

Greece from the beginning of the crisis six years ago.

Introduction

Since Democritus formulated his quote "many people use the best words, even they behave

with the most obscene manner" to the time when Sharon Stone said "women may fake an

orgasm, but men may fake an entire relationship" -although a lot of people argue about the

copyright of the phrase-, 2,380 years have passed. And throughout these 24 centuries, few

things have changed in the correlation between the human nature and human conduct.

Hypocrisy -in terms of mendacity- is inherent to the human race. Never has a society been

recorded, either without any signs of hypocrisy or with the ability to eliminate them. As it

seems, there is only a poor chance to experience such a society in the future. And as an

ingrained part of our entity, hypocrisy is an undivided component of our political culture [1].

"Hypocrisy is a form of lying. When people talk to each other they blame one another for

deliberate ambiguity, concerted role playing, equivocal phrases, and hesitant minced words.

Moreover, they manifest this kind of behavior the very same time they call for honesty and

clarity; the very same time they request from their interlocutors to mean what they say, and

to say what they mean. "Such a thoroughgoing is the human hypocrisy", Steven Pinker -

Canadian-born, American cognitive scientist and popular author- writes in his book "The

Stuff of Thought" [2] vividly impressing that hypocrisy is a form of lying; a form of lying

with an effective camouflage around itself. We lie in order to hold ourselves together as a

person [3]. We wish others to think well of us; and we, surely, want to think well of

ourselves. And as politicians are primarily human beings, having been raised and educated

in an identical environment, they inevitably display similar behaviors occasionally.

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Not many years ago, in the post-Olympics Greece, circumstances used to be smoother.

Hypocrisy was engrossing the public debate just in the interest of symbolic issues.

Confrontations were focused on whether a radical left politician had the right to choose a

private school for his children, whether it was acceptable the General Secretary of the

Communist Party of Greece to hold an iPhone device (and by doing so, glorifying the idea

of capitalism and being a great example of what pervasive strength the ideological opponent

of the communism has), or whether the major opposition party had the right to elevate the

implementation of the Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) at the highest possible level,

even if had previously been leading the anti-austerity movement.

Presently, outlook is much more different. All facts mentioned beforehand pertain to the past

and look more like a farce, rather than the reality that Greek people had to deal with, less

than a decade ago.

Nowadays,

seven years after the economic crisis broke out in Greece,

six years after the first MoU,

five years after the formation of -the first in decades- coalition government in

Greece,

four years since Golden Dawn -whose leader is still in custody on charges of

organizing a criminal group- gained access to the Greek parliament,

three years after the Greek state budget recorded a primary surplus that let the

country -even temporarily- to tap international markets for the first time since 2010,

two years after the beginning of the end of Nea Demokratia (ND)-Panhellenic

Socialist Movement (PASOK) bipartisanship, and

one year after the first ever, self-proclaimed government of the Left

Greece still experiences hypocrisy in all its greatness; constantly, in every sector, in all

possible ways and in every combination.

While the rest of the world agonizingly witnesses the situation in Greece, Greek people

persist in accusing their European counterparts of the way they have been behaving since

2010; a behavior that has been disclosed as highly hypocritical and riskily opportunistic.

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Refugee Crisis

There is a remarkable similarity in the modus that the residents of East Aegean Islands are

expressing their increasing anger, fuelled by the steep refugee flows, and the manner of the

rhetoric tone of Coalition of the Radical Left (SYRIZA) political members against the

European Union (EU), due to the implemented policy for the refugee crisis. And if Stelios

Kouloglou, among the most active SYRIZA Members of the European Parliament (MEPs),

has suggested in several of his recent interventions, albeit in a rather epidermal way that the

EU behaves "hypocritically", then Dimitris Papadimoulis did not have any diffidence to do

so more intensely, more emphatically. The vice president of the European Parliament, and

head of SYRIZA MEPs, provided the journalists of the Italic newspaper Il Fatto Quotidiano

with a hint for the headline which pursued the interview "Inept and hypocritical Union: only

punishes us" [4] he bestowed. Similarly to numerous other occasions [5] in this particular

interview Mr. Papadimoulis did not expand his considerations on the reasons that stimulate

him to characterize the behaviour of European counterparts in this manner.

On the contrary, this has been well established by Alexis Tsipras. The Greek Prime Minister

(PM), in quite a few affiliations during the past, has censured Europe’s attitude, justifying

the depiction "hypocritical" regarding Brussels’ weakness to convince other Balkan

countries to keep their borders open. In mid-March, during a meeting of the European

Radical Left and Ecology [6] Mr. Tsipras pitched for "Europe has to change course" [6], and

emphasized that "there are no common rules; thus, certain countries can close their borders

in the name of nationalsovereignty" [6]. This is a rationale Alexis Tsipras adopts and serves

in his own rhetoric quite often, although the basis of his criticism is focused on non-EU

countries which do not fall in Brussels’ jurisdiction. In other words, the Greek PM generally

decries Europe on a lack of solidarity and hypocritical practices; however, he essentially

refers to a directly involved particular party. This is none but FYROM (Former Yugoslav

Republic of Macedonia1) that is not constrained by EU Directives, Regulations, or

Conventions in determining its policy on the refugee crisis.

To perceive exactly how the Greek PM interprets the situation that has been shaped

throughout the Old Continent, his speeches need to be studied. Additionally, much attention

1 The Republic of Macedonia is a country in the Balkan Peninsula, in Southeast Europe. Due to a ongoing dispute over the

name Macedonia, Greece still refers to its neighbor country as the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

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should be paid to the way SYRIZA leader perceived causes and causalities for the refugee

influx. Mr. Tsipras does not accept that the elemental justification -due to which countries as

FYROM and Serbia obstruct their borders-, is the inability to manage the refugee flows. The

reason according to the Greek PM "is the monster of fascism which is fed by the austerity

policies" [6] which have been implemented both by Berlin and Brussels in recent years.

Therefore, according to Mr. Tsipras’ hypothesis, there is criticism towards the European

counterparts over the root cause behind the phobic behavior of Balkan countries instead of

Europe’s frailty to preserve its borderlines.

But there is something else which pushes the man who pulls the strings in Greece to talk

about hypocrisy in Europe. Something linked neither to an inherent political consideration,

which Mr.Tsipras has been delivering ever since, nor to tactics deriving from the ideological

Left matrix, in which the 42-year-old politician has been nurtured; yet, it is related to what

happened in the summer of 2015. The outcome of negotiations and the attitude that both the

EU Commission and the Member-State leaders adopted, has granted to the Greek PM the

counterweight he has placed on his political scale. Countries as Austria, Slovenia, Slovakia,

the Czech Republic, and Germany have been gradually closing their borders in the grounds

of the primacy of national sovereignty over the collective European acquis. Nonetheless,

these are the same countries which have not respected the national sovereignty of Greek

people and government by the time SYRIZA had taken power; and have tried to impose

"austerity as a must in a country that had democratically appointed a government under

different election commitments" [6]. Namely, SYRIZA leader denounces the Central

European countries for invocation of sovereignty when it comes to issues of these countries

per se, while in the past they aspired to circumvent Greek national sovereignty via the

economic policy that was actually applied.

The former is the political dimension of Alexis Tsipras’ arguments as to whether Europe

reacts hypocritically in the context of refugee crisis. However, there is a disparate extent;

one, that even though it stands away from ideological confrontations, is vigorously

approaching the reliance on emotion.

From the Greek parliamentary step [7], meaning the supreme institutional point, Mr. Tsipras

delivered a speech characterizing "the tears flowing today are hypocritical, because it is not

only the dead children that the Aegean Sea washes up, but also the living ones who are

heading to the path of exile from their country alive ones who are stacked on the path of

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exile" [7]. And while demanding the leaders of countries that are engaged in one way or

another to the war raging in Syria to act responsibly, he also declared that "Greece does not

claim even one euro in order to serve its purpose towards these people who die in our yard"

[8]. Twenty days ago, in the presence of Werner Faymann -the recently resigned Austrian

Chancellor who had previously ordered the border shutdown- Mr. Tsipras emphasized that

"the refugee receptor countries need too much money to contend the difficulties" [9].

Stelios Kouloglou is not just a SYRIZA MEP; less than a year ago he still worked as a

journalist. One of the most famous opinion makers in Greece, especially during the outset of

the economic crisis, he has been blaming European leaders for their policies. On his own

website, tvxs.gr, several articles describing Europe as hypocritical [10], mainly due to the

provision for the return of a very limited percentage of refugees have been published. The

migration ratio as described in the EU-Turkey agreement [11] which affects only 72,000

people, despite the human influx that has been calculated at 4,000,000, is what stimulates

the denunciation. Seraphim Seferiades, Associate Professor of Political Science at Panteion

University and Life Member at Cambridge University, considers that "refugee migrations

rely on the discretion of European countries and their pure intentions" [10].

It is not just SYRIZA MEPs who undermine that European leaders’ policy is imposed by

hypocritical motivation. George Kyrtsos -former journalist as well- vice chairman with

delegation for relations with the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, and MEP of ND referred

to "the horrid hypocrisy of the 28" [12]. What motivated him to proceed with this statement

seems unrelated to aspirations behind Brussels’ recommended policies; the true incentives,

according to his opinion, are consistent with a lot of oxymoron behavioural patterns being

observed alongside. "Neither a mutual foreign affairs policy nor a defence policy is there"

[12], he expressed in pursuit of indicating that it is unacceptable for European counterparts

to demand common action in the Aegean Sea area without the aforementioned requirements.

Yet, politicians and journalists are not the only ones criticizing Brussels. Frequently, the role

of the Great Inquisitor is assigned to University professors who shape public opinion either

through their articles or with their public speaking. An illustrative example is Joseph Weiler,

president of the European University Institute in Florence, who argued during an interview

in Kathimerini [13] -one of the largest Greek newspapers in circulation- why European

leaders act in this fashion. In accordance with his train of thought Europe confronts a

profound problem; and the refugee crisis is not it. This is the demographic problem [14].

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"With the exception of two Member-States, Europe commits suicide. The dramatic

population decline is one thing. The real issue is comprised of the balance between the

young and the older people. […] Immigration is a matter of life or death for Europe" [13],

Weiler stressed, adding that originally there has been a strong will in the majority of

Member-State capitals to assist those countries encountering arduousness with refugee

movements. Obviously, the deeper intentions concern the aforementioned demographic

problem; and it is not just innocent solidarity with the Mediterranean and Balkan countries.

Economy

May that the criticism towards European leaders on the refugee crisis be a less than a year

open issue, the one directed towards the economic policy has already been around for half a

dozen years one. Since the beginning of 2010, when the International Monetary Fund (IMF)

participation in the Greek rescue program was a common secret, both SYRIZA and ND -the

two parties that have afterwards lead the anti-austerity movement- have been blaming

PASOK for the policy it had adopted. And if this reaction was predictable for Alexis

Tsipras' party, the attitude of the center-right party was anything but foreseeable.

The Greek PM and the governing parties themselves on the opposite ideological side of

what the troika suggests. From the very first moment when George Papandreou -Greek PM

2009-2011- signed the first MoU in 2010, and later when Antonis Samaras -Greek PM

2012-2015- took charge, the Radical Left party persisted in declaiming on a single

hypocritical contradiction; the one that stands both in politicians’ that implement the MoU

agreement rhetoric and its results. For SYRIZA, the "unimpeded implementation" of the

policies recommended by the IMF, the EU Commission, and the European Central Bank

(ECB) does not lead to economic growth; but instead to "pension and salary cuts, fresh

layoffs in the civil sector, rise of unemployment levels and even more closed shops" [15].

Thereafter, anyone who walks on the MoU path "reacts hypocritically" [15]. For the Greek

Radical Left this is an ideological matter; a subconscious issue relevant to the placement

onto the political map of economy. European counterparts enforce "neoliberal, antisocial

policies" and this package only "serves the domination of the banks" [15].

But ND used to describe the reality in a similar, subjective way. Antonis Samaras, party

leader 2009-2015, had been among many other politicians standing on the other side of the

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policy adopted by the Greek government due to the IMF participation in the rescue program.

It was Mr. Samaras who described himself as "the architect of the anti-austerity, anti-MoU

movement" [16]. Mr. Samaras had stated that "MoU brought Greece even closer to declare

bankruptcy" [17] and had also foreseen that "this policy mixture would induce the vicious

circle of fruitless sacrifices that led to interminable recession" [17]. And all this conversation

had been evolved at the very same time that ECB had acknowledged a short-lived

stabilization and incunabula of recovery [18].

Back in 2010, there were several members from other political parties, except for the above-

mentioned conservatives, who opposed to and accused European leaders of their strategy.

George Papakonstantinou, the former Minister of Finance who signed the first MoU, and a

persona non grata for the majority of the Greek people, writes in his recently published book

[19] about his European counterparts’ ambiguity. Several Ministers of Finance have been

assuring Mr. Papakonstantinou that IMF would have no participation in the rescue

mechanism [19], while at the very same moment they were negotiating with IMF officials

the terms and conditions of its involvement [19], as the Greek ex-minister underlines.

However, it is not easy for someone to find such a rigorous politician, journalist or

economist as Yanis Varoufakis. Economist and holder of the position of Minister of Finance

for seven months (January-July 2015), Mr. Varoufakis used to argue against the adopted

policy since the IMF placed itself into the routine of Greek people. Simultaneously, while he

was resolving the major argument on the European banks rescue, an EU Commission report

[20] was certifying that "since the beginning of the financial crisis, 112 banks, representing

just around 30% of the EU banking system by assets, have received State aid, instead of the

taxpayers" [20].

Maybe the most representative example of Yanis Varoufakis' rhetoric and his way of

thinking can be spotted on Harald Schumann's documentary "On the Trail of the Troika"

[21], in which the Greek economist analyzes his arguments for almost 60 minutes. Likewise,

in 2015, Mr. Varoufakis has been negotiating with his European counterparts albeit the

former Greek minister acutely blamed them for hypocrisy afterwards [21], because they had

already consented to the role of troika; a troika that was trying to diminish pensions while "it

was turning a blind eye to what is one of the greatest scandals of the banking sector of

Europe: the Greek recapitalization process" [21]. Certainly, he escalates his rhetoric,

highlighting that troika attitude emanates from "either complicity or idiocy" [21]. Yet, Mr.

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Varoufakis does not let the question floating on people's minds and he justifies himself by

saying he tends "to come down of the side of complicity" [21]. And if anyone wonders what

the reason is behind all, the answer is all about the Greek rescue package. "What was the

bailout for? The bailout was not in order to bail Greece out. Greece was never bailed out.

The bailout loan that was extended in May 2010 had a very single, singular, and simple

purpose. That was to transfer banking losses from the asset books of banks, not only Greek

ones, but also French ones and German ones, onto the shoulders of tax payers, initially the

Greek tax payers. And the troika is here supervising this sinister transfer" [21].

Mr. Varoufakis particularly highlights the technical frame of the process [22]. He accuses

the ECB of hypocrisy, as officials in Frankfurt suggest the national banks to follow the rules

whilst they know there is "no alternative than to violate their own rules and this is why if

ECB tells the truth about the state of the Greek banks it will precipitate in a new crisis" [21].

To underscore the administrative distortion of the banking system, Yanis Varoufakis wrote

his own book [23] which actually is a dictionary full of lexical and conceptual economic

terms that plague the Greek society; many of them created by him indeed.

Of course, there are several other examples of the term "hypocrisy" not referring to the

procedure of covering up the aims and purposes of financial and banking insiders, but is

being attributed to Europeans in its purest, raw, and crude form instead. As a lie.

Tasos Pappas, a Greek journalist better known for his radical left rhetoric rather than his

social democratic one, authored a whole article dedicated to Pier Moscovisci at the

Newspaper of the Editors -also well-known for its sharp leftist point of view- entitled

"Hypocrisy and Lies" [24]. The Greek journalist accused the European Commissioner of

Economic and Financial Affairs, Taxation and Customs of "apparent lie, covered up with the

familiar diplomatic language used by EU bureaucrats" [24]. According to Mr. Pappas, EU

officials declare that every Member-State is the one to decide for its own tax system [24].

Yet, they are the ones who describe as "unilateral action" [24] any law-making activity.

Another argument is also being used by the detractors of the European insiders concerning

their behavior. EU tolerates, "if not to say endorses" [25], the offshore "tax heavens and the

concessions of Luxemburg credit institutions" [25], whereas EU officials demonstrate strong

intention to obliterate tax evasion. Indeed, this is something that Nikos Xydakis has used

plentiful times as argumentation. Mr. Xydakis has been, from 2003 and on, the editor in

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chief at Kathimerini -a major Greek newspaper- ; he has repeatedly been commenting both

the "hypocrisy on the apex of the EU pyramid and how dependent the head of states are

from the multinational companies" [25]. Nikos Xydakis started serving as a Minister of the

Greek state from the Day One of the SYRIZA era. He still answers the purpose as the

Alternate Minister of Culture in the cabinet of Alexis Tsipras.

But harsh criticism has not been endorsed just by the Radical Left in Greece. EU toleration

of the IMF configurations has been object to criticism by the right-wing aligned newspapers

since the eruption of the economic crisis. Democracy newspaper had published its front page

to mark the fifth "anniversary" of the IMF-Greece’s "marriage" under the title "Five Years

of Memorandum: The Poor Greek Economic Auschwitz" [26]. No more than a paragraph

and 109 words have been enough for the editor in chief to describe what has been happening

in Greece, according to his point of view, naturally [26]. As Democracy quoted, the Private

Sector Involvement (PSI) was "supposed to have wiped out €105 billion of Greek debt, but

the only real result was the European banks rescue, and the Greek-state social insurance

institutions collapse" [26]. In addition, this is something that "has been anticipated from the

beginning" and it reflects "how hypocritically European leaders talk to the Greek people"

[26].

The approach that nurtured the society over the past years is reflected in a nearly a 4-hour

video [27], which counts for several thousand views on YouTube. It is the first Popular

Assembly at the Syntagma Square, on June 7th

, 2011. More than 1,ooo Greeks had been

present at the most central part of the capital, to listen to four people exhibiting the way for

the country to overcome the crisis without having to traverse a path strewn with thorns;

aftereffect of the 2010 signed loan agreements [27]. Three of them (Yanis Varoufakis,

George Katrougalos, Euclid Tsakalotos) were given ministerial positions in 2015, and two

of them (George Katrougalos, Euclid Tsakalotos) remain today in the Cabinet. The fourth

(George Kazakis) serves as the leader of the United Popular Front (EPAM) which did not

even run in the last elections. Such procedures, such meetings had been a frequent

phenomenon back in 2010-2012, when PASOK, under George Papandreou, initially was in

power; and the coalition government subsequently, with Lucas Papademos as the PM.

For almost four months, from May to August 2011, it was impossible to cross Athens

downtown by car; in daily basis, tens of thousands used to demonstrate against austerity.

Both ND and SYRIZA had been amongst political and social institutions calling Greek

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people to participate to these marches and rallies. These aforementioned social movements

formulated Aganaktismenoi2, the Greek branch of Indignados.

Discussion

Hypocrisy -either as a word or as a meaning- has its roots to Ancient Greek theatre. Actors

were actually called "hypocrites" and their art on stage was defined as "hypocrisy".

Nevertheless, using everyday acting techniques in social contacts -even more in

interpersonal relationships- it is reasonable to accuse someone of being hypocritical. And

although Ancient Greeks used to appreciate hypocrisy as a form of Art, unfolding as

performance in front of an audience, the hypocrites as individuals did not enjoy an equal

admiration.

From Plato who formulated the following "wolf -which is the wildest animal- looks like a

dog -which is the calmest one-. The man who wants to be safe has to protect himself from

these similarities" to Jean De La Bruyère who scribed that "a veil of modesty covers merit,

and a mask of hypocrisy covers wicked", and Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, alias Lenin who put

forth the successive "honesty in politics is the result of strength; hypocrisy is the result of

weakness", several philosophers and political scientists have been engaged to the concept of

"hypocrisy". However, nobody has ever managed to propose a model which could be

adopted by a political system in order to eliminate hypocrisy.

In Modern Greek though, the word "hypocrisy" and its derivatives, either nouns or

adjectives, have no positive meaning. Whenever someone uses these units of language

intends to stress a behavior; the meaning of the phrase and the importance assigned to it are

absolutely clear. Throughout the evolution of language that gave birth to the term

"hypocrisy", the word itself has come to possess a more negative sense in Greek than in

English. Maybe this is a substantiation of how frequently the term is being spelled, and how

much it has been spoiled.

2 Aganaktismenoi is the Greek word for Indignant, used for the anti-austerity movement, involving a series of demonstrations

and general strikes. In May 2011, the second wave of rallies was proved different from the previous one, as most of the events

turned violent. As in Spain, these demonstrations were organized entirely using social networking sites

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It is true that Greeks have repeatedly been accusing European politicians of great hypocrisy.

It is true that Greek journalists have blamed Brussels for bilingualism quite a few times. It is

also true that the Greek party leaders have highlighted that their counterparts and partners

wear masks in order to cloak their true intentions. However, all the above-mentioned Greek

society pillars react identically, operating the very same way they blame the Europeans for.

Greeks behave hypocritically. Some of them shun undertaking the vital reforms the state

needs, despite having previously included these to the campaign promise. And some others

exorcise every single proposed reform whereas at the very same time they explicate the

necessity of this implementation.

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Acknowledgments

This assignment was supported by the Centre of Liberal Strategies. The author of this paper

would like to express his gratitude to Ms. Anna Diamantopoulou, President of DIKTIO -

NETWORK for REFORM in Greece and Europe, introducing his work to the Centre for

Liberal Strategies. Moreover, the author should thank Mr. Yannis Mastrogeorgiou and Mr.

George Papoulias for facilitating effective communication. This research would never come

true without the very helpful comments and suggestions received during the preparation of

the paper from Ms. Faidra Psarommati-Giannakopoulou, Mr. Dimitris Daniil, Mr. Themis

Lambrou and Mr. Stathis Ziogas.