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TRANSFORMING MĀORI EXPERIENCES OF HISTORICAL INTERGENERATIONAL TRAUMA

"Māku anō e hangā tōku nei whare, ko te tāhuhu he Hīnau, ko ngā poupou he Mahoe, he Patatē"

A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of

Philosophy (Ph.D) in Indigenous Studies.

Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi. April 2014

by

David (Rāwiri) Junior Waretini- Karena

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Declaration

To the best of my knowledge and belief this thesis contains no material

previously published by any other person except where due acknowledgment

has been made.

This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for the award of any

other degree or diploma in any university.

This thesis will be saved and stored at Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi and

made available for future students and researchers to read and reference.

Signature: David (Rawiri) Waretini-Karena

Date: 02/04/2014

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Copyright

Copyright is owned by the author of this thesis. Permission is given for this thesis to be read

and referenced by you for the purposes of research and private study provided you comply

with the provisions of the Copyright Act 1994 (New Zealand).

This thesis may not be reproduced without the permission of the author. This is asserted by

David (Rawiri) Waretini Karena in Whakatane, New Zealand, February 2014.

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ABSTRACT

This thesis examines links between Māori deficit statistics, Māori experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma or HIT, and colonisation. The thesis draws upon

Western critical theory combined with Indigenous methodologies that employ Māori

epistemologies or ways of knowing to make sense of historical discourses that have

traditionally impeded Māori wellbeing and development. Indigenous methodologies

such as Pūrākau theory are employed in this thesis to peel back layers of narratives

that are sometimes intergenerational, to expose contributing factors to Māori deficit

statistics. These theories interpret underlying themes and key factors in HIT. In

essence the study examines Māori experiences; Māori concepts and oral traditions

relevant to HIT. Essentially four research questions are posed. "What are Māori

experiences of historical intergenerational trauma?" "What were the political, socio-

economic implications for Māori both pre and post signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi?"

"What significance does locating self in this research have in terms of contextualising

Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma?" And finally "What are

Māori strategies that respond to this phenomenon?"

These research questions frame the thesis from a position that distinguishes Māori

experiences of this phenomenon, from the distinctive lived experiences of other

Indigenous cultures across the globe. The research questions also investigate the

political, socio- economic environment both pre and post Te Tiriti o Waitangi. This

gives a macro view that draws attention to Māori success in international trade and

economic development pre Treaty [Te Tiriti o Waitangi]. The thesis then examines

how Māori became subjugated to intergenerational positions of impoverishment, and

displacement through war, and legislative policies of the New Zealand Settler

Government who coveted Māori land, assets, raw materials and resources post Te

Tiriti o Waitangi. Locating self in research offers a micro view contextualising how

historical events may impact at a personal level. It also draws attention to how those

impacts have the potential for manifesting deficit outcomes. The final frame is

solution focused, and draws attention to strategies that respond to Māori

experiences of historical intergenerational trauma.

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Acknowledgements

Ki te taha o tōku Matua, Ko Tainui te Waka

Ko Taupiri me Kario ōku maunga

Ko Whaingaroa te moana

Ko Waikato te awa

Ko Ngāti Māhanga, Ngāti Māhuta ōku iwi

Ko Tainui Āwhiro te hapū

Ko Tūrangawaewae me Poehakena ōku marae

Ko Tūheitia te tangata

Ki te taha o tōku whaea ko Ngātokimatawhaorua, ko Mamaru, ko Tinana ōku waka

Ko Pūtahi, ko Maungataniwha, ko Pangaru ki Popta ōku maunga

Ko Waioro te Awa, me Rangāunu raua ko Hokianga oku moana

Ko Ngāti Hine, Ngāti Kāhu, Te Rarawa ōku iwi

Ko Ngāti Whakaeke, ko Patukoraha, ko Ngāti Manawa ōku hapū

Ko Te Kotahitanga, ko Karaponia, ko Motiti ōku marae

Ko Hohaia, Ko Rapehana Tohe, ko Paparoa ōku whānau

Tihei Mauri Ora

He hōnore he kōroria ki te Matua, te Whaea, te Tama, te Tamāhine, te Wairua tapu me ngā

Anahera pono, Pai marire.

I acknowledge my ancestors who I believe guided me on this path. I acknowledge that I

stand on the back of giants who have walked before me challenging colonial oppression. I

acknowledge two of my relations who have been inspirational in giving me a

Tūrangawaewae or a foundation to stand and position myself in this work. The first is Eva

Rickard on my father's side and Whina Cooper on my mother's side. I want to acknowledge

and thank my mother and father Neta and Raymond Waretini-Karena, as well as my siblings

Chris, Amelia, Laura, Denz, Stephen, Rayna and Corbin. I realise that had we not gone on

the journey that we did, this Ph.D thesis may never have been written. I also want to

acknowledge my mentor and whangāi mum Rebecca Fox Vercoe (Becky), Gordana,

Māhinarangāi, Derek Fox, Atareta Pōnanga, Andrew Vercoe along with Graeme and Margret

Vercoe for believing in me especially during the times I didn't believe in myself.

I acknowledge some pretty special people, groups, families and organisations that made a

difference in my life. Wayne Lehaarve, Murray Sampson, the Corbett Family Willy, Mere,

George, Vanessa, Violet, Wiremu, Christina, Ngāhuia and Jock, Graham Waewae , Bop

Mutu and family, Miranda Harcourt, AVP Waikato / Aotearoa, Elaine Dyer, Rere Stroud,

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Piripi Pikari, Gary Watene. I want to acknowledge the brothers; Johnny Leosavii, Masami,

Glen Paekau, Ritchie Rich, Simon Webb, Stephen Harney, Duke-Derek Kaitapu, Sonny

Paito, Dwight Fatu, John Hedges, the Barbarian. I want to recognise current and former

colleagues, Taima Moeke-Pickering, Jacquelyn Elkington, Maria Rangā, Caroll Aupouri

Mclean, Ariana Patiole nee Jameson, and Vyonna Berryman Conrad. I acknowledge families

from the Latter Day Saints; The Grey family, Bill, Marilyn Grey, Aaron, Karyn, Penny, Mike

and Steve, Khazia and Corom Grey/ Karena., the Higgins family and Mike Wilson and family.

I also acknowledge organisations that have supported me; Raymond and Loraine Phillips

from Hamilton Security Services, Te Toi Ā Kiwa School of Māori and Pacifika Studies,

WINTEC, Media Arts WINTEC, The Centre for Health and Social Practice (CHASP) from the

Waikato Institute of Technology, WINTEC, and Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi. I want

to especially acknowledge and thank Waikato Tainui, Te Atawhai o Te Ao-He Kokongā

Whare and the Ngārimu VC 28th Māori Battalion Doctoral Scholarship board for supporting

and believing in me. Finally I want to acknowledge the CEO Distinguished Professor Dr

Graham Smith, Dr Linda Tuhiwai Smith, Dr Cherryl Smith, Dr Leonie Pihama, Dr John Reid,

Dr Takarirangi Smith, Dr Paul Reynolds, Dr Patricia Johnston, Dr Te Tuhi Robust, Dr Phillipa

Pehi, Dr Richard Smith, Dr Virginia Warriner, Dr Margaret Wilke and Moana Jackson. I also

acknowledge and thank my examiners, Dr Tina Ngāroimata Fraser, Dr Wiremu Doherty, and

Dr Marilyn Brewin. Lastly I acknowledge my Ph.D supervisor Dr Rapata Wiri.

To conclude I dedicate this thesis to the memory of Nelson (Madiba) Mandela who has been

influential and inspirational in achieving the impossible in South Africa, and who by example

led the way for Indigenous peoples to respond to colonial oppression, through the power of

reconciliation and forgiveness.

Mā te huruhuru ka rere te manu

It is with feathers the bird flies

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Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................... 5

Contents ........................................................................................................................ 7

List of Figures .................................................................................................................. 11

Chapter One ...................................................................................................................... 14

Te Tongi a Tāwhiao – The Prophecy of King Tāwhiao ................................................... 14

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 14

Kingitanga Movement ...................................................................................................... 14

1.1 Choosing a Māori King ........................................................................................... 16

1.2 Te Tongi a Tawhiao ............................................................................................... 17

Whānau Connection to Kingitanga .................................................................................. 18

1.3 Whānau connection to Waikato Invasion and Orākau Battle .................................. 19

1.4 Intergenerational Impacts on Whānau .................................................................... 20

Summary of Thesis.......................................................................................................... 22

Chapter Two ...................................................................................................................... 26

A Literary Review of Historical Intergenerational Trauma ............................................. 26

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 26

Historical Intergenerational Trauma (HIT) ........................................................................ 27

2.1 Historical Catalyst for Historical Intergenerational Trauma ..................................... 29

2.2 Prejudicial Policies ................................................................................................. 32

Influences on Health and Wellbeing ................................................................................ 35

2.3 Alcoholism ............................................................................................................. 37

2.4 Māori Alcohol Statistics .......................................................................................... 38

2.5 Boarding Schools for Assimilation .......................................................................... 39

2.6 Māori People and Child Welfare Policy .................................................................. 40

2.7 Indicators for Māori Counselling ............................................................................. 42

Chapter Three .................................................................................................................... 46

Māhere Rautaki Rangāhau- Research Methodologies and Methods ............................. 46

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 46

Literature Review Summary ............................................................................................ 46

Research Plan ................................................................................................................. 48

3.1 Objectives .............................................................................................................. 48

Theoretical Perspectives ................................................................................................. 50

3.2 Pūrākau Theory ..................................................................................................... 50

3.3 Conflict / Critical Theory ......................................................................................... 51

3.4 Poverty Welfare and Social Exclusion .................................................................... 52

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3.5 Indigenous Research Methodologies ..................................................................... 54

Participants ..................................................................................................................... 58

Data Collection ................................................................................................................ 60

3.6 Data Collation ........................................................................................................ 62

3.7 Importance and Limitations .................................................................................... 63

Proposed Analysis of Data .............................................................................................. 64

Chapter Four ..................................................................................................................... 69

Ko te Hinau - The Hinau Pillar .......................................................................................... 69

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 69

Ngāpuhi Links to the Research ........................................................................................ 70

Mātauranga Māori ........................................................................................................... 71

4.1 The Exercising of Mana ......................................................................................... 74

4.2 Mana Atua ............................................................................................................. 75

4.3 Mana Whenua ........................................................................................................ 75

4.4 Mana Tangata ........................................................................................................ 76

Te Wakaminenga and Economic Success ....................................................................... 77

4.5 Te Wakaminenga ................................................................................................... 78

4.6 Initial Kaupapa Māori Research ............................................................................. 78

4.7 Establishing an International Flag .......................................................................... 81

He Wakaputanga and their use of the Term Mana .......................................................... 82

4.8 Letter to King William in 1831 ................................................................................. 82

4.9 Creating ‘He Wakaputanga’ ................................................................................... 84

Chapter Five ...................................................................................................................... 87

Ko te Mahoe - The Mahoe Pillar ....................................................................................... 87

Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 87

Contextualising Te Tiriti o Waitangi via Doctrine of Discovery ......................................... 87

5.1 Ngāpuhi Evidence Concerning Te Tiriti o Waitangi................................................. 89

5.2 Hobson's Statements and Assurances to Māori with regard to the Treaty .............. 90

5.3 Hobson's Actual Letter ........................................................................................... 92

Historical Contexts Leading to Legislative Violations ....................................................... 94

5.4 Imposition of Crown Rule ....................................................................................... 95

5.5 Legislative Violations .............................................................................................. 98

The Destruction of Māori Society ................................................................................... 100

5.6 Māori Experiences of Historical Intergenerational Trauma ................................... 101

Te Kauwae Runga and External Knowledge.................................................................. 102

5.7 Te Kauwae Raro and Internal Knowledge ............................................................ 102

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5.8 Pōuritanga ........................................................................................................... 103

5.9 Whakamomori ...................................................................................................... 103

5.10 Traditional Songs and Historical Intergenerational Trauma ................................ 104

5.11 Epigenetic Research .......................................................................................... 106

5.12 Human Needs / Ends Theory ............................................................................. 107

Māori Deficit Statistics ................................................................................................... 112

5.13 Māori Crime ....................................................................................................... 112

5.14 Deficit Theories .................................................................................................. 113

5.15 Responding to Deficit Theories .......................................................................... 113

Chapter Six ...................................................................................................................... 119

Ko te Patatē – The Patatē Pillar ...................................................................................... 119

Introduction ................................................................................................................... 119

Locating Self in the Research .................................................................................... 119

Personal Experiences of Domestic Violence and Child Abuse ................................... 121

6.1 Personal Trauma - Flashbacks, Hearing Voices Trances ..................................... 122

6.2 Beginning a Crime Wave...................................................................................... 122

6.3 Death of Brother ................................................................................................... 123

6.4 The Last Abuse .................................................................................................... 124

Gwenda Rowe ............................................................................................................... 125

6.5 Foster Home ........................................................................................................ 126

6.6 Displaying Extreme Behaviour ............................................................................. 127

Beginning of the End ..................................................................................................... 128

6.6 Sentenced to Life Imprisonment - The Turbulent Years ....................................... 131

6.7 Plan of Redemption .............................................................................................. 132

6.8 Making Changes .................................................................................................. 133

6.9 New Beginnings ....................................................................................................... 134

6.10 The Tides of Change .......................................................................................... 134

Alternatives to Violence Project Waikato ....................................................................... 135

6.11 Learning My Cultural Identity .............................................................................. 136

Becky Fox-Vercoe ......................................................................................................... 136

6.12 National Parole Board ........................................................................................ 137

6.13 The Road to Recovery ....................................................................................... 139

Rebuilding Worth and Integrity ...................................................................................... 141

6.14 Education ........................................................................................................... 141

Contextualising Māori Experiences of Intergenerational Trauma ................................... 148

Chapter Seven ................................................................................................................. 153

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Māku Anō E Hangā Tōku Nei Whare- I Will Rebuild My Own House ........................... 153

Introduction ................................................................................................................... 153

Findings ......................................................................................................................... 154

7.1 Historical contexts pre Te Tiriti o Waitangi ........................................................... 154

7.2 Impact of the British and NZ Crown Collaboration post 1840 ............................... 156

7.3 Intergenerational Impacts for Māori ...................................................................... 157

Analysis ......................................................................................................................... 158

7.4 Key Issues from Literature Review ....................................................................... 158

7.5 Colonising Patterns .............................................................................................. 159

7.6 Te Tiriti o Waitangi Patterns ................................................................................. 160

7.7 Māori Rationale for Te Tiriti o Waitangi ................................................................ 163

7.8 Assimilation Patterns ............................................................................................ 164

7.9 Intergenerational Trauma Links to Māori Deficit Statistics .................................... 165

Research Questions ...................................................................................................... 167

Strategies of Response ................................................................................................. 168

7. 10 Māori Counselling Strategies ............................................................................ 170

7.11 He Kākano Ahau Framework ............................................................................. 170

7.12 The Pōwhiri Poutama Model............................................................................ 172

7.13 The Pūrākau Model ............................................................................................ 174

7.14 Te Whare Tapawhā Model ................................................................................. 175

7.15 Te Tuakiri o Te Tangata Model .......................................................................... 177

The Pillars ..................................................................................................................... 179

Contribution to Knowledge ............................................................................................. 180

Glossary of Māori terms ................................................................................................ 185

Bibliography .................................................................................................................. 189

Appendix ....................................................................................................................... 199

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List of Figures

Figure 1.1 Waikato Tainui landmark boundary

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Figure 2.1 Definition of Aboriginality [table 1]

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Figure 2.2 Governmental Aboriginal Land Policy

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Figure 2.3 HIT Influences on Health & Health care

37

Figure 2.4 Children in care and supervision

41

Figure 3.1 Māori Ethical Framework

57

Figure 4.1 Ngāpuhi-nui-tonu landmark boundaries 70

Figure 5.1 Treaty of Waitangi critical analysis

99

Figure 5.2 HIT transfer across generations

100

Figure 5.3 He Waiata Tangi – A Song of Lament

105

Figure 5.4 Needs versus needs not met

108

Figure 5.5 Poverties

109

Figure 5.6 Human-end Theory

110

Figure 5.7 Two Forms of Sub-Alternisation

111

Figure 6.1 Contextualising HIT in Genealogy

120

Figure 6.2 Mother fears for Safety [Waikato Times]

126

Figure 6.3 Stabbing incident [Waikato Times]

129

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Figure 6.4 Murder Trial [Waikato Times] 130

6.5 Redemption of David Karena

140

Figure 6.6 The War on Violence [NZ Women's Weekly]

141

Figure 6.7 Graduating with diploma [photo]

142

Figure 6.8 Graduating with Bachelor Degree [photo]

142

Figure 6.9 Master's graduation [photo]

142

Figure 6.10 Cusco Peru [photo]

144

Figure 6.11 Inca production [photo]

144

Figure 6.12 Machu Picchu [photo]

144

Figure 6.13 TAOTA Doctoral Scholarship [photo]

145

Figure 6.14 TAOTA Doctoral Scholarship recipients

146

Figure 6.15 Ngārimu & 28th Māori Battalion Doctoral scholarship

146

Figure 6.16 Scholarship recipients [photo]

147

Figure 6,17 Presenting at He Manawa Whenua Conference

148

Figure 7.1 He Kakano Ahau Framework

171

Figure 7.2 Pōwhiri Poutama framework

173

Figure 7.3 Pūrākau Model

175

Figure 7.4 Te Whare Tapawhā

176

Figure 7.5 Te Tuakiri o Te Tangata

178

Figure 7.6 The Colonising Tree 181

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Chapter One

Te Tongi a Tāwhiao – The Prophecy of King Tāwhiao

Introduction

The Te Tongi a Tawhiao 1 can be considered a prophecy, and a metaphor for

rebuilding Māori communities and Māori society by assisting to rise above and move

beyond the impacts of historical intergenerational trauma through the power, the

resilience, recovery and re-emergence of the common people.

This introductory chapter attempts to interweave threads of historical knowledge to

make sense of current contemporary constructs that both impede Māori rights to

autonomy, as well as impose legislative parameters and social, political and

economic impacts that have impeded mana Māori, and tino rangatiratanga or self-

determination since the signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi. An integral aspect significant

to this research takes a multi-layered approach to critically analysing the phenomena

known as historical intergenerational trauma. While this chapter focuses on a Tainui

perspective it also acknowledges my maternal whakapapa perspective through my

connections to Ngāpuhi.

In this chapter I will commence with introducing a brief history of the Waikato people

and the Kingitanga Movement leading to Te Tongi a Tāwhiao. The second aspect

will describe how I intend to weave Te Tongi a Tāwhiao throughout the Ph.D thesis.

The fourth aspect will discuss how I am connected to King Tāwhiao. The fifth aspect

will give a summary account of how I became involved with this topic. The final

aspect will give an overview of the thesis outline.

Kingitanga Movement

The Waikato Tainui people are a collection of tribes or hapū that are based in the

central north Island of Aotearoa New Zealand. The North Island for Māori is called

Te Ika-ā-Maui or the fish of Māui. The name was given due to a Māori legend of an

ancestor called Maui who upon fishing with his brothers caught and brought to the

surface, up from the depths of the ocean a monstrous stingray, considered the

1 An explanation of Te Tongi a Tawhiao is on page 17 -Mahuta (2007)

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original form of the North Island. The Waikato people all descend from the Tainui

waka, or canoe that came to New Zealand from Hawaiki many generations before.

The Waikato people also descend from one ancestor, namely Hoturoa, who was the

original captain of Tainui waka, when it made its voyage to Aotearoa New Zealand.

Over many generations, for the Waikato people, and other Māori whānau, hapū and

iwi, skills and abilities such as visions proverbs and prophecy are an important

aspect of Mātauranga Māori and Māori epistemology. One famous prophecy

employed as a theoretical framework for this thesis is by the prophet and second

Māori King, Tawhiao of the Waikato tribes of New Zealand. The Māori King

Movement, or Kīngitanga, began in 1858 in an attempt to unify Māori tribes and avert

land alienation. Māhuta (2007) contended that; "the major issues that confronted

Māori after the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 were the desire of the

growing settler population for more land, and increasing social disorganization as a

result of European contact" (p.1). Three philosophies underpinned the establishment

of Te Kingitanga. It was established to halt the bloodshed between the tribes, it was

also established to unite the people, and block further sales of land to the European

settlers. According to McLintock (1966), another feature that underpinned Te

Kingitanga, was that a number of tribes supported the movement, but it became

centred on the Waikato region and people (p.1). The desire to retain land was a

central concern of the movement repeated in sayings, songs and haka.

Figure 1.1 Waikato Tainui landmark boundaries

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1.1 Choosing a Māori King

In the 1850s various hapū throughout the country including Te Wai Pounamu (South

Island) deliberated as to who should be offered the mantle of king, and this led to the

establishment of the Māori King Movement, Te Kīngitanga. The alliance of hapū

involved finally decided the person to bestow the mantle upon was Pōtatau Te

Wherowhero. Upon the passing of Pōtatau, his son Tāwhiao Te Wherowhero

became the second Māori King. During the reign of Tāwhiao, many hapū throughout

the land experienced the consequences of colonial might amounting in the Waikato

war and invasion of 1863-1864. Papa and Meredith (2013) state that "Tāwhiao and

his followers were declared rebels and some 1.2 million acres (almost 500,000

hectares) of their fertile lands were confiscated (p.1). The return of these confiscated

lands became a central concern for Tāwhiao and subsequent Waikato leaders. Their

catch cry was: ‘I riro whenua atu, me hoki whenua mai’ or “land was taken then land

should be given back”. The impact of land confiscation created a situation where the

people suffered from anxiety, deprivation, frustration and alienation. Māhuta (2007)

contended that the Waikato people stated;

This way of life will not continue beyond the days of my grandchildren

when we shall reach salvation. Through his reading of Scripture and

discussion with early missionaries, Tawhiao became aware that his was

not a unique struggle. He believed that in time others would come to the

assistance of his cause, hence his saying, 'My friends will come from the

four ends of the world. They are the shoemakers, the blacksmiths and the

carpenters (p.1).

After nearly 20 years in exile Kingi Tāwhiao and the Waikato people came back to

the land of their ancestors. Here they saw the way the European settlers had carved

up their territory. For a people whose identity is interwoven with the land and the

river, the impact of becoming impoverished, due to the confiscation of land had

devastating effects. The despair and trauma of no longer being able to have that

cultural connection to the whenua (land) which Waikato people considered an

ancestor, created destitution and trauma that had intergenerational implications.

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1.2 Te Tongi a Tawhiao

Māhuta (2007) contended that as a way of responding to their situation “Tāwhiao left

a legacy of religious principles from which his people would draw a future dream for

Tainui accumulating in the rebirth of a self-sufficient economic base, supported by

the strength and stability of the people.” Another legacy Tāwhiao left was the poukai

or communal feast. Māhuta (2007) highlighted that "Tawhiao sought solutions to

Māori problems through the establishment of Māori institutions to deal with them

(p.1). In 1885 he initiated the institution of poukai, where the King would pay annual

visits to marae aligned with the King movement to encourage people to return to

their home marae at least once a year. The first poukai (originally called puna-kai, or

'source of food') was held at Whatiwhatihoe in March 1885. It was a day for the less

fortunate to be fed and entertained. The poukai developed into an event which would

later ensure that the common people would get direct consultation with the King.

Such was the foresight of Tāwhiao that many of the legacies he implemented are still

relevant today. The Dictionary of NZ Biographies (1996) acknowledges that

"Tāwhiao was regarded as a great visionary, and had many followers" (p.57). His

sayings have been variously described as poropititangā, tongi and whakakitengā; all

of these terms imply prophetic, visionary or 'prescient states of being' One of his

famous prophecies is explained below is:

Te Tongi a Tawhiao

Māku anō e hanga tōku nei whare

Ko te tāhūhū, ko te Hīnau.

Ko ngā poupou ko te Māhoe, ko te Patatē

I shall build my own house, The ridge-pole will be of Hīnau And the supporting posts of Māhoe and Patatē Māhuta (2007) stated that “native trees and foods symbolize strength and self-

sufficiency” (p.1). During Tāwhiao's time in exile, the Waikato people pondered,

reflected and focused on his prophetic sayings. Tāwhiao's words became embedded

in the traditions and knowledge of the Waikato people, especially in regard to the

reclamation of Tainui land and resources. Having taken into consideration the history

of the King Movement let us turn to how it is interwoven into this thesis.

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A significant feature of the Te Tongi a Tawhiao prophesy concerns the timber

Tāwhiao refers to and chose to rebuild his house with. In his prophetic saying, the

timbers he chose are not the chiefly timbers such as the ‘Totara’, or the ‘Kauri’. The

reason for their omission from this prophecy is important because carvers prefer to

use the chiefly timbers to build houses and canoes. The type and quality of the

timber used in building houses and other properties, imbues them with great status.

However the timber Tāwhiao speaks of in the prophecy, are commonly grown in

abundance throughout the forest. What is also known about the Hīnau, mahoe and

Patatē is that they can be bent when pressure is applied, and not break. They

possess a resilience about them that does not exist in the Totara or Kauri tree.

One interpretation of the prophecy is by likening the concept of the timber to the

nature of human beings. Given the circumstances that the Waikato people went

through with the confiscation of land, I interpret those words to mean that the people

will be restored by the power of resilience, adaption, recovery and re-emergence that

exists within the common people. As a descendant of Tainui, I intend to use this

analogy and interweave themes such as resilience, recovery, redemption,

restoration, and wellbeing into the theoretical framework of this thesis. Although the

mahoe, Hīnau and Patatē are common trees, like my ancestors before me, they are

strong resilient and adaptable. Each tree represents a chapter of the central

argument promulgated in this thesis and the prophecy allows me to contribute back

to my community in ways that promote recovery, restoration, re-emergence and

wellness.

Whānau Connection to Kingitanga

In trying to gain a sense of my own personal connection with Tāwhiao’s prophecy I

decided to go on a personal journey of re-discovery. Before commencing on this

journey, my understanding of the King Movement and the historical role my family

played in contributing to the King movement was non-existent. My uncle Patrick

Waratini kept stories from my grandfather and has researched archival

documentation around the King movement. I was fortunate to gain access to these

archives and peruse the documents and listen to the oral histories around the

archives.

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My great grandfathers’ name was Te Nahu Te Kuri, Waretini- Wetene. He was born

in 1840. As a young man growing up in the Waikato, he was well versed in Tainui

customs. His eyes saw the vast plantations that once stood at Te Kōpu Mania o

Kirikiriroa Hamilton in the 1800s Te Kōpū Mānia o Kirikiriroa was a huge mara kai or

vegetable garden that stemmed from the top of the hill in Hamilton, now known as

the Waikato Institute of Technology, right down to the Waikato river. This vegetable

garden produced crops that fed tribes throughout the Waikato, as well as providing

resources to trade with the settlers. His feet trod through the many ancient pā sites

along the Waikato including Kirikiriroa pā. What was significant about this pā is that it

could only be accessed by the river. To gain access into the pā one had to climb

vines to ascend to the top of the hill. The Miropiko pā site on River Road was also

significant as it was created specifically for war. Another pā my great grandfather

visited was Pūkete pā. This pā was well positioned as a look-out, to determine who

was using the river. It is significant for me in terms of realising that my great

grandfather saw these things when they were flourishing, while I currently describe

the pā sites, as ancient remnants of a once traditionally prosperous people, with

global economic and industrious aspirations.

1.3 Whānau connection to Waikato Invasion and Orākau Battle

The Waikato invasion of 1863-1864 changed the way that Waikato people practiced

their traditional ways of knowing and being. At 23 years of age, my great grandfather

fought against the British Empire and the New Zealand Colonial Settler Government

troops who invaded the Waikato region. After nearly a year of war, Te Nahu followed

Kingi Tāwhiao into the King Country, and exile. P Waratini (personal communication,

Jan 10 2011) contended that “whilst Te Nahu was in the King Country he ended up

alongside Rewi Maniapoto and Tuhoe fighting the British troops at Orākau pā, he

was lucky to escape with his life”. Te Nahu was said to be 80 years old when my

grandfather Te Kapa Waretini-Wetene was born. In his later years he became a

spiritual advisor to King Māhuta, King Te Rata and Princess Te Puea. Te Nahu, Te

Kuri Waretini-Wetene lived to the age of 100 years old, and can be seen as an

example of a man born into a collective life of wealth and abundance born from

collaborative interdependent alliances pre Te Tiriti o Waitangi, to dying the under

impoverished circumstances resulting from the confiscations of Māori land from the

Waikato invasion in 1863 post Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

20

1.4 Intergenerational Impacts on Whānau

My grandfather Te Kapa o Te Wharua Waretini-Wetene was born in the 1920s and

brought up by Princess Te Puea. He was born into an era where there were two

major issues that impacted the Waikato people. The first issue was a growing sense

of outrage over the confiscated lands in the Waikato. The Waikato people protested

the actions of the respective New Zealand Settler Governments regarding the land

confiscations and refused to participate in the First World War becoming

conscientious objectors. This resulted in numerous Waikato men being jailed. The

second issue came about in 1918. In 1918 an influenza epidemic struck lasting from

approximately October to December 1918. King (1987) contended that "many Māori

parents died leaving children orphaned, homeless, abandoned and destitute"(p.99).

Karena (2009) contended that "Te Puea visited all the settlements between

Mangatawhiri and the Waikato heads gathering up all the those orphaned as a result

of the influenza epidemic"(p. 11). King (1987) stated that "the children numbered just

over one hundred"(p.118). Princess Te Puea took the children under her wing and

they were looked after by both her and the other surviving adults. King (1987) also

contended that:

During the depression the young orphans were sent out to the farms of

the European settlers during the day to work for pennies milking cows and

cutting scrub bushes. The money that the children gained from farm work

was used to feed the community and among other things purchase

musical instruments and clothing. During the night they would practice on

their instruments. In 1921 Te Pou o Mangatawhiri was created in two

parts. One side of the group performed kapa haka while the other half

played as a band with an assortment of instruments (p.118).

In my Master's thesis, on the Māori Show Bands titled; Māori Show bands; an

intrepid journey, I refer to Te Pou o Mangatawhiri as the very first Māori Show Band.

In the early 1920s, the concert party travelled throughout the North Island doing

performances. What is important about the establishment of Te Pou O Mangatawhiri

is that they played a significant role in the rejuvenation of the Waikato people. Their

performances created part of the funding that enabled Princess Te Puea to buy the

land upon which Tūrangawaewae marae now resides. Apparently Princess Te Puea

had big plans and expectations for my grandfather and was grooming him in Tainui

customs. However there was also a mischievous side to Kapa. P Waratini (personal

21

communication, Jan 10 2011) contended that "Princess Te Puea named him Te

Kapa o te Wharua because when there was work to be done he was gone like the

wind." There were numerous occasions when the other children were sent into town

to look for him and drag him back to the marae where he would get a scolding. While

it upset him to be growled by Princess Te Puea, he knew that deep down inside, she

loved him like she loved all her children. In spite of his mischievous behaviour Kapa

still considered himself one of her favourites. Waratini (personal communication, Jan

10 2011) described an incident that happened at a poukai. "Princess Te Puea was

standing at the front of the cue at this particular poukai watching the people put their

money into a basket as they entered the door. Princess Te Puea noticed a kaumatua

that was quite drunk walk up to the basket. Upon reaching into his pocket the

kaumatua pulled out a handful of notes, silvers and pennies. Princess Te Puea

became angry at the sight of this kaumatua sifting through his notes and silver coins

to pick up a penny and put it in the basket. Princess Te Puea hit that basket with her

tokotoko walking stick spilling the money all over the place. She then proceeded to

grab him by the scruff of the neck and throw him out the door calling him cheap. My

grandfather found the penny and asked if he could keep it. A hole was drilled in the

penny and he wore it around his neck for most of his adult life. P Waratini (personal

communication, Jan 10 2011) also spoke of an incident that changed Kapa's life.

At 10 years of age Kapa was accused by a minister of setting fire to a house that the

ministers daughter was asleep in, the daughter was killed. The social welfare

removed Kapa from Turangawaewae marae, and put him in to a social welfare

home. Kapa never saw his father again and became a ward of the state. Coming

from an environment that mainly spoke Māori it was a shock for Kapa to continually

be on the receiving end of beatings for speaking Māori to the point that he stopped

using his native language. To this day many of his descendants do not speak the

Māori language or attend marae meetings due to religious reasons based on

Western paradigms. Kapa also swore till the day he died that he had nothing to do

with the fire, nor the killing of the minister’s daughter. He passed away from a heart

attack in 1989 while attending a hui at Tūrangawaewae marae.

22

Summary of Thesis

This first chapter is entitled Te Tongi a Tāwhiao – The Prophecy of Tāwhiao, gives a

historical account of the famous Tainui prophecy Māku anō e hanga tōku nei whare,

Ko te tāhūhū, he Hīnau. Ko ngā poupou he Māhoe he Patatē. This prophesy uttered

by the second Māori King Tawhiao gave hope to the Waikato tribes that became

intergenerationally impoverished, ravaged, destitute and displaced as a result of the

after effects of the Waikato invasion in 1863. The concept of rebuilding the whare

through promoting recovery, restoration, and re-emergence has been central to the

healing process of Waikato Tainui in contemporary times. This in turn enables me to

stand grounded in my whakapapa and history to build a strong foundation from

which to launch this Ph.D thesis.

The second chapter is a literature review on the topic of historical intergenerational

trauma. The literature will give an account of the history of colonisation, and how the

Doctrine of Discovery was used as a vehicle for acquiring the land of Indigenous

peoples globally. The literature will also provide a comparative analysis of Australia,

Canada, and New Zealand, as three countries subjected to assimilation policies that

were initially established in the House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines

in England. The next aspect examines literature identifying intergenerational impacts

for Indigenous peoples, and discusses two examples that are apparent in all three

countries.

The third chapter is Research Methodologies. This chapter will examine gaps noted

in chapter two to formulate four research questions. The third chapter will also lay

out the overall plan for the thesis that includes aims and objectives. The research

methodology chapter will carry three theoretical perspectives. The first research

methodology is Pūrākau theory based on the work of Dr. Jenny Lee, and the second

is Conflict critical theory based on the work of Karl Marx. The third methodology is an

Indigenous research methodology that guides the research practice of a Māori

researcher.

The fourth chapter will give an indication of how the prophesy of Tawhiao becomes

interwoven into the thesis commencing with the title Ko Te Hīnau. Chapter four will

23

cover the era of pre-colonisation to 1840. In this section Ngāpuhi connections and

whakapapa will become apparent. This chapter will then commence by

contextualising Te Tongi a Tawhiao emphasising underlying themes that stem from

this proverb, and then contextualising Ngāpuhi links. The second aspect will discuss

Mātauranga Māori. The third aspect will discuss mana and Māori concepts. The

fourth aspect will discuss Te Wakaminenga and economic success. The final aspect

will discuss He Wakaputanga and the mana that was established with it.

The fifth chapter titled Ko te Mahoe carries an underlying theme of resilience that will

give a macro systematic overview of intergenerational impacts post 1840. The first

aspect will contextualise the background to Te Tiriti o Waitangi. The second aspect

will investigate historical contexts leading to legislative violations, and its role in

subjugating Māori, to ramifications that stem from intergenerational trauma, and their

links to Māori deficit statistics. The third aspect will discuss Māori experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma. The final aspect will discuss links to Māori deficit

statistics.

In chapter six titled Ko te Patatē, it will carry an underlying theme of recovery that will

give a micro systematic overview of intergenerational impacts. It will give a personal

account to the impact of colonisation, and examine how those impacts contribute to

a journey of deficit behaviour leading to tragic consequences. The second aspect of

the personal account will highlight moving from trauma to recovery, redemption, and

then wellness.

The final chapter seven titled Māku Anō e Hanga Tōku Nei Whare: I Will Rebuild My

Own House carries an underlying theme based on re-emergence. This will give an

overview of all the chapters and discuss findings and analysis. The analysis will then

link back to the four proposed research questions. The next aspect will discuss a

variety of strategies employed by Māori over the last 170 years, and then offer

another strategy in the form of a Māori Counselling Framework that responds to

Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma. Chapter seven finally draws

together all the pillars that represent King Tawhiao's prophecy, and then discusses

how this research contributes to Māori knowledge of health and wellbeing. The final

aspect of chapter seven will conclude with a rationale as to why this research was

conducted.

24

Conclusion

In this chapter I have explained the prophecy of Tāwhiao which provides a

theoretical framework for this thesis. I also introduced the history of the Māori King

Movement which led to the utterance of this prophecy. The next aspect discussed

how this prophecy is applied to the thesis, its historical context and this links to

personal whakapapa. In doing this, the prophecy explains the historical contexts at a

macro-systemic level, as well as a micro-systemic level. This chapter also provides

us with a prophecy and model for introducing a transformative framework that

responds to Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma.

25

26

Chapter Two

A Literary Review of Historical Intergenerational Trauma

Overview

This chapter critically reviews the literature concerning historical intergenerational

trauma. It will draw attention to the historically competitive desires of European

cultures for land, resources and wealth belonging to Indigenous cultures in foreign

lands. It will review examples of prevalent discourses around ideologies of

superiority resulting in the need to subjugate other cultures from a mono-cultural and

theistic point of view. Moreover, it highlights colonial mechanisms employed to

dominate and oppress Indigenous cultures. The Papal Bull decrees 2were used to

incite genocide, ecocide, displacement and bio warfare for the sole purpose of

acquiring Indigenous land and resources. The key themes outlined in this chapter

will include: historical colonisation, assimilation, societal, institutional, personal

racism, oppression, and discrimination. This chapter will then review how these

legacies have contributed to coping strategies such as intergenerational addictions.

The literature reveals historical content that is central to formulating underlying

themes behind research into historical intergenerational trauma.

Introduction The first aspect of this literature review concentrates on introducing and defining

historical trauma. This chapter will establish and define this concept by focussing on

the work of Brave Heart (2003), Walters (2004), Estrada (2009), Simonelli &

Summer, (1995), as well as Duran & Walters (1998). There are also other authors

this thesis acknowledges such as Fannon (1963) and Memmi (1991) who laid the

foundations for reviewing and critiquing colonisation. This thesis also acknowledges

the significant work of Paulo Freire (1975) in formulating an understanding of the

pedagogy of oppression and its strategies that involve humanising and de-

humanising mechanisms. This thesis takes these notions into account while

formulating strategies relevant to this thesis.

2 Papal Bull decrees were letter formats of the Pope from the Vatican as explained by Churchill (1993) on page

30-31

27

The second aspect employed here is based on the work of Churchill (1993), Jackson

(2012), and Armitage (1995) who discusses a series of historical catalysts that

initiated historical intergenerational trauma on a global scale. Other aspects identify

legacies and policy making organisations and religious sects whose actions also

contributed to traumatic incidents that had a detrimental impact on Indigenous

peoples. The third aspect identifies examples of prejudicial policies. The fourth

aspect discusses influences on health and well-being. The final aspect will discuss

indicators for Māori counselling.

Historical Intergenerational Trauma (HIT)

What is historical intergenerational trauma? Historical intergenerational trauma is

known by several names in the research literature: survival guilt, stressful life events,

intergenerational grief and bereavement, post traumatic slave syndrome and cultural

trauma (Brave Heart & De Bruyn, 1998: Cook, Withy, & Tarallo-Jensen, 2003:

Danieli, 1998: Degruy Leary, 2005; Kellerman, 2001; Krieger, 2001) This thesis

contends it to be the application of discriminatory and detrimental practices, that

range from oppressive to genocidal, based on ideologies of superiority, for the

purpose of alienating another culture from their lands, wealth and resources across

generations.

Whilst this is one view, there are also a host of others. Walters (2012) states in a

video presentation that 'historical intergenerational trauma' can be defined as an

event or series of events perpetrated against a group of people and their

environment, namely people who share a specific group identity with genocidal or

ethnocidal intent to systematically eradicate them as a people or eradicate their way

of life. Brave Heart (1999a) defines historical trauma as... cumulative trauma over

both the life span and across generations that results from massive cataclysmic

events... (p.111). Brave Heart also contends that historical trauma (HIT) is

cumulative emotional and psychological wounding, over the lifespan and across

generations, emanating from massive group trauma experiences. The historical

trauma response (HTR) is the constellation of features in reaction to this trauma

(Brave Heart, 2003) argues that "while there seems to be a variety of definitions, the

underlying threads carry similar themes" (p. 7). Dr Brave Heart (2000) supports the

learning of historical intergenerational trauma by suggesting that understanding the

28

legacy of trauma is helpful for participants, and that the importance of sharing and

talking about the trauma allows sufferers to focus on a common identity.

Arbor (2006) suggests that it is helpful to introduce a theory of cultural trauma into

the study of collective memory and shed light on a socio-psychological dimension of

remembering. What can stem from a theory of cultural trauma is a theory of

collective memory that incorporates reiterated problem solving. The theory of cultural

trauma can give us new analytical leverage to study how commemorative practices

build on one another and how a traumatic event plays out in memory-identity

formation of a collective. Other theories include discovering new ways of explaining

the social, political and economic impacts of historical intergenerational trauma.

Karina Walters' (2012) discussion in a video presentation brings to the fore new data

that states 'epigenetic research' has discovered that at a cellular level, stress from

one generation can be carried to the next generation. Bruce Lipton (2009) a cellular

biologist in stem cell research supports the conclusions/perspectives of Walters by

stating that he began stem cell research in 1967 in which he noted:

In one of my experiments I put stem cells in three petri dishes. I then

changed the growth medium, the constituents of the environment in each

dish… In one dish it formed bone, in the next it formed muscle and in the

final dish it formed fat cells… All of a sudden I’m like oh my gosh, I

realised that here I am teaching at University that genes control the

environment, while the cells are telling me that genes respond to the

environment… (Dr Bruce Lipton, 2009 as cited in Stewart, 2009).

In gaining a sense of cultural trauma and how it relates to memory-identity formation

of a collective is quite significant. Links between these previous concepts and

discovering new ways of explaining the social, political and economic impacts also

seems to have a lot of merit. These theories and concepts also seem to run in

contrast to Western research that paints a disparaging picture of Māori cultural

tendencies towards violence. In 2006 Rod Lea and Geoffrey Chambers said high

criminality among Māori was due to monoamine oxidase, or the "warrior" gene.

Therefore this suggested that due to genes, Māori had a high propensity for

violence. While this theory suggests that genes control our environment, Bruce

Lipton's experiments conclude that at a cellular level genes respond to the

29

environment. Overall, despite the fact that Rod Lea and Geoffrey Chamber’s

research was hugely discredited, for not meeting outcomes, and for a lack of rigour

in their findings, it still had a detrimental impact on how Māori culture was perceived

in New Zealand, as well as globally as the findings emanated from so called

reputable Western scholars.

Although research from Western scholars such as Rod Lea and Geoffrey Chambers

seem to legitimise deficit perceptions of Māori on many levels, other theorists (Smith

1999; Pihama, 2001, Friere, 1975; Moeke-Pickering, 2010; Fanon, 1963; Memmi,

1991; Jackson, 1988; Jackson, 2012; Brave Heart, 1999; Walters, 2012; Churchill,

1993, Church Council, 2012) give alternate views as to why Māori and Indigenous

cultures around the globe under-achieve at one level, to becoming impoverished

across generations at another level in today's Western capitalistic global

environment.

2.1 Historical Catalyst for Historical Intergenerational Trauma

Another theory considers the wider historical implications contributing to historical

intergenerational trauma. Ward Churchill (1993) discusses the role of the European

Monarchies and the Catholic Church's contribution to the impacts of historical

intergenerational trauma of Māori and Indigenous peoples resulting from a document

known as the Doctrine of Discovery. Jackson (2012) stated in a video presentation at

the United Nations in New York that the Doctrine of Discovery was promoted as a

legal authority for claiming the land of Indigenous peoples. This process initiated

colonisation on a global scale based on stereotypical assumptions of both religious

zeal and self-righteous positioning that was to have devastating outcomes for

Indigenous cultures stemming from the 1300s, through to the 21st century. While

there were many Western countries participating in the practice of colonisation

based on the Doctrine of Discovery, such practices did not necessarily correspond

with international law. Churchill (1993) argues that:

History is replete with philosophical, theological and juridical arguments of

one people’s alleged entitlement to the homeland of others, only to be

rebuffed by the community of nations as lacking both moral force and

sound legal principle (p. 33).

Churchill (1993) further challenges dominant assumptions by stating that:

30

Recognition of the legal and moral rights by which a nation occupies its

land base is a fundamental issue of its existence. Typically such claims to

sovereign and propriety interest in national territories rest on its citizenry

being composed of direct descendants of peoples who have dwelt within

the geographical area claimed since time immemorial. But when the

dominating population is comprised either of immigrants (settlers') who

can offer no such assertion of aboriginal lineage to justify their presence

or ownership of property in the usual sense, the issue is vastly more

complicated. (p. 33).

Further investigation into how the Doctrine of Discovery was established brings to

the fore disparaging ideologies, and genocidal practices of western countries who to

this day, have never been held accountable for what Jackson (2012) argues, are

crimes against humanity. From the 14th century in an era that was termed the age of

discovery, other European countries were eager to experience similar exploits as

Christopher Columbus. The European powers sent ambassadors out into the new

world where they began encountering Indigenous cultures. These ambassadors’ also

encountered emissaries from other European powers, and each were competing for

trade with the Indigenous cultures. Churchill (1993) stated that "European powers

realized that a formal code of judicial standards to legitimate what they required, lent

to a patina of civilized legality to the actions of the European Crowns" (p. 34).

The purpose of developing judicial standards was to resolve disputes between

European Crown entities, as each jockeyed for position in disputes over gaining

wealth through ownership of Indigenous land in the "New Worlds". Churchill (1993)

maintained that:

In order for any such regulatory code to be considered effectively binding

by all Old World parties, it was vital that it be sanctioned by the Catholic

Church”. A series of Papal Bulls begun by Pope Innocent IV during the

late 13th century was used to define the proper [lawful] relationship

between Christians and 'Infidels' in worldly matters such as property rights

(p. 35).

Papal Bulls can be defined as official decrees of the pope, and was the exclusive

letter format of the Vatican from the fourteenth century. Churchill (1993) affirmed that

31

efforts of legal scholars such as Franciscus de Victoria and Matias de Pas, that the

Spanish articulation of the Discovery Doctrine, endorsed by the Pope, rapidly

evolved to hold the following as primary tenets of international law (p. 35).

1. Outright ownership of land accrued to the crown represented by a given

Christian ( European) discoverer only when the land discovered proved to

be uninhabited (Papal Bull territorium res nullius )

2. Title to inhabited lands discovered by Crown representatives was

recognized as belonging inherently to the Indigenous people encountered,

but rights to acquire land from, and to trade with the natives of the region

accrued exclusively to the discovering Crown (Papal Bull vis-à-vis)

3. In exchange for this right the discovering power committed itself to

proselytizing the Christian Gospel among the Natives.

4. Acquisition of land title from Indigenous peoples could only occur with

their consent by an agreement usually involving purchase rather than

through force of arms.

At face value the Doctrine of Discovery appeared to have merit however, in

application, the Doctrine of Discovery initiated a mandate followed by all European

Crowns. The World Church Council (2012) stated that Papal Bull Decrees such as

Romanus Pontifex 1455 called for non-Christian peoples to be invaded, captured,

vanquished, subdued, and reduced to perpetual slavery and to have their

possessions and property seized by Christian monarchs (p. 1). The World Church

Council (2012) also stated that, Christopher Columbus was instructed, to discover

and conquer, subdue and acquire distant lands. World Church Council (2012)

conveyed that; "in 1493 Pope Alexander VI called for non-Christian "barbarous

nations" to be subjugated and proselytized for the "propagation of the Christian

empire" (p. 1). Another significant factor behind Christopher Columbus is the role he

played in enslaving and annihilating an entire race of people known as the Taino

from the Caribbean. After exterminating them he went on to establish the slave trade

in Africa, contributing to the displacement, murder, abuse and trauma of the African

American peoples. The World Church Council (2012) also declared that;

The Doctrine mandated Christian European countries to attack, enslave

and kill the Indigenous Peoples they encountered to acquire all of their

assets. The Doctrine remains the law in various ways in almost all settler /

32

colonial societies around the world today. The enormity of this law and the

theft of the rights and assets of Indigenous Peoples have led Indigenous

activists to work to educate the world about this situation and to galvanize

opposition to the Doctrine.

In the aftermath of the Doctrine of Discovery it is well documented that 100's of

millions of Indigenous peoples lost their lives, were enslaved, had their land invaded,

were dislocated from their tribal settings, were stripped of their identity, assimilated

into a foreign culture and to this day are continually discriminated and oppressed in

one form or another, in the land of their forefathers. What is significant about the

Doctrine of Discovery is that it was a form of presumed legality that only existed

between the foreign powers themselves. It was never discussed with the Indigenous

peoples, they were never part of the decision making process. The European

power’s dealings were amongst themselves, and their intentions were never

disclosed to the Indigenous cultures they were dealing with who in turn were never in

a position to make an informed decision as to what outcomes they wanted from any

relationship with Western European powers.

While the existence of the Doctrine of Discovery was hidden in history, and not

evident in the education system, or discussed to a limited degree in universities, its

legacy however, still plays out in a manner that affects other policies whose

prejudicial undertones still have an impact on Indigenous peoples all around the

world.

2.2 Prejudicial Policies

One legacy stemming from the Doctrine of Discovery comes from the policy making

practices of the House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines. The House of

Commons Select Committee on Aborigines was established in England in 1837.

Armitage (1995) conveyed that one of their roles was to impose European

civilization, Christianity, and assimilation upon the ‘Aborigines’. Armitage (1995) also

conveyed that

This required British administrators to determine who was, and who was

not, an aboriginal person. This was the first step towards administering

different policies and laws for settler societies and aboriginal societies

respectively. Initially the distinction was based on a racial difference

33

hierarchy according to colour. "The white race was at the top, and the

darkest race was at the bottom. The Australian Aboriginal was seen as

lower in hierarchy than were the lighter coloured Māori and the Northern

American Indian" (p. 194).

This hierarchy, according to skin colour practice seemed to be another mechanism in

the arsenal of dominant cultures, was utilised as a means in which to undermine the

Indigenous peoples it was subjugating by establishing a system that enables one

culture to dominate another, according to the colour of their skin. Statistics New

Zealand (2012) estimates that 6 per cent or 187,000 New Zealanders believed racial

discrimination was the reason for them being treated unfairly or unfavourably.

Armitage (1995) explains racial discrimination using three principle

phases characterized by three different meanings. The first phase is race

lineage and genealogical connections. The second phase talks of race as

a sub-species presenting connotations that infer some species of race are

of higher value than others. The third phase discusses “the role of race in

establishing social divisions used for the purpose of one race benefiting at

the expense of another ... (p. 221).

Figure 2.1 Definition of Aboriginality (Armitage, 1995, pp. 96-97).

34

The previous table highlights a timeline defining aboriginality stemming from the

1860's through to 1975. It clearly emphasises periods in time where policies were

implemented in the 1800's through to meeting resistance in varying degrees during

the 1970's.

Other roles the House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines participated in

included distributing assimilation policies to Australia, Canada and New Zealand.

Armitage (1995) states that:

In Australia these policies were introduced through the protection of

'Aborigines' statutes which were passed in the period between 1869 and

1909; in Canada they were introduced within the framework of the Indian

Act 1876, and its successors; and in New Zealand they were introduced in

legislation establishing the Native Department (1861) and the Native

Schools Act, 1867. Settlers, confident of their racial and cultural

superiority, introduced these paternalistic policies in the 'best interests' of

aboriginal peoples (189).

What this brings to the fore are explanations as to why Indigenous cultures in three

different countries had similar historical experiences with the colonising governments

that occupy their lands. Other Indigenous cultures discuss similar experiences.

Brave Heart, Chase, Elkins, Altschul, (2011), argues that; "over five hundred

federally recognized tribes in the United States and over four hundred in Latin

America have experienced pervasive and cataclysmic collective intergenerational

massive group trauma and compounding discrimination, racism and oppression" (p.

282).

35

Figure 2.2 Governmental Aboriginal Land Policy Armitage, 1995, pp. 200-201)

The table above highlights a timeline of governmental land policies across Australia,

Canada and New Zealand. It highlights various mechanisms used to infiltrate the

land using assimilation tactics, and deficit legislation based on a colonising construct.

In removing the historical veil over the colonising construct and the roles played by

the European Crowns and the Vatican/ missionaries in implementing deficit policies,

provides a sense of understanding and insight to both the thinking of the dominant

cultures, as well as the impacts Indigenous cultures were subjected to. Further data

from Armitage (1995), Churchill (1993), Walters (2012), Brave Heart (1998a)

discusses how these policies created a legacy of disparaging poverty stricken socio-

economic environments, and socio-psychological coping mechanisms that flowed

from one generation to the next, across the Indigenous world.

Influences on Health and Wellbeing

This next aspect of this chapter looks into the lives of Indigenous peoples, coming to

terms with some of the impacts that have befallen their culture. Brave Heart (1998)

conveys that; generations of untreated historical intergenerational trauma victims

36

may pass on this trauma to subsequent generations. This seems to support Black

Cloud (1990) who explained their traditional way of mourning. They mourn for one

year when one of their relations enters the spirit world. Their tradition is to wear black

while mourning their lost one. The tradition is not to be happy, not to sing and dance

and enjoy life's beauty during the time of mourning. The tradition is to suffer with the

remembering of their lost one, and to give away much of what they own and to cut

their hair short. Chief Sitting Bull was more than a relation. He represented an entire

people: their freedom, their way of life... Black Cloud explained further that they have

suffered remembering their great Chief given away much of what was theirs... And

tens of thousands of Lakota Sioux have worn their hair short for a hundred years,

and blackness has been around them for a hundred years... During this time the

heartbeat of their people has been weak, and their life style has deteriorated to a

devastating degree resulting in poverty, alcoholism, and suicide in the country of

their forefathers (Black cloud, 1990 as cited in Brave Heart, 1995). This emphasises

a descriptive picture that not only resonates with Indigenous people and their way of

life, it carries a picture of how trauma has trickled from generation to generation

lasting a hundred years manifesting in various shapes and forms supporting Karina

Walters notions regarding intergenerational stress.

Statistically speaking, cumulative intergenerational stress is believed to be the main

cause of these disorders acting through a psychobiological stress response

mechanism that influences neuroendocrine hyper activity, autonomic and metabolic

responses, and the immune system (Schnurr & Green, 2004; Sotero, 2006).

37

Figure 2.3 Historical Trauma Influences on Health & Health care (Estrada, 2009, p.336).

This list highlights aspects that identify examples of stress trickling inter-

generationally from one generation to the next. It will also give scope to some of the

problems undermining Indigenous peoples. The next part will reveal two detrimental

examples that have influenced Indigenous health and wellbeing and had damaging

effects on Indigenous peoples across the globe.

2.3 Alcoholism

The use of alcohol seems to be a mitigating factor in all Indigenous cultures. There

have also been similar impacts for Indigenous cultures that have resulted from its

use across generations. Oetting & Beauvais (1989) believes that trauma manifests

as alcohol abuse among First Nations youth. There is a higher proportion of alcohol

abuse amongst the Native population than the general U.S. population. Statistics

highlight that 96% of Indian males and 92% of Indian females experience alcoholism

by the time they have reached 12th grade. They contend that not only is the

frequency and intensity of drinking greater and negative consequences more

prevalent and severe; the age that one initially gets involved with alcohol is younger

for Indian youths.

38

Further statistics from Brave Heart, Chase, Elkins, & Altschul (2011) highlights that

death from alcohol related causes being five times more likely than for White

Americans, additionally, suicide rates are 50% higher than the national average (p.

283).

2.4 Māori Alcohol Statistics

Māori alcohol statistics seem to carry a similar vein to Indigenous deficit statistics

around the Indigenous world. Ebbet (2009) states that; "Māori were initially

introduced to alcohol in the early 1800s by European settlers, whalers and other

immigrants. Unlike most other nations, Māori did not have experience with any form

of alcohol before this time” (p.2). A survey in the New Zealand Herald (2007)

emphasised that a difference in drug and alcohol use, emphasises that Māori are

more likely than other ethnicities to use drugs or drink in a hazardous way." The

survey carried out face-to-face interviews with 12,992 New Zealanders on a range of

behaviours and conditions relating to mental health and is part of the World Mental

Health Survey Initiative. Key findings on alcohol use in the past 12 months and

ethnicity:

Māori (82 per cent) and others (80 per cent) are more likely to be drinkers

than Pacific Islanders (56 per cent).

Among those who consume alcohol, hazardous drinking occurs in 36 per cent

of Māori, 33 per cent of Pacific people and 23 per cent of others.

Among those who consume alcohol, alcohol disorder prevalence is 6 per cent

for Māori, 4 per cent for Pacific and 3 per cent for others.

Key findings on drug use in the past 12 months and ethnicity:

Drug use occurs in 20 per cent of Māori, 13 per cent of others and 9 per cent

of Pacific people.

Drug disorder is most common in Māori at 13 per cent of users, followed by

Pacific Islanders at 10 per cent and others on 9 per cent.

Pacific people are often protected from substance use by abstinence, but are

at greater risk than others if they do use drugs.

Treatment contact is low in those with a substance disorder: 4 per cent for

Pacific, 12 per cent for Māori , and 14 per cent for others,

39

What these statistics indicate, is that on a variety of levels, Māori alcohol and drug

usage per capita is far higher than that of any other ethnic group in Aotearoa New

Zealand.

2.5 Boarding Schools for Assimilation

The legacy of traumatic history, specifically regarding boarding school, has

negatively impacted in Canada as well as for first nations Lakota and other Native

families in the United States. The historical trauma response is complicated by socio-

economic conditions, racism and oppression. Risk factors for substance abuse,

violence, mental illness, and other family problems among Native people may be

exacerbated by historical trauma response (Brave Heart, 1999b; Robin, Chester &

Goldman 1996; Holm, 1994). Brave Heart (1999a) explains some effects that state:

I never bonded with any parental figures in my home. At seven years old I

could be gone for days at a time and no one would look for me... I've

never been in a boarding school. I wished I was [had] because all we've

talked about happened in my home. If it had happened by strangers, it

wouldn't have been so bad- the sexual abuse, the neglect. Then I could

blame it all on another race ... And yes, they (my parents) went to

boarding school. (p. 113).

The above quote highlights some of the ramifications stemming from assimilation

practices that include a disconnection and an alienation between family members

that are in contrast to their traditional cultural principles and values. Brave Heart and

Debruyn (1998) convey that:

I feel like I have been carrying a weight around that I've inherited. I have

this theory that grief is passed on genetically because it's there and I

never knew where it came from. I feel a sense of responsibility to undo the

pain of the past. I can't separate myself from the past, the history and the

trauma. It has been paralyzing to us as a group (pp. 56-78).

Steve Richards (2013) suggests that historical intergenerational trauma can carry

over from genetics that can also stem from ancestral experiences of trauma that can

be thousands of years old. Richards also believes that all of humanity are

holographic multi-dimensional beings who across eons of time can be trapped in

cycles of time and relive similar circumstances as those ancestors who first received

40

the trauma until it can be traced back in history to its original source and that

essence and energy is freed to be able to change cycles of time in the future.

2.6 Māori People and Child Welfare Policy

While Māori never had their children stripped from them and sent to boarding

schools like the Indigenous cultures of Australia and Canada and USA. Research

highlights that boarding schools were used as a vehicle to implement assimilation

policies to mitigate their cultural heritage, language and identity. In New Zealand

other practices were put in place that had similar effects. Armitage (1995) argues

that; "the 1837 House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines believed that

children offered the best means of ensuring that aboriginal peoples would be

prepared for the responsibilities of Christianity, civilization, and British citizenship" (p.

204). Legislation that had a similar affect for Māori in New Zealand stemmed from

legacies of child welfare policies. The initial piece of child welfare legislation in New

Zealand was called the Neglected and Criminal Children's Act 1876. This piece of

legislation was aimed at Māori youth and led to the establishment of industrial

schools. The Department of Education was initially made responsible for these

schools in 1880. Armitage (1995) stated that:

In 1910, the Department of Education was made responsible for the

supervision of orphanages, and in a further gradual extension of its role, it

developed a range of child welfare services which had some mandate to

interfere in family matters such as truancy officers, school nurses,

protection officers, and probation officers (p.161).

What is also significant to consider when investigating some of these historical social

welfare acts, is to also take into consideration the Native Schools Act 1867. Under

this piece of legislation only English was allowed to be spoken in schools, and was

stringently enforced through corporal punishment. In 1930 George Graham wrote to

the Auckland Star, objecting to the operation of the Child Welfare Act:

But it is in respect of the application of this law to Māori childhood that I

write. For here in particular operate officials who cannot speak Māori,

neither know little of nor care less for Māori mentality. They are hence

incompetent to allow for those factors; yet they undertake to gather Māori

children within their official nets, whence they are relegated to institutions

or boarded out to European foster parents whose motives cannot be

41

adjudged as mercenary (Graham, 1930 as cited in Armitage, 1995, p.

165).

Figure 2.4 Children in care and supervision (Armitage 1995, p.163)

Figure 2.4 above highlights the amount of Māori children in Social Welfare care from

1921 through to 1986. While I find some of the figures quite staggering, it does not

seem to indicate if any of these figures are shared among the same families

emphasising intergenerational factors. What also seems staggering about these

statistics is that per capita a significant number of Māori children are not with their

own families. This automatically highlights issues such as a disconnection from

cultural roots and whānau ties, a breakdown in a sharing of cultural knowledge,

heritage, protocols and language. Binney and Chaplin (1983), support this theory by

giving an account of the life of Putiputi Onekawa who was born in 1908 and who was

sent away to school at Turakina in 1921:

I started school quite old. And I can't talk English. All we got to do is cry,

because 'Don't talk Māori in school' We can't talk English- so all we do is

cry. Yes for a long while. I can't talk English no matter what. I try, but the

42

only thing I know is 'stomach.' Yes! I know that! Oh, yes, Sister Anne,

Sister Dorothy, Sister Jessie and Mr Laughton and Mr Currie. He's hard,

very hard. No bloody humbug! A cousin of mine- we are all sitting on the

floor, singing, and she was naughty. She did it on the floor. Because we

don't know how to go outside! All we do is go like that [putting her hand up

and point outside! And this girl she didn't like to say anything. She was

sitting on her slate. She had her slate over it. We were just going to sing

and I was going like that- pointing to her. Mr Currie gave me a good

hiding, supple jack, eh across my back. He was a murdering thing! And Mr

Laughton didn't like it. He knew, because I don't know how to say outside

(pp. 150-165).

What people like George Graham and Putiputi Onekawa emphasise are some of the

more dire consequences that have had detrimental impacts on Māori youth who

were initially subjected to the Child Welfare system and the Native Lands Act 1867.

While there are not indicators in the timetable charts to suggest intergenerational

implications, Waitangi Tribunal statistics highlight that in 1905, 95 per cent of Māori

spoke their native language. By 1981 only 5 per cent of Māori spoke their native

language. (Waitangi Tribunal, 1986).

2.7 Indicators for Māori Counselling

The emphasis from a Māori counselling perspective behind identifying impacts of

historical trauma stem from wanting to examine deficit statistics for Māori in New

Zealand society regarding health, education, intergenerational impoverishment, high

statistics regarding the amount of Māori who are entrenched over generations within

the courts system, the prison system, as well as deficit statistics ingrained in the

unemployment benefit system. Western dominant discourses are very quick to

highlight and expose Māori deficit statistics however, on the other hand seem to lack

an ability to provide a suitable rationale. The indicators that stem from Western

dominant discourses suggest it is the flaw of those stuck in such a predicament.

Another significant factor highlights a legacy from the Doctrine of Discovery that still

spills over into modern day North America. Chief Oren Lyons (2010) told a story in a

video presentation of how New York State wanting First Nations peoples to pay

taxes on their tribal land. The tribe took the state to court stating that they were the

original owners of the land and therefore under customary title did not have to pay

rates. While the First Nations won their day in court on appeal the Supreme Court,

43

over turned the decision due to Papal Bull Decree 1493 Terra Nullus. Under that

Papal Bull decree the pope of the time declared America empty land due to the First

Nations not being Christian. The pope went on to declare that as a result of First

Nations being non-Christians, they did not have right of title to land. The Supreme

Court took their position from the Doctrine of Discovery and upheld their decision

under the jurisprudence of the Doctrine of Discovery 2007.

The US Supreme Court's use of the Doctrine of Discovery as case law in modern

times as a means for overturning a High Court's decision seems incomprehensible. It

reveals that Western dominant discourses will continue to advantageously position

themselves to make assumptions that undermine Indigenous perspectives from a

perceived position of authority. The impact of the US Supreme Court's decision to

declare that First Nations peoples had their customary title and human rights

wavered under the jurisprudence of the Doctrine of Discovery due to being non-

Christian reveals huge indicators. This means the First Nations peoples of America

have been subjugated to inferior positions of being non-human. The inference

suggests that a non-human position is similar to a horse, possession or any other

chattel. This poses a question that assumes that paying tax is a fundamental human

right. The question posed is, "how can non human's be subjected to tax?".

Other indicators for Māori counselling practitioners suggest two points. The first point

identifies that historical intergenerational trauma has an international scope that

affects Indigenous peoples right across the world. What this emphasises, is that

international Indigenous issues need international Indigenous solutions. The United

Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples document is one tool that is

being utilised by Indigenous peoples across the globe that has begun addressing

legacies of the Doctrine of Discovery.

The second point recognises that gaining knowledge of underpinnings that have

contributed to Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma may support

Māori counsellors to be effective practitioners with their whānau / clientele due to

having an understanding of some of the historical complexities that underpin working

with Māori.

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Conclusion

In this chapter we reviewed the relevant literature that introduced and defined

historical intergenerational trauma. The second aspect discussed a series of

historical catalysts that initiated historical intergenerational trauma on a global scale.

It also identified legacies and policy making organizations and religious sects

responsible for these traumatic incidents that had devastating social, political and

economic impacts on Indigenous peoples. The third aspect discussed in this chapter

identified examples of prejudicial policies. The fourth aspect discussed influences on

health and wellbeing. The final aspect discussed indicators for Māori counselling.

This literature review highlights three points about historical intergenerational

trauma. The first point is that historical intergenerational trauma did not establish

itself out of ‘thin air’, but was established as a result of a genealogy and legacy that

impacts and invisibly interweaves itself across intergenerational timelines, creating

dire health issues for future generations. The next significant point highlights that

Indigenous peoples throughout the world never, in any way, shape or form

consented to relinquishing land and resources or be subjected to trauma.

What is also significant is that Western dominant discourses have been breaching

and breaking their own international laws and standards for centuries to suit neo

liberal capitalist agendas. For centuries Indigenous cultures have been seeking

redress through judicial systems whose practices under both national and

international law were constructed by the very organizations that imposed the

Doctrine of Discovery. As a result moves towards Indigenous liberation and social

justice strategies have been developed and applied in response to colonising

practices.

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46

Chapter Three Māhere Rautaki Rangāhau- Research Methodologies and Methods

Introduction

This chapter examines the methodology of this research explaining how the research

combines the pūrākau or story-telling techniques and other Indigenous theoretical

frameworks with Western critical theory. The chapter begins with a summary of the

literature review. The second aspect introduces the research questions with a

hypothesis from the literature. The third aspect examines the research plan including

the aims, objectives, theories (theoretical perspectives) and methods. The fourth

aspect focuses upon the research participants. The fifth aspect examines the data

gathering and collating process. The sixth aspect looks at changes and implications.

The seventh aspect provides an analysis of the data.

Literature Review Summary

The literature review introduced and defined historical intergenerational trauma. It

discussed a series of historical catalysts that implemented policies and practices that

globally resulted in historical intergenerational trauma across Indigenous cultures. It

identified legacies that stemmed from policy making organisations and religious

sects that had devastating social, political and economic impacts on Indigenous

peoples. The literature review also identified examples of prejudicial policies, and

their role in influencing disparaging health and wellbeing statistics. A significant

element stemming from the literature review identified that while literature on

historical intergenerational trauma is well documented amongst Native Americans,

Native Hawaiians, Native Australians, Native Canadians and other Indigenous

cultures across the globe, there is limited evidence in academia of Māori literature

describing Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma. Māori authors

such as Moana Jackson and Ranginui Walker tended to language the concept of

historical intergenerational trauma in a manner that differed from other Indigenous

academic authors. One of the reasons for confusion is due to multiple terminologies

that are used to describe this phenomenon. Walters, et al, (2011) argues that

Historical trauma is limited, in part because the expression itself has been

used interchangeably with other terms such as soul wound, collective

unresolved grief, collective trauma, intergenerational trauma, trans-

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generational trauma, intergenerational post-traumatic stress and

multigenerational trauma." (p. 182).

What Walters et al (2011) reveals is that although multiple terminologies differ across

Indigenous cultures globally, the outcomes stemming from those terminologies

across the Indigenous globe are similar. Further analysis led to pondering the

difference between Indigenous and Māori experiences of historical intergenerational

trauma. The literature review gave examples of historical intergenerational trauma

and its impacts as stressed by numerous Indigenous academic authors globally. It

also revealed gaps in Māori academic literature that refer specifically to Māori

experiences of historical intergenerational trauma

As a result, the first research question asks: “What are Māori experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma?” This gives emphasis to identify and explore

historical contexts pre-colonisation to ascertain what the environment was like in

Aotearoa/ New Zealand before the British came. The rationale for examining what

the Māori world was like prior to colonisation, and then to compare how the socio

political and economic was shaped across generations. This research question also

examines how Māori responded to the influx and impact of settlers residing in New

Zealand, as well as its implications.

The second research question asks: "What were the political, socio- economic

implications for Māori both pre and post signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi?". This

enables the research to examine a macro view that explores the political and socio

economic effects both pre and post Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

The third research question asks: "What significance does locating self in this

research have in terms of investigating Māori experiences of historical

intergenerational trauma?” This question gives a micro view that contextualises how

the implications of historical intergenerational trauma have a personal impact.

The fourth question asks: "What are Māori strategies that respond to this

phenomenon?” This question supports the development of a Māori counselling

framework that deconstructs the impact of historical intergenerational trauma to

critically analyse intergenerational layers in a Māori whānau or clientele's life for the

purpose of making sense of extenuating circumstances that impede their health and

48

wellbeing. It also develops strategies that put in parameters to stop residue of

trauma spilling over into the next generation.

Research Plan

The aim of this research is to examine and explore Māori experiences of historical

intergenerational trauma from three positions. The first position investigates Māori

autonomy and success pre Te Tiriti o Waitangi. The second position investigates

Māori autonomy post Te Tiriti o Waitangi examining a macro systemic viewpoint of

impacts that have intergenerational implications for Māori in contemporary New

Zealand. The third position gives a micro systematic view that contextualises

intergenerational impacts by presenting a personal account of historical

intergenerational trauma.

3.1 Objectives

The objective for researching historical intergenerational trauma will be done using

the pre-colonial approach, the post-colonial approach, and the locating self in

research approach. This will give a historical context that gives wider scope to the

broader implications for Māori pre-colonially. The post Te Tiriti o Waitangi approach

will give a general overview of the impacts and its effects on Māori. The locating self

in research approach will give a micro view that contextualises historical

intergenerational trauma at a personal level.

The pre-colonial approach will examine how Māori established their authority in New

Zealand pre-colonial. It will also examine international relationships with the British

Empire, and explore Māori international trade, as well as examine how the Māori

trading flag became internationally recognised. It will also examine how Māori

established their sovereignty becoming internationally recognised as an independent

nation making its own decisions. The post-colonial approach will also examine its

entrepreneurial success in building a strong Māori political as well as socio economic

base that thrived across New Zealand.

The post-colonial approach will give a general overview of Te Tiriti o Waitangi in

terms of assurances versus intentions. It will examine the New Zealand Settler

49

Governments quest for power and control highlighting some of the mechanisms

involved that include legislative violations and war. The post-colonial approach also

examines the impacts of these mechanisms on Māori in terms of Māori words, Māori

expressions, Māori transmissions and Māori experiences of historical

intergenerational trauma that are manifesting in health disparities and Māori deficit

statistics in contemporary New Zealand society.

The locating self in research approach examines how Māori experiences of historical

intergenerational trauma are contextualised at a personal level with a view to

understand both historical and future implications. The use of these three

approaches creates space to identify and define historical intergenerational trauma,

and then formulate a solution based approach for future generations.

The solution based approach leads to the fourth research question "What are Māori

counselling strategies that respond to this phenomenon?" examining Māori

counselling strategies that respond to this phenomenon will be implemented as an

approach in the final chapter in the form of a solution based idea whose underlying

themes stem from a Māori worldview.

Another central focus of this research plan follows qualitative research using an

epistemology approach. An epistemology approach refers to the use of ways of

knowing as a means for collecting data. Sheridan (2010) in a video presentation

describes epistemology as an interpretivism method that is explorative and contains

strategies like observations. While it can be debated that an epistemology approach

does not have strategies based on hypothesis like quantitative research does, the

critical analysis of interpreted observations is also a valid research method for

collecting data. Badewi (2013) in a video presentation describes interpretivism by

suggesting there is no one single reality, but multiple realities, so what interpretivism

does is advocate the need to understand different contexts, and characters. Further

consideration suggests that a descriptive approach to engaging with others and

describing what they have observed can be defined as qualitative research. Although

qualitative research is the dominant method for collecting data in this thesis, there is

also statistical data based on quantitative research that supports this thesis.

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Theoretical Perspectives

This part of the thesis focuses on three research methodologies. The first

methodology employed is Pūrākau theory from the work of Dr. Jenny Lee. The

second methodology is critical theory which is derived from the work of Karl Marx,

and the final methodology is Indigenous methodologies from the works of Dr. Linda

Tuhiwai Smith.

3.2 Pūrākau Theory

The ‘Pūrākau theory,’ as a methodology is employed in this research because of its

ability to layer stories one upon the other. Pūrākau is used in a variety of ways, and

is a fundamental methodology for distributing knowledge, values, protocols and

worldviews. Lee (2005, p.7) states that "it is one form of Māori narratives that

originates from our oral literature traditions. Other narrative forms include moteatea

(traditional song), whakapapa (genealogy) whaikōrero (speech making) and

whakatauki (proverbs) each with their own categories, style, complex patterns and

characteristics" (p.7). Pūrākau has been used traditionally as a means to connect

back to tupuna (ancestors) in a manner that gave scope to the way in which they

saw the world. Lee (2005) contends that "the reclamation of Pūrākau as a valid

research method is part of a wider movement by Indigenous people to advance

decolonizing methodologies (As cited in Smith, 1999, p.2), "in which cultural

regeneration forms a cultural part of our education goals". Lee (2005) also discusses

the importance of Pūrākau being emphasised in Māori language.

It is not coincidental that the word Pūrākau literally refers to the roots or

base (Pū) of the tree (rākau), rather it is significant that 'story telling'

derives its meaning in Māori language from words that relate to the tree

and bush, since the imagery of tree often reflect our cultural

understandings of social relationships, our interconnectedness with each

other and the natural environment (p.7).

A major factor for using a Pūrākau approach as a methodology is that its very nature

is founded in Māori epistemologies that layers and interconnects stories in a way that

differs significantly to Western epistemologies. Pūrākau interconnects

intergenerationally in a manner that suggests a time-line interweaving Pūrākau

stories of tupuna throughout the continual history of its descendants flowing on into

the future. While recognising that each his/story or her/story is inter dependant,

51

Pūrākau also recognises that all stories are part of the greater historical timeline.

What this suggests is that there are no black or white responses that categorise or

limit auto biographical testimonial oral history, thus limiting its capacity as an

effective methodological tool in research due to its ability to draw from a multitude of

mediums.

The way I intend to use the Pūrākau approach is by journeying into the historical

past back to 1840, and use Pūrākau as a methodology for unravelling historical

contexts to make sense of contemporary issues. Xinnan (2003) contends that “when

you walk into your memories, you are opening a door to your past (p.8). The road

within has many branches and the route is different every time“. Pihama (2001)

supports Xinnan by describing re-presentation as more than a mere process of

reproduction, the researchers’ ideologies, knowledge, subjectivities and politics are

apparent. In effect, the researcher adds another branch to the rākau, a 'branch' that

has space to be unique. Lee (2005) asserts that "while the topics or issues

embedded in Pūrākau stories are often explicitly pedagogical, implicit too is the

ability to listen, interpret and make sense of the stories and more subtle

messages"(p.13). The pedagogy of Pūrākau is not restricted to the knowledge

presented in the stories, but also concerned with the dissemination of the knowledge

itself. The rationale for using the Pūrākau approach as a methodology has enabled

the researcher to examine the link between historical legislative violations stemming

from Te Tiriti o Waitangi 1840 and Māori deficit statistics in 2013. Finally Lee (2005)

suggests that; "a Pūrākau approach can challenge dominant discourses that

continue to de-center our experiences, cultural notions and aspirations in ways that

resonate and connect to our people"(p.13).

3.3 Conflict / Critical Theory

Having discussed the Pūrākau methodology the focus now turns to Marx’s theory of

capitalism. This section introduces critical theory, and discusses how it is applied to

issues such as stratification, class, power and control. The utilisation of critical theory

will investigate issues that stem from stratification and class such as poverty,

deviance, and crime. This section proposes utilising critical theory to address issues

in Māori culture that highlight inequalities that stem from historical contexts, through

to current contexts that include; deficit statistics in health, education, housing,

52

economics, and social welfare and a variety of other deficit statistics. The rationale

for using a Western research methodology such as critical theory may also shed light

on why Māori have disproportionally high statistics in areas such as crime, the court

system, the prison system, suicide, addictions, and other deficit features.

The use of critical theory to deconstruct Western ideologies from a Western

perspective highlights that even from a Western perspective there are major issues

with the current societal economic infrastructure that is pervasive in New Zealand.

The use of critical theory as a methodology in the research involves defining

inequalities between different groupings of people (Giddens, 2002; Abercrombie, Hill

& Turner, 2000), Giddens (2002) conveys that; "while class can be defined as; "a

large scale grouping of people who share common economic resources, which

strongly influences the type of lifestyle they are able to lead" (p. 282). The rationale

for using critical theory is to enable the research to analyse historical contexts

through lenses that critique Western societal infrastructures.

3.4 Poverty Welfare and Social Exclusion

This section of critical theory investigates poverty and some of the implications that

result from this phenomenon. What is poverty? Giddens describes two approaches

to poverty; absolute poverty and relative poverty. Giddens (2002) contends that:

The concept of absolute poverty is grounded in the idea of subsistence-

the basic conditions that must be met in order to sustain a physically

healthy experience. The concept of relative poverty is termed in relation to

the overall living standard that prevails in a particular society (p.31).

Rashbrooke defines poverty in New Zealand from an absolute position grounded in

inequality based on income. Rashbrooke (2013) argues that "not only does income

determine people's ability to afford the basics of life; its absence also limits their

access to opportunities, experiences, security and participation in society" (p.3).

Dalziel describes how inequality is entrenched in all five pillars of New Zealand's

welfare state - employment, income, housing, health and education. Dalziel (2013,)

argues that this creates a self-reinforcing cycle of disadvantage:

Without good employment, it is difficult to earn a good income; without

good income it is difficult to obtain good housing; without good housing it

is difficult to maintain good health; without good health, it is difficult to

53

achieve a good education; without a good education, it is difficult to gain

good employment. Nevertheless, the fundamental point remains: a key

component in any successful multi-pronged approach to reducing

inequality in New Zealand will be to ensure that the countries education

system is well equipped to boost skills for all its diverse learners (p. 188).

Kelsey-Jones described an incident in 1998 where the then Minister for International

Trade Lockwood Smith told the Orewa Rotary Club that when he goes over seas,

everyone knows about the All Blacks, sheep, the Anchor brand, and the success of

New Zealand's economic reforms. An enormous effort goes into selling the New

Zealand model off shore. Kelsey-Jones (1999) highlights the discrepancies that are

contrary to the sales pitch:

The sales pitch is selective in its evidence, sometimes disingenuous, and

always carries a favourable spin. It almost never mentions the downside-

the huge increase in inequality and poverty, a deteriorating social service

infrastructure that is in near collapse in places, a real economy battered

by government policies, and Māori struggling to survive ( p. 92).

Smith (2013) argues that we live in a time of refusals:

A time in which public and political discourse around inequality, poverty

and race is shaped by a refusal to see, to acknowledge, and to act. A

refusal to see poverty, racism, discrimination and marginalisation, a

refusal to acknowledge a problem of widening disparities, a refusal to act

systematically in addressing systemic problems (p.288).

The use of critical theory and pūrākau theory in this research is an essential

component for critically analysing, and contextualising legislative policies and

practices that both historically and currently impede Māori health, wellbeing and

development. Rashbrooke has both critical theory and pūrākau theory examples in

one of his statements describing a shocking statistic for New Zealand highlighting

the disproportionate number of Māori and Pacific people living below the poverty

line. He further describes that while Pākehā make up the majority, only one in ten

Pākehā households are in poverty. In contrast one in five Māori and Pacific Island

households live in poverty. Rashbrooke (2013) further contextualises those statistics

by stating;

Central to this story is the appropriation and alienation of almost 95% of

Māori land from the nineteenth century well into the twentieth century. The

Treaty settlements process has provided an important form of redress,

54

acknowledging that the NZ Crown's acquisition of land was often flawed

'to a lesser degree', and the 'excessive land loss had a harmful effect on

Māori social and economic development in general. Settlements to date

have produced compensation of about 1.48 billion-an amount that has to

be considered against the impact of the almost total loss of an economic

base over more than a century (p.4).

In a sense Rashbrooke has taken a critical view of a disproportionate number of

Māori and Pacific people living below the poverty line in 2013 and then given that

critical view a historical context dating back to the impacts that stem from the

legislative violations. Smith (2013, p.228) argues that;

New Zealand has no excuse for the systematic inequalities that have

become entrenched and given moral legitimacy over the last twenty five

years. It makes no sense. If inequality is not addressed and instead

becomes more stubbornly inter-generational, marked by race, region and

the realities of poverty, then we as a nation have failed ourselves.

It is from this position that both critical theory and pūrākau theory will be utilized

throughout this thesis to critically analyse and then contextualise Māori deficit

statistics.

3.5 Indigenous Research Methodologies

Indigenous research approaches became my final methodology because it gives

ethical guidance to how a Māori researcher approached communities, how they gain

permission to use the data gathered as well as take into consideration what needs to

be done with the data in terms of returning the essence and mana (integrity) of the

data in print form to the people from whence the data came from. In essence

Indigenous research methodology is specific to how a Māori researcher conducts

research with Māori communities.

The quest for the decolonization of research, primarily amongst a growing generation

of Indigenous researchers, has led to implementation of protection and safety

strategies that support culturally safe practice and the integration of Indigenous

protocols as a primary focus, especially in terms of, critiques of previous research,

conducted by outside researchers (Smith 1999; Rigney 1999), Martin (2003)

maintains that Indigenous research should be a space to decolonise Western

research methodologies and the place to harmonise and articulate the Indigenist

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research perspective. (Denzin, 2008; Lincoln & Smith, 2008). A main focal point of

Indigenous methodologies, bases an expectation on the researcher, that they must

resist trivialising, and minimising the impacts of colonization experienced by

Indigenous peoples. Also central to Indigenous methodologies is an encouragement

that the researcher utilising Indigenous methodologies becomes an agent for social

change. An aspect of social change becomes mindful of the ways in which both the

process and outcomes of the research advances self-determination goals as

opposed to creating marginality (Denzin et al, 2008). Indigenous methodologies

gives an understanding to the researcher that empowering solutions can come from

deconstructing historical contexts that have disparaging impacts and deficit statistics

by developing strategies that respond to those particular disparaging impacts and

deficit statistics. Kovach (2005) explains that:

Due to the over-representation of Indigenous peoples in statistics related

to poverty, incarceration and child welfare interventions, researchers have

a responsibility to take back control of the research so that it becomes an

effective and practical tool for meeting the larger needs of the

communities as well as the larger struggle of self-determination (pp.32-

33). .

Rigney (1999) also has ideas central to Indigenous methodology thinking that states:

"Indigenous people’s interests, knowledge and experiences must be at the centre of

research methodologies and construction of knowledge about Indigenous

peoples"(p.119). Linda Smith (1999) also supports Rigney's ideas by calling attention

to the decolonization methodology in terms of "centering our concepts and

worldviews and then coming to know and understand theory and research from our

own perspectives and for our own purposes" (p. 39). Furthermore, Smith (1999) also

emphasises that an Indigenous methodology must involve aspects of healing and

mobilisation of peoples in that way the research becomes a goal towards a wellness

agenda as the following notes:

Indigenous methodologies tend to approach cultural protocols, values and

behaviours as an integral part of the methodology. They are 'factors' to be

built in to research explicitly, to be thought about reflexively, to be

declared openly as part of the research design, to be discussed as part of

the final results of a study and to be disseminated back to the people in

culturally appropriate ways and in a language that can be understood (p.

15).

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Martin (2003) conveys that “Indigenous peoples to have the ability to take control of

their lives and protect themselves, their lands, their past, their present and

particularly their future" (p. 17). Bishop contends that the cultural context positions

the 'participants’ stories, their cultural metaphors and images and language texts that

validate their cultural authority and truth (Bishop, 1988 as cited in Moeke-Pickering,

2010, p. 86).

Cultural values, beliefs and practices are at the core of Indigenous methodologies,

and are therefore pinnacle to Indigenous contexts. Indigenous authors discuss the

importance of Native cultural protocols. The histories, stories and language of

Indigenous peoples being researched are of upmost importance and as a result,

there is an expectation that the researcher gets involved and participates at all these

levels. Milne (2005) contends that "notions such as “whakawhānaungatanga” and

“kanohi ki te kanohi” are essential for establishing relationships and creating a

rapport with Indigenous peoples who are being researched" (p.11). It is an important

strategy in terms of the decolonizing process to emphasise and incorporate

traditionally indigenous concepts and principles into research. Linda Smith (1999)

and Fiona Cram (2004) developed Indigenous ethics to support researchers who are

considering doing work with Indigenous peoples. Smith (1999) identifies consultation

and ethics for Māori as incorporating the following key principles.

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Aroha ki te tangata Respect for peoples

Kanohi kitea The viewed face; face to face presentation

Titiro, whakarongo, korero Look, listen, speak

Manaaki ki te tangata

Kia tupato

Kaua e takahia te mana o te

tangata

Kaua e mahaki

Share and host people be

generous

Be cautious

Do not trample on the mana

of people

Don’t flaunt your knowledge.

Figure 3.1 Māori Ethical Framework (Smith, 1999, p.120).

Smith (1999) conveys that Indigenous peoples have their own codes of ethics, and

that it is the researcher’s responsibility to find out what those protocols and codes of

ethics are. ‘Native’ ethics and seeking permission to conduct research with Native

peoples is considered important and respectful (Smith, 1999 as cited in Moeke-

Pickering, 2010, p. 88). Paul and Marfo (2001) suggested that: "researchers should

be sensitive to both the poetics and the politics of knowledge"(p. 544).

In contemporary times Indigenous methodologies is imperative for guidance around

codes of ethics that stipulate how a Māori researcher conducts themselves, when

researching Māori communities. Central to that guidance is the role of the Māori or

Native ethics committee.

The role of an Indigenous ‘Native’ Ethics Committee is to review research proposals

to ensure that the researcher is respectful of the ‘Native’ customs protocols and

culture of those being researched, as well as ensuring that the research benefits the

Indigenous community being researched. Smith (1999) argues that;

Previously collecting information about Indigenous peoples may from a

western perspective be seen as a contribution to a body of knowledge.

However, when it is looked at from an Indigenous perspective it can be

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seen to be a form of 'stealing', because the stolen knowledge has been

used to benefit the people who stole it (p .56).

Underlying themes behind Indigenous methodology stipulates that central to

collecting and collating knowledge from Māori communities is the manner in which

the data collecting process is gathered and collated, transparency is a significant

factor in terms of how the information is to be utilised, the cultural protocols followed

as well as determine how the benefits that stem from the research flow back to the

community from whom the data was gathered.

Research approval from Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi Ethics Committee was

given for this doctoral thesis research in June of 2011. The level of ethical risk was

considered low risk by the committee due to using transcripts as a case study

instead of human participants. This research has been conducted according to the

ethical guidelines of the Te Whare Wānanga o Awanuiārangi Ethics Committee while

also taking into account Indigenous research methodologies with regard to building a

rapport with Ngāpuhi nui tonu for the purpose of collecting data from the Waitangi

Tribunal hearings, and then reciprocating that rapport by returning to Ngāpuhi to

present the findings from this research and to deliver a copy of this thesis for their

records.

A summary of all three theoretical perspectives emphasises that critical theory gives

a critical analysis of the research, while Pūrākau theory peels back layers of

narratives for the purpose of contextualising historical aspects. The final theoretical

perspective based on Indigenous research methodologies is essential for guiding the

manner in which the research Māori and Indigenous peoples is conducted.

Participants

The main participants in this research are members of Ngāpuhi nui tonu iwi who

delivered submissions to the Te Paparahi o te Raki Waitangi tribunal that were part

of five weeks of hearings that commenced in May 2010 and was completed in

February of 2011. There seemed to be a mixed reaction to presenting submissions

before the Waitangi tribunal and Ranginui Walker in his book Ka Whawhai Tonu

Matou: Struggle Without End expands more on that mixed reaction.

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Walker (1990) conveyed that;

The functions of the tribunal are to hear Māori grievances, inquire into

claims under the Treaty and to make recommendations to Parliament for

their settlement. The Tribunal was also expected to report on the effect of

new legislation referred to it by Parliament on the Treaty. The (then)

Minister of Māori Affairs, Matiu Rata, who steered the legislation through

the House hoped to make the Tribunal retrospective to 1900, but was

unable to do so. The Tribunal was limited by Section 6(c) of the Treaty of

Waitangi Act 1975 to hearing claims after the Act came into force.

Furthermore, the power to settle grievances remained with Parliament

(p.212).

While policies have now changed to allow claims to be heard before the act came

into force, ultimately coloniser descendants, have the power to validate or undermine

Waitangi claims, and therefore leaves Māori to question the extent of the Waitangi

Tribunals authority. Ngāpuhi stated in the media that they never ceded sovereignty

to the NZ Crown, and that the NZ Crown's version of New Zealand history runs in

contrast to Ngāpuhi nui tonu's version of history. This was the first time I'd read of an

iwi challenging the New Zealand government in this manner before, and became

curious as to how Ngāpuhi came to that conclusion. Previous to writing the Ph.D

thesis my knowledge of Te Tiriti o Waitangi and the history of New Zealand was

limited to a level of understanding that came from a Western viewpoint, and my

knowledge of New Zealand history was limited to learning a limited version in school.

What became significant about Ngāpuhi nui tonu history of pre-colonization is that

they had more interaction with foreigners both in New Zealand and overseas than

was recorded in schools. As a result they became trend setters for other hapū and

iwi beyond their time. A series of other factors arose that suggested that Ngāpuhi nui

tonu are significant because their tupuna pre colonisation created a collaborative

interdependent body called Te Wakaminenga that established international trade

that began to thrive and flourish across New Zealand. The Te Wakaminenga

collective were made up of Ngāpuhi nui tonu, Waikato, Hauraki, the East coast,

Ngāti Tuwharetoa and Ngāi Tāhu.

Te Wakaminenga were the first to establish relations with the British Monarchy, they

were the first to bring Pākehā lawlessness before both the Governor of New South

60

Wales and to King William in 1831. Te Wakaminenga were instrumental in gaining

an internationally recognised flag that enabled Māori to sail through international

waters and openly trade with foreign countries. Te Wakaminenga were also

instrumental in drafting the Te Wakaminenga Declaration of Independence 1835 that

proclaimed Nu Tireni New Zealand to be an independent sovereign state under the

authority of Rangatira and independent and inter-dependent hapū. Te Wakaminenga

was instrumental in engaging with the British Empire regarding the giving of

jurisdiction so that the British Empire could restrain Lawless Pākehā in New Zealand.

An opportunity to hear submissions delivered to the Waitangi Tribunal in a public

forum for the Te Paparahi o te Raki #1040 Wai claim, of which five weeks of

evidence were transcribed. This meant that this research is not entirely based on

interviews, but a case study of written evidence submitted and delivered to the

Waitangi Tribunal by direct descendants of the Rangatira who were signatories to He

Wakaputanga and Te Tiriti o Waitangi 1840.

Ngāpuhi were chosen as participants because they offered a case study opportunity

to investigate the rationale behind why they claimed to have not ceded sovereignty

with such authority. This opportunity also sparked an interest into examining the

position from which Ngāpuhi based their authority.

Data Collection

The data collection process includes (1) film (2) written transcript (3) Waitangi

Tribunal transcripts (4) literature data informing the research into Indigenous

experiences of historical intergenerational trauma (5) Literature data informing Māori

experiences of historical intergenerational trauma (6) The independent report

Ngāpuhi speaks (7) The examination and redevelopment of Māori counselling

models for the purpose of responding to Māori experiences of historical

intergenerational trauma.

The first stage came as a result of being invited to sit a long side the Independent

report body sanctioned by Ngāpuhi to write an independent report on the Te

Paparahi o te Raki #1040 Wai claim. I gained permission from Ngāpuhi to film and

transcribe three days of the Waitangi Tribunal hearings from the 21st to 23rd

February 2011. The second stage involved getting copies of all five weeks of

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Waitangi Tribunal Transcripts to analyse. The third stage involved examining

literature relevant to historical intergenerational trauma. The fourth stage involved

gaining a copy of the Independent report “Ngāpuhi Speaks” that became a guide to

navigate through all five weeks of transcripts. The fifth stage involved developing and

building on Māori counselling frameworks that respond to Māori experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma.

The filming of the Waitangi tribunal hearing was significant in that it entailed a lot of

historical content submitted before the Waitangi Tribunal. However on the third day

the camera went flat during a significant part of the hearings and as a result missed

some vital submissions. I did not use the film in the end because of missing that

information. I decided to focus on the transcripts. What also became significant was

that this was the fifth and final week of the Waitangi Tribunal hearings. I realised that

four other weeks of hearings were not accounted for in my data collection process.

This meant that I needed to gain access to the other four weeks of data to be able to

gain a broader perspective of the information presented in the fifth and final week of

the hearings. I ended up not using the data I transcribed from the Tribunal hearings

either as there were gaps in the records due to errors from the transcriber. Getting a

hold of the Waitangi Tribunal transcripts was a better option.

The next stage involved contacting the Waitangi Tribunal requesting copies of all five

weeks of the Te Paparahi o te Raki #1040 Wai claim hearings transcripts. They were

promptly sent to me via cd format. The transcripts were extensive and left me with

the issue of what was relevant for the Ph.D thesis and what was not relevant. The

third stage involved combining data bases searching for articles on the topic of

historical intergenerational trauma. The literature on historical intergenerational

trauma in the data bases seemed to focus significantly on First Nations of North

America, the First Nations of Canada and Alaska. The data bases also highlighted

Mexico and their experiences of intergenerational trauma, as well as Japan in the

aftermath of the Atom bombs dropped by America in the 1940s. The Jewish

communities were also prominent on the databases especially regarding the

holocaust suffered under the reign of Adolph Hitler in World War Two.

Other literature coming to the fore also became prominent features in chapter 5 of

the thesis. Further assistance came in a doctoral scholarship through a non-profit

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organisation called Te Atawhai o te Ao independent Māori Research Institute, who

were researching historical intergenerational trauma. This opened the door to

meeting other academic researchers whose literature is prominent in my thesis. The

first was Takirirangi Smith who wrote literature on traditional Māori words relevant to

intergenerational trauma, and John Reid whose written literature influenced my

thinking processes around human ends theories and its links to intergenerational

trauma. Other poignant literature came from media sources examining Māori crime.

This became significant in terms of exploring contributing factors that underpin Māori

crime and other Māori deficit statistics.

A final piece of literature from Timoti Karetu examined mōteatea; specifically a

waiata tangi that articulates how Māori expressions and transmission of Māori

experiences of historical intergenerational trauma have manifested, and are

remembered by future generations,

The fourth stage included an opportunity to gain a copy of the completed

independent report Ngāpuhi Speaks. This became a significant milestone in the

evolution of writing the thesis. This book put historical contexts surrounding Te Tiriti

o Waitangi into a far more collated position than was previously employed. Before

the release of the independent report, the deconstruction of five weeks of Waitangi

Tribunal hearing transcripts felt quite daunting, especially when sifting through the

information whilst trying to formulate a template that drew together elements that

best described the perspective from which this thesis was positioning itself.

The fifth stage involved developing a Māori counselling framework as a strategy that

is solution focused, that responds to Māori experiences of historical intergenerational

trauma, that has at its foundation a Māori epistemological worldview, and is practical

for working with whānau clientele in a counselling context.

3.6 Data Collation

The data collected provides a broad overview of New Zealand history. At first it was

easy to get lost in the historical injustices between Pākehā and Māori. Initial drafts of

the thesis focused more on the Treaty of Waitangi injustices. Further examination of

the initial drafts highlighted that greater emphasis needed to be applied to the topic

of historical intergenerational trauma. A central element focused on a series of

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questions that created a template for shaping the thesis. The first question asked; ‘in

pre-colonial times, from where did Māori establish their authority and mana?’. The

second question asked; ‘how was this authority and mana applied?’. The third

question asked; ‘how did the relationship between Māori and the British Empire

establish itself?’. The fourth question asked; ‘what was the position of Māori moving

into engaging with the British via Te Tiriti o Waitangi 1840?’. The final question asks;

‘what were the implications and impacts of that relationship and how do legacies

stemming from that relationship manifest itself in contemporary New Zealand society

in the 21st century?’. From those series of questions the data collected, was collated

into a template that highlighted; pre-colonisation positions 1808-1840. The focus

then turned to Te Tiriti o Waitangi 1840 and finally highlighted the period between

1840-2013 with macro systematic and micro systematic implications.

3.7 Importance and Limitations

This study is important because Western academic professionals and politicians

make stereotypical assumptions of Māori health and wellbeing statistics. This

research gives those statistics a historical context. This study is also important

because it examines the psychological effects stemming from Māori experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma and its impacts on Māori in contemporary New

Zealand. An analysis examines the link between Māori deficit statistics, the Te Tiriti o

Waitangi, and policies that contribute to legislative violations, and the psychological

implications of historical intergenerational trauma and disparaging outcomes in a

variety of areas. This research is significant because a critical analysis of issues

brings to the fore, clarity to develop a response. Finally, this research is important

because it creates space for Māori to define a response to historical

intergenerational trauma, to decide the best approach to this phenomenon in terms

of redress, and then establishes an opportunity to put in place strategies that builds

towards guarding future generations of Māori.

The perceived limitations of this study include the following

1. This thesis acknowledges that colonisation is not the only factor contributing

to Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma. In pre-colonial

times there are many instances of war between rangatira and hapū right

across the country. My response to this acknowledgement is that colonisation

64

is the focus of this particular thesis. A large proportion of New Zealand history

is well documented, and contributing factors that link Māori deficit statistics to

colonisation via the legislative violations, historical intergenerational trauma

and disparities in health, education, employment, crime and imprisonment can

be proven beyond hypothesis. My positioning bases itself on Māori/

Indigenous liberation and cultural action for social change that aspires to be

resilient, resolute and solution focused in the face of colonial discourses. I

also believe it to be the prerogative of other Māori researchers wanting to

investigate Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma in pre-

colonial times.

2. This Ph.D thesis is the first in New Zealand to actively focus on Māori

experiences of historical intergenerational trauma, and therefore make a clear

distinction between Māori experiences and other Indigenous cultural

experiences of historical intergenerational trauma. Limited academic literature

on this topic from a Māori perspective is still another limitation for this

research.

3. This thesis acknowledges that while the pool of Māori / Indigenous academic

knowledge contributing to demystifying colonial assumptions of history

steadily grows, its current knowledge base is still at a disproportionately lower

level than research promoting and justifying capitalist economic ideologies of

the dominant discourse.

4. There may also be a limitation as a result of not being readily received by

Western academics, and government bodies whose ideologies, worldviews

and perspectives of New Zealand history sit in contrast to Māori versions of

history espoused in this thesis.

Proposed Analysis of Data

The initial analysis of the data in the fourth chapter seeks to give an overview of

Mātauranga Māori and mana as Māori concepts that are an integral part of Māori

identity. Further analysis of this data determines how Ngāpuhi nui tonu in particular

established their mana or power and authority via a timeline whose indicators begin

pre colonisation 1800s, through to Te Tiriti o Waitangi 1840. The rationale behind the

proposed analysis of data from this position in chapter four is to examine the social

political and economic environment pre colonisation as well as the national and

65

internationally recognised position Māori established prior to engaging in the Te Tiriti

o Waitangi.

The proposed analysis of chapter five gives an overview of the Māori relationship

with the British Crown and the New Zealand settler Government after Te Tiriti o

Waitangi was signed. The rationale behind the proposed analysis of chapter five

examines the impact of hidden agendas, settler quest for land, assets and

resources. The next part examines the mental physical, environmental, economic

and psychological impacts that have had a detrimental effect across generations.

The proposed analysis of chapter six contextualises the impact of hidden agendas,

settler quest for land, assets and resources, as well as examining the mental

physical, environmental, economic and psychological impacts that have had a

detrimental effect on Māori. The method for doing that is by offering a micro view that

gives a personal account of historical intergenerational trauma. The rationale for

proposing an analysis from this position calls attention to how legislative policies

personally impact on Māori, therefore give historical contexts to Māori deficit

statistics.

The proposed analysis of chapter seven will bring together a hypothesis based on

the findings. It will also link back to the research questions, and then discuss the

research findings and finally develop a research strategy. The rationale for proposing

an analysis of data from this position is to bring together a hypothesis based on an

interpretation of the data, as well as a discussion the findings. This chapter will

conclude with a strategy for responding to Māori experiences of historical

intergenerational trauma.

Conclusion

The chapter began with a summary of the literature review. The second aspect

introduced the research questions with a hypothesis derived from an analysis of the

literature. The third part examined the research plan including the aims and

objectives, theories and methods. The fourth section examined the participants. The

fifth aspect examined the data gathering and collating process. The sixth part

66

examined changes and implications. The final aspect proposed an analysis of the

data.

In summary, the research will review the research data, outline what theories were

utilised, review where the research methods came from, and summarise the

importance and limitations identified in the research. Finally, this summary will review

how this research may impact on further and/ or future work in the area of historical

intergenerational trauma.

Further research of the data found that prior to colonial settlement, Māori

independent and interdependent hapū were part of a successful economically

thriving and flourishing society that became internationally recognised as traders and

entrepreneurs conducting business around the globe as an independent state under

the authority of independent and interdependent hapū. Post Te Tiriti o Waitangi

research discovered in the data found that the climate changed due to the New

Zealand settler Governments assumptions over which version of Te Tiriti o Waitangi

was more prominent. Consequently, the NZ Crown implemented prejudicial

mechanisms and policies that had detrimental impacts for Māori across generations.

The research then explores how the researcher locates self in research by

contextualising how those prejudicial mechanisms and policies have had a personal

impact.

This research involved three theories. The first theory is Pūrākau theory by Dr. Jenny

Lee used as a tool for unpacking historical contexts to critically analyse the content

and then interpret meaning. The second theory is critical theory by Karl Marx to

address issues in Māori culture that highlight inequalities that stem from historical

contexts, through to current contexts that include; deficit statistics in health,

education, housing, economics, and social welfare and a variety of other deficit

statistics. The third theory is Indigenous methodologies by Dr. Linda Tuhiwai Smith

that sets standards for conducting research with Māori/ Indigenous communities.

A review of the methods include: (1) film archives (2) written transcripts of evidence

(3) Waitangi Tribunal transcripts of evidence (4) literature concerning the research

into Indigenous experiences of historical intergenerational trauma (5) literature data

informing Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma (6) The

independent report “Ngāpuhi Speaks” (7) The examination and re-development of

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Māori counselling models. The latter provided an essential part of gathering data on

the topic from a variety of resources to give the topic more depth and scope.

A review of the importance and limitations identified in the data allows the research

scope to determine how relevant this research is to Te Ao Māori as well as highlight

the limited resources still available on this topic.

While this research highlights a general overview of historical intergenerational

trauma, from a Māori perspective, it also promulgates both a macro and micro

systemic analysis. The importance of future research into Māori experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma in an array of areas specific to health, crime and

imprisonment, poverty, education mental health, and economic development are

other areas that are worth considering.

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69

Chapter Four

Ko te Hinau - The Hinau Pillar

This chapter will provide an overview of Mātauranga Māori and mana as Māori

concepts. Ngāpuhi nui tonu stated emphatically both in the public arena and in the

Te Paparahi o te Raki 1040 Wai claim delivered at the Waitangi Tribunal hearings of

2010 and 2011 that at no time in history did they ever cede their sovereignty their

authority, or their mana to the New Zealand Crown. Ngāpuhi have also stated that

concepts like Mātauranga Māori and mana are an integral part of Māori identity and

due to its inherent nature, can never be ceded or given away to another. This

chapter investigates Mātauranga Māori and mana to determine how these concepts

are defined, and to also determine how Māori and Ngāpuhi in particular

consummated their mana or power and authority pre colonisation and Te Tiriti o

Waitangi.

Introduction

This chapter will commence by contextualising ‘Te Tongi a Tawhiao’ emphasising

underlying themes that stem from this proverb, and then contextualising Ngāpuhi

links. The second aspect will discuss Mātauranga Māori. The third aspect will

discuss mana and Māori concepts. The fourth aspect will discuss Te Wakaminenga

and economic success. The final aspect will discuss He Wakaputanga and the mana

that was established with it. As explained in chapter two, Te Tongi a Tawhiao is a

prophecy of Tawhiao the second Māori King. It concerns a vision he had about re-

building a house using the common trees that grow in abundance in the forests. It

did not use the stately or chiefly trees such as the Kauri or the Totara. It used the

ordinary trees that were resilient, that instinctively grew together, and worked

together to survive. There can be similarities made between those common trees

and their resilience as well as the power of the common people or iwi Māori in

rebuilding strong Māori communities. The next three chapters are entitled: ‘Ko te

Hinau, ko te Māhoe, ko te Patatē’ and are based on Tawhiao Te Wherowhero's

prophecy, and uses this concept as a metaphor for advocating the rebuilding of

mana motuhake. One of the means to achieve this is by investigating the political,

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socio-economic climate of pre-colonial Māori society. This will identify how things

were and how things changed.

Chapter Five: ‘Ko te Mahoe’ will investigate intergenerational ramifications post

1840, as well as links to contemporary contexts. Chapter Six ‘Ko te Patatē’ will

examine a personal account of ramifications of the post-colonial era upon Māori

society. It will also introduce Māori counselling models that respond to

intergenerational impacts of historical intergenerational trauma. The final chapter will

draw on data from the previous chapters to make sense of the issues, and then

identify a rationale for Māori moving forward into the 21st century.

Ngāpuhi Links to the Research

Ngāpuhi-nui-tonu iwi hold the biggest population of Māori and are situated in the

northern region of the North Island called Te Tai Tokerau. The majority of Ngāpuhi

descend from Ngātokimatawhāorua, Mamararu, and Tinana waka.

Figure 4.1 Ngāpuhi-nui-tonu landmark boundaries

The purpose for journeying to Te Taitokerau stems from the Te Paparahi o Te Raki

Waitangi Tribunal hearing, 1040 Wai claim. In this claim, Ngāpuhi nui tonu brought to

light evidence that has never been submitted before in a Tribunal setting. This

evidence challenged the perceptions and historical assumptions made by the New

Zealand Settler Government since 1840.

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Mātauranga Māori

This part of the thesis discusses Mātauranga Māori knowledge. The inference for

discussing this concept is so that it can be established how and from where Māori

gain their authority. Mātauranga Māori as an epistemology emanates from the

disciplines of Māori studies, education, history and sociology. This model of

Mātauranga Māori is based primarily on a branch of sociology called the sociology of

knowledge which examines how social groups, such as Māori, see and understand

their world. Mannheim (1940) states that;

In order to understand how Māori see their world it is important to first

understand their epistemology, their way of knowing the world, or their

universal world-view. The sociological model of knowledge examines a

social group’s epistemology or way of knowing and their experience of

certain phenomena (pp. 2-3).

An important aspect that this quote brings to light is that Mātauranga Māori has its

own sociology, psychology and infrastructure. It also highlights that these structures

are elements that depict a way of knowing and percieving the worl according to

Māori worldview. Doyle-McCarthy (1996) argues that; "knowledge is best conceived

and studied as culture. She defines knowledge and culture as a set of ideas

pertaining to what they accept as real" (p.17). According to Mannheim (1940)

"knowledge is rooted in the desire for power and in the recognition of a particular

social group who want to make their interpretation of the world the universal one"

(pp. 49-51). Mannheim's interpretation is synonymous with Māori interpretations of

knowledge from a perspective that keeps people safe, and also gives an advantage

to the holders of certain knowledge. Wiri (2001) argues that; Mātauranga Māori can

be divided into two categories: Mātauranga-ā-waha (oral knowledge) and

Mātauranga-ā-ringa (empirical knowledge). In respect of the latter, empirical

knowledge includes: whakairo (carving), tā moko (tattooing); hangā whare (house

building); kowhaiwhai and raranga (Māori border patterns and weaving); tāniko

(needle work), hangarau (technology); whakatere waka (navigation), rongoā (Māori

medicine) and many others. To explain the model of Mātauranga Māori as an

epistemology this section will focus upon Mātauranga-ā-waha. The first element of

Mātauranga-ā-waha is kōrero or oral narratives. Traditionally Māori knowledge was

transmitted orally and therefore the survival of this type of knowledge depended

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upon its accurate transmission from generation to generation. Often scientists and

historians dismiss oral traditions as a legitimate form of knowledge claiming that over

time these oral narratives may be embellished or mistakes may occur in the

transmission of the knowledge (Wiri 2001).

Salmond (1985) asserts that; 'kōrero' is the pre-eminent form in which Mātauranga

Māori is expressed. There are many types of kōrero, from our everyday conversation

to whaikōrero or formal oratory that is practiced on the marae" (pp. 249-50). Wiri

(2001) argues that; "in respect of the later, whaikōrero is an important form of Māori

knowledge and orators are revered in Māori for their ability and skills in modeling and

reproducing Mātauranga Māori in their formal speeches"(p.27). Dewes (1992) states

that; "Māori orators are referred to as pū kōrero (sources of oral narratives), maungā

kōrero (talking mountains), manu kōrero (talking birds). There is also a proverb about

whaikōrero which states: Ko te kai a te rangatira he kōrero- The food of chiefs is

oratory" (p. 11).

Wiri (2001) argues that in the historical context there are a number of types of

kōrero:

kōrero pūtake (origin stories); kōrero pūrākau and pakiwaitara (legends

and stories from the ancient past); kōrero tipuna (ancestor stories); kōrero

tuku iho (stories that are handed down); kōrero wānanga (stories

transmitted through the houses of learning); kōrero paki (stories of

entertainment); kōrero onamata (stories from the past); kōrero matakite

(stories of prophecy) (pp. 29-31).

Salmond (1985) argues that; "in seeking to understand Mātauranga Māori

researchers must understand and speak the Māori language"(p.260). Tau (1999)

supported this view and argued "Māori language is a critical factor which underpins

the Māori episteme and that you can never have a complete grasp of Māori

epistemology without a solid understanding of the Māori language"(p.15).

Those foundational speakers emphasised that whakapapa included the whenua, and

taonga (treasured possessions). What this highlighted was that whakapapa as a

holistic process was inclusive of everything.

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The whakapapa described by the foundational speakers emphasised crucial

connections across spiritual physical and environmental realms interweaving through

the Ngāpuhi world across dimensions. The origins of Ngāpuhi were traced as seeds

of Rangiātea. Patu Hohepa (2010) described Hawaiki as;

the home of the gods, our ancestors and our spirituality. Whakapapa

included ancestors such as Nukutāwhiti, Ruanui, Kupe, Tāwhaki and

Rāhiri among many others, following both male and female lines of

descent (Hohepa 2010, as cited in Healy, Hygens, Murphy, 2012, p. 27).

According to Williams (1992) whakapapa means: (i) to place in layers (ii)

recite in order genealogies, traditions, history (iii) genealogical table.

Whakapapa is an important form of Māori knowledge and without

whakapapa one can not be Māori. Knowledge of whakapapa is important

in Māori society as it provides one with a connection to other members of

a whānau, hapū and iwi. Along with connection to your traditional

homelands or whenua, whakapapa is the most important aspect of Māori

identity (p. 485).

Te Rangihīroa or Peter Buck (1929) made a distinction between cosmogonic

whakapapa (hekenga-ā-rangi) and anthropogenic whakapapa or human genealogies

(hekenga-ā-nuku).

Māori history was told in a whakapapa or genealogical order from the

creation of the universe to the time of founding ancestors to the living

descendants of those ancestors. Therefore, whakapapa is subjective and

history is retold from the perspective of the living person reciting that

history(p. 37).

Stafford (1967) conveyed that "one purpose of whakapapa is to connect human

beings with each other and with the gods"(p. 33). The basis behind the telling of

whakapapa provides a clear understanding that Ngāpuhi held supreme authority in

their northern region. Hone Sadler (2010a) argued that;

Ngāpuhi comes from Ranginui and Papa-tu-ā-nuku (father sky and mother

earth). We are more than just the Indigenous peoples of this land”. He

explained "that is why we say we cleave to the land, right from the

beginning of the world itself. Why? Because of our genealogical lines of

descent. The laws and practices that we created were to guide us so that

we can traverse this life that our ancestors lived in and set an example for

us (p.175).

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What this concept of authority in the land highlights is that it is derived ultimately

from spiritual sources that trickles down as a result of whakapapa through lines of

descent. As an example of how whakapapa binds Ngāpuhi to the land Hone Sadler

(2010) recites an ancient karakia (invocation) by the Captain of the

Ngātokimatawhāorua waka (canoe) upon entering into the entrance of the Hokianga

harbour.

Tukutuku ā Rangi is a sign of my authority in this land, as it was since the

beginning of time, from the very heavens themselves, from the gods. I

come back to my mountain at Hikurangi. It lies on this body of mine and I

have a second vision to the home where I was born and I stand here

today. I carry these things from high and from down below and Rehua in

the heavens turns its eyes down towards me and even the moon itself

cries, "It is Aotea, it is Aotea"(Sadler,2010 as cited in Healy et al, 2012, p.

28).

The overall consensus from the foundational speakers ascertained that whakapapa

connected them to their land through lines of descent. This practice established the

mana their tupuna had over their respective rohe (land marks) during their lives. It

was recognised as a form of birthright which cannot be extinguished, or handed to

another. This would be considered an extinguishment of one's whakapapa that

connects to tupuna, to the whenua, and forms the basis of one's Māori identity. What

is central to this korero is that whakapapa is central to Māori identity and is an

essential element that bestows upon Māori their mana.

4.1 The Exercising of Mana

The word ‘mana’ has a variety of inferences. According to Barlow (1993) "mana can

be defined as; the enduring indestructible power of the Gods. In modern times the

term mana has taken on various meanings including power of the Gods, power of

the ancestors, the power of the land, and power of an individual"(p.61). The concept

of mana has far reaching connotations within te Ao Māori. Through whakapapa,

mana connects to a variety of elements thus taking on its own mauri or life essence

according to the parameters into which it is set. This chapter will be examining three

concepts of mana. The first is mana Atua, the second is mana Whenua, and the third

is mana Tangata.

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4.2 Mana Atua

Barlow (1993) describes mana Atua as "the very sacred power of the gods known as

ahi kōmaru which is given to those persons who conform to sacred ritual and

principles"(p.61). Mitaki (2009) supports Barlow by stating that; "one doesn't carry

the mana of tupuna and the gods as an entitlement of individual right. Mana is

earned by effort in understanding the pathway to tupuna and the gods" (p.61). Mana

Atua is described by Hone Sadler (2010) as an inherent connection;

Whakapapa is more than the genealogy of man. If you look at whakapapa

there are links to the gods, there is a whakapapa of the world and there is

a whakapapa of man. The worldview of Māori when it comes to

whakapapa is that everything is interrelated from the sky to the land, it is

interrelated to people, they are joined within that notion... This thing called

whakapapa can relate to each and everything in the world (pp.182-183).

Wiri (2001) describes mana Atua as mana wairua;

The Māori conceptualisation of land and its history is linked to a spiritual

dimension through whakapapa and a system of knowledge known as te

kauwae Runga. The stories relating o the evolution of the cosmos and the

founding ancestors are highly significant to this study as they establish the

link between the te kauwae Runga, or the celestial realms and te kauwae

raro or the earthly realms (p.101).

4.3 Mana Whenua

Mana whenua according to Barlow (1993) is the power associated with the

possession of lands; it is also the power associated with the ability of the land to

produce the bounties of nature. Mana whenua, through whakapapa was held

collectively by the hapū of that specific region. Mana was exercised in economic

development and production, and was also crucial in managing the people involved.

Haami Piripi explained that a hapū's mana "enabled and sustained the utilization and

the production of resources with the authority to determine when, where and by

whom activities could be conducted (Piripi 2010, as cited in Healy, et al, 2012, p. 29).

Hone Sadler (2010) described the exercise of mana of Ngāpuhi hapū

stating; They lived on the land through the rights of occupancy and the

strength of arms and they were able to carry these things so that each

and every one would know who was on the land because one can live on

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the land if you know the four corners of the land. And so you know what

that cave is, where the eel catchments are, where the rāhui (conservation

ban) on weka (wood pigeon) are, and the rāhui- they were aware of that

fact. And so their connections to the land was not like a rope that can be

cut, but it is like the connections of the umbilical cord to the land (p.182).

The foundational speakers at the Paparahi o te Raki 1040 Wai claim all concluded

with establishing how mana was exercised by hapū in day to day matters. Mana

seems to be a concept that captures all aspects of authority over all things. In this

respect it also captures the elements required to govern a land and its people.

4.4 Mana Tangata

While the practice of mana governing the land and its people residing in a specific

region came from a collective perspective, mana was also bestowed upon a

rangatira (leader) of the hapū on behalf of the collective. Rima Edwards (2010)

explains; "A Rangatira is a person who administers that authority as delegated to

him. Rangatiratanga is the concept and person setting the direction of the mast

canoe in regard to that authority" (as cited in Healy et al, 2012, p. 30).

Hirini Henare (2010) explained that; in obtaining a role of rangatira you

were entitled to respect. However, you were duty bound to protect the

mana of the hapū, its lands and the lives that were led there. You were

not entitled to sell your mana o te rangatira to anyone. This included the

governance of your lands, national resources, material resources or

jeopardise the mana, lives and welfare of your hapū... because it was

hapū who gave the Rangatira their status, it was to hapū that Rangatira

owed their allegiance. Obviously, there was occasional conflict between

hapū or iwi that their various leaders resulted in leadership being

contested (p.33).

This clearly establishes how mana is bestowed upon another; it also establishes

where mana both historically and currently derived its authority from. Other forms of

mana tangata play other roles that espouse the manner in which Māori engage in

with others. Wiri (2013) asserts in a presentation that the concept of mana- aki-

tangā, to host and mana- tiaki- tangata, to take care of others, also carries another

underlying tikanga or principle based on aro-hā. The word ‘aro’ stems from the word

whakaaro which means to think or to give thought or heed to. The word hā means

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life essence. When the word is combined it can mean to give though or heed to the

life essence of others you are engaging with.

This has a deeper meaning when taking into consideration the collaborative alliances

created through Te Wakaminenga. The method, in which these concepts are

conveyed, is through the manner in which Māori have always traditionally engaged

with others. Wiri (2013) conveys that the engaging in relationships is through the

concepts of whānau or family, Whānaunga or connecting with relatives,

whānaungatanga, in terms of developing relationships, and whakawhānaungatanga

in terms of establishing relations and creating a rapport with others for mutual

benefit. These are clear concepts that were used to engage collaboratively across

hapū as well as nationally with European settlers and then internationally with foreign

countries. A significant element that contributed to Māori success in international

trade pre-colonisation is attributed to Te Wakaminenga.

Te Wakaminenga and Economic Success

Te Wakaminenga can be defined as an assembly or alliance of independent and

interdependent hapū stemming from the north down to the Waikato and Hauraki

regions. It also moved further down to Taupo and to the Tuwharetoa tribe, and then

across to the east coast. It finally ended with the Ngāi Tahu of Te Wai Pounamu in

the South Island. Te Wakaminenga was established as a result of the efforts of a

Chief from the northland known as Te Pahi and other rangatira or aristocrats.

According to Alderidge, (2010) one of its primary goals was to form diplomatic

relations with the Europeans to encourage trade.

Healy et al (2012) describes how whalers, sealers and traders increased from the

late 1700's through to the early 1800s. They were causing trouble and breaching

both Māori and British laws. Northern hapū felt an increasing sense of outrage as

visiting whalers and sealers practiced black birding. This is a form of kidnapping to

replenish sailor stocks, and then either sell their victims or dump them in other

countries to fend for themselves. Other lawlessness included, murder, arson and

enslavement with no consequences. The British Crown made a number of efforts to

control their subjects visiting New Zealand shores who were not abiding by Māori or

British law. Tahere (2010b) conveyed that in 1814 the New South Wales Governor

made missionary Thomas Kendall a magistrate to arrest British ships and crews for

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outrageous abuse towards Māori. Warrants were also issued to Hongi Hika, Waikato

and Ruatara to act as assistants in this capacity. The British parliaments also passed

Acts from 1814-1828 and a South Seas Bill to punish British crew members for their

violent offending, as though it fell within the ambit of admiralty law on the high seas.

However, each of these efforts was eventually abandoned as not applying in

another's domain.

4.5 Te Wakaminenga

Chief Te Pahi visited Governor King in 1805 and discusses with him the intricacies of

European law, as well as some of the issues that Māori were having with the

increasing number of European settlers and the lawlessness resulting from it.

Governor King promised to take steps to control the situation. Nothing resulted from

that meeting so Te Paki decided to become pro-active. Alderidge (2010) states that;

"Te Pahi began making moves, had hui with other hapū around the place

which were the initial steps towards what we now know as Te

Wakaminenga...northern rangatira responded to Te Pahi's diplomatic

efforts and to the growing body of information from around the world with

the beginnings of Te Wakaminenga assemblies in 1807-1808 (Alderidge,

2010a, p.185).

4.6 Initial Kaupapa Māori Research

Ngāpuhi were amongst the first tribe to become familiar with the non-Māori world

through European visitors, as well as through their own travels abroad. It is

estimated that by 1840, 1000 Ngāpuhi had travelled overseas to 69 other countries.

Each traveller that returned held seminars to share the things they learnt in other

countries. According to Alderidge (2010a) "From as early as 1808, many Māori were

discussing concerns they had about the hapū hou (new tribes) that had landed on

these shores and the impacts they were having"(p.185). Healy et al (2012) stated

that:

Te Wakaminenga was a process by which our people could discuss their

anger at the early contact. The process of Te Wakaminenga helped

Ngātiuru better understand that contact from a tribal point of view because

other hapū filled them in on the wider picture with their stories of

contact....Te Wakaminenga was also about finding a solution to some of

the problems they were experiencing with Pākehā...The rangatira needed

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a place to discuss this with other hapū. I think our Ngātiuru rangatira

wished to ensure that the tikanga of our tribe was left intact. Te

Wakaminenga was a way to do this, and help the rangatira move forward

(p.40).

There seemed to be an underlying consensus between hapū involved in the Te

Wakaminenga discussions that recognised the significance of Te Kotahitanga

(unity) in being a poignant factor in creating a united front when engaging in

relationships with Europeans for trade. Walker (2010) states;

Many others including rangatira from Whaingaroa were part of those 1808

discussions which convened at Te Ngāere where the authority to pursue a

path of unity was agreed to by ngā hapū rangatira in attendance, and

given its green light as we say on Motueka nui by the tohunga... At the

completion of this hui (at Te Ngāere and Motueka), Rewarewa Tahi at

Mahinepua was identified as the first Pā to be aligned to Te

Wakaminenga o Ngā Hapū o Nu Tireni. From that time the kaupapa of

Unity of ngā rangatira i raro mai Hauraki and Te Wakaminenga o Ngā

Hapū o Nu Tireni was debated and discussed in depth by many rangatira

throughout the northern alliance ( i raro mai i Hauraki) for the next twenty

seven years (as cited in Healy et al, 2012p. 42).

Te Wakaminenga was the first time when the hapū sat down together. The Pākehā

had provided a reason for our people to work together. All the early contact came to

a head with Te Wakaminenga and this is where our people began to look for a way

forward together. Taniora, 2010) stated; "to me, this is the most important thing

about Te Wakaminenga" (p. 71).

Te Wakaminenga established an additional level of chieftainship or rangatiratanga

authority that operated parallel to the authority of hapū within their land. This

collective authority was clearly apparent in a letter written to King William, where in

the rangatira used the phrasing "Ko matou" which was translated by Alderidge to

mean, "we, collectively".

From the time of Cook, Māori had been subject to acts of violence by

visiting Europeans. The British Government knew that such violations of

Indigenous people were occurring in the South Pacific and implemented

several Acts of Parliament to try and control the situation... The measures

taken by both the British and New South Wales governments to deal to

this behaviour were largely ineffective. That is why the Rangatira in their

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1831 letter asked the King to deal to those "who should be troublesome

and vicious Pākehā (Healy et al, 2012, p.164).

The impetus for forming and implementing Te Wakaminenga had two distinct roles.

The first was to take advantage of any opportunities in trade and technology, and the

second was to maintain authority by creating political alliances to collaboratively

protect mana, and to apply tikanga under customary Māori law.

As a result of the Te Wakaminenga alliance Te Tai Tokerau thrived and became very

wealthy in the early 1800s with many regions being described as self-sustaining and

powerful economies. Takiura (2010) contends that their hapū were very wealthy and

so was every other place (p. 111). It is common knowledge to the Ngāpuhi hapū that

trading relationships expanded the length of the country. Henare (2010) noted that

Tainui, Tūwharetoa and Ngāti Kahungugnu all had bases in Taiamai in the Bay of

Islands to facilitate trading relations (p.100). Similarly McAnergney (2010) described

how South Island hapū discussed age old traditions of trade and knowledge based

on relationships, connections contact between various hapū, and individuals in the

Hokianga.

Te Wakaminenga became increasingly familiar with the non- Māori world through

interaction with European communities whilst trading around the globe. Henare

(2010) states that; "many of the tupuna of our people here went to San Francisco,

Boston, China and many other places, they went overseas as whalers and sealers

themselves" (p.236).

Te Wakaminenga sent approximately 1000 of their people overseas to 69 other

countries to begin what could be determined the very first kaupapa Māori research. It

was their role to glean information that would help develop and cultivate international

trade and entrepreneurial opportunities for the interdependent alliance of hapū. As

each traveller returned, they held wānanga (seminars) to share their learning and

information. Kawiti (2010) contended that; "they sent people that could wānanga,

that could understand, and could bring the knowledge back, and because we were a

mainly oral speaking people, they had to wānanga everything they saw" (Kawiti 2010

as cited in Healy et al, 2012, p.85). The overall rationale of trade was to increase the

health and prosperity of the hapū and their land, thereby enhancing the hapū's mana

(prestige).

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4.7 Establishing an International Flag

A significant event happened that would bring Māori on to the world stage, and

become pivotal in establishing and protecting Māori international trading relations.

While trading internationally, Māori ships were times displaying their own distinctive

flags woven of flax fibre. However, there were problems with this in international

waters. Robinson (2010) conveyed that in 1830, her tupuna's ship Sir George

Murray, with rangatira Patuone and Taonui on board was seized on their first voyage

to Port Jackson due to lack of registration, and flying an unrecognised flag. As a

result northern rangatira began working with officials in Sydney supported by the

missionary Henry Williams and later with James Busby. Te Wakaminenga needed to

select an appropriate flag to signal their identity and authority. On March 20 1834 the

new symbol of an international identity and authority was greeted at a gathering of

rangatira and Europeans in Kororāreka with a haka and a 21 gun salute from the

HMS Alligator. The chosen flag was agreed to by the British government, the King,

and the navy. Hohepa (2010) asserted "the formal recognition of the flag by chiefs,

by the King, by parliament and by the British Admiralty, formalised Aotearoa as a

recognised Nation, a trading nation with a recognised flag"(Hohepa 2010, as cited in

Healy et al, 2012, p.56).

Hohepa further emphasised that Te Kara (the flag) was for the purpose of getting

others to recognise that Māori were a nation, were duly accepted as a trading nation

with the freedom to travel through the ocean territories of other nations under the

banner of their new internationally recognised status. Healy et al (2012) asserts that;

"the new flag gave specific protections to Māori shipping, enabling traders based in

New Zealand to sail the open seas guaranteed of protection by the recently

established East Indies, China and Pacific commands of the British Navy" (p.56).

Ngāpuhi called the flag "The Flag of Te Wakaminenga o ngā Hapū o Aotearoa" or

"The Flag of Te Wakaminenga o Ngā Rangatira." Healy et al (2012) argues that "the

agreement to use Te Wakaminenga flag for Māori trade was a significant expression

of the united hapū authority envisioned by Te Wakaminenga. Rangatira from diverse

hapū with specific trading interests were agreeing to share one flag for their trading

interactions with other nations"(p.56). In supporting this unifying aspect, versions of

Te Kara with slight variations, were flown on marae, in many other parts of the

country".

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The implementation of Te Kara enabled Te Wakaminenga to be in a strategic

position to travel globally under the protection of the British Navy. What should be

acknowledged as well is the strategic and diplomatic achievements of northern

rangatira in securing powerful protection and international recognition as a trading

nation.

He Wakaputanga and their use of the Term Mana

A historical timeline of Te Wakaminenga highlights Māori interaction with the British

Crown leading up to the signing of He Wakaputanga Notably, Te Pahi's visit to

Governor King in 1805. Other interactions included Māhanga's visit to King George

III in 1806 and Hongi Hika's formal visit with King George IV in 1820. Henare (2010)

conveyed that Hongi Hika treated King George as his brother and saw himself as

being of equal status... the two were described as speaking rangatira to rangatira,

ariki to ariki and He kingi ki te kingi, (king to king). The quality of their relationship

was illustrated by a particular incident that was also carried in Pākehā histories.

When Hongi and Waikato saw in the English newspapers that the Queen was

committing adultery, Hongi exclaimed to George, "Why do you have such a

problem? I have already got five wives" as would a man to his friend or brother, not

as a subject to a sovereign (Henare, 2010, as cited in Healy et al, 2012 p. 68). This

highlights an interaction between two sovereign (Crowns) where the mana of both

was of equal status. The next point draws on that mana in writing to the new British

King reminding him of the relationship that was held between his relation and theirs

established in 1820. It was part in parcel of securing support from King William VI.

4.8 Letter to King William in 1831

Over the decade that followed since Hongi Hika and Waikato's visit to the British

monarchy opportunities for trade increased, however so were the frustrations at

European lawbreaking. Henare (2010) conveyed that northern rangatira had growing

complaints about the attitudes and actions of British subjects visiting and living in

their country (Henare, 2010, as cited in Healy et al, 2012, p. 68). Northern rangatira

decided that after fifty years of building relations with early British representatives,

traders, missionaries and Governors, that members of Te Wakaminenga resolved to

put their faith in the mana of the King. Rihari (2010b) conveyed that in 1831 13 chiefs

collectively exercised their rangatiratanga and wrote a letter directly to King William

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IV. Their petition outlined the relationship created with Hone Hika in 1820, it also

outline perceived threats of invasion and land alienation, as well as the trouble

created by settlers. The chiefs asked the British Crown to be a friend to their islands

and discipline British subjects where necessary.

King William sent his reply to the letter personally with James Busby. Rihari (2010b)

conveyed that The King recognised our request and in response sent James Busby,

to be the British Resident in New Zealand. The letter of reply, which Busby read out

at Waitangi upon his arrival, spoke of the goodwill, confidence and the alliance

between countries. Busby and the missionaries told our tupuna that the role of the

British Resident was to discourage convicts from escaping and settling in New

Zealand; prevent crimes being committed against tangata whenua and, where

appropriate, punish the perpetrators, (Rihari, 2010b, as cited in Healy et al, 2012

p.71).

Healy et al, (2012) argues that; from the time of Cook, Māori had been

subject to acts of violence by visiting Europeans. The British Government

knew that such violations of Indigenous people were occurring in the

South Pacific and implemented several Acts of Parliament to try and

control the situation... The measures taken by both the British and New

South Wales governments to deal to this behaviour were largely

ineffective. That is why the Rangatira in their 1831 letter asked the King to

deal to those "who should be troublesome and vicious Pākehā but,

Busby's capacity to do this proved to be severely limited (p.164).

According to many descendants of rangatira who signed the countries founding

document He Wakaputanga 1835; James Busby had very little power and relied

heavily on the hospitality of northern hapu under the alliance of Te Wakaminenga.

While it was acknowledged that he had a role to play in He Wakaputanga

Declaration of Independence 1835, Ngāpuhi-nui-tonu version of history declare that

He Wakaputanga is a truly Māori proclamation.

Healy (2012) states that; many speakers said that the text of He

Wakaputanga text was drawn directly from Te Wakaminenga discussion.

Alderidge concluded that "He Wakaputanga did not happen overnight but

came to fruition overtime through Te Wakaminenga (p. 46).

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4.9 Creating ‘He Wakaputanga’

During a four year period, significantly historic events were achieved. The 1831 letter

to King William VI resulting in a British Crown reply, as well as James Busby

becoming the first British resident. The adopting of an international trading flag

(March 1834) gave Te Wakaminenga the capacity to travel unhindered throughout

international waters to finalising a written text for He Wakaputanga (October 1835)

took place between Te Wakaminenga, Busby, Clendon and Williams with Eruera

Pare Hongi as translator and scribe.

Henare (2010) conveyed that the rangatira valued Busby's perspective as

a Scotsman, familiar with Scottish parliament as being "where ever the

leaders gather," that is the Scottish parliament. They also valued

Clendon's input about the American Declaration of Independence and

constitution, and the advice of Henry Williams due to his long association

with Te Wakaminenga. With the knowledge from these advisors and with

Eruera Pare Hongi as the scribe, Ngāpuhi rangatira formulated a strategic

proclamation in the international area, stating their authority and alliances.

He Wakaputanga was a basis for diplomatic interactions, and future

prosperity (Henare 2010, as cited in Healy et al, 2012, p. 79).

Rihari (2010b) conveyed that; for our Tupuna (who signed the He Wakaputanga) He

Wakaputanga was about three things:

First, affirming his tino rangatiratanga. Second, affirming the Mana Ariki of

Te Wakaminenga over the land of Nu Tireni and the willingness of hapū to

act in a collective and united way to protect this; and Third, growing our

international trade and selecting a Māori flag to ensure our trading ships

were recognisable in foreign ports, to prevent a repeat of the seizure of

Patuone and Taonui's ship and cargo upon entering Sydney harbour

(Rehari, 2010b as cited in Healy et al, 2012,p. 79).

Ngāpuhi were proclaiming their region as "he whenua rangatira", referring to an

"economy that prospers in the time of peace. It is an economy that exists when you

don't need 'pā's' and Henare (2010) saw the intention of He Wakaputanga as:

It declares an independent state, he whenua rangatira, which refers to an

economy of prosperity and a time of peace, which is what they were

wanting. It is classic mana Ngāpuhi, but at the same time greater than

Ngāpuhi, it is mana Māori established... they say we will form a congress

to pass laws, trade in peace, they will consult with other hapū to join Te

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Wakaminenga, they request assistance of England in return and the great

promise, Pākehā can live here in peace (pp.103-104)

These events formalised Māori enterprise, and established their mana at an

international level as a recognised state, nation, sovereign country, who were

legitimately recognised by Great Britain to be able to trade openly with other

countries as well as sail safely through international waters.

Conclusion

This chapter commenced by contextualising Te Tongi a Tawhiao emphasising

underlying themes that stem from this proverb, and then contextualising Ngāpuhi

links. The second aspect discussed Mātauranga Māori. The third aspect discussed

mana and Māori concepts. The fourth aspect discussed Te Wakaminenga and

economic success. The final aspect discussed He Wakaputanga and the mana that

was established with it.

In summary, the use of contextualising Te Tongi a Tawhiao as a concept for

rebuilding the infrastructure has connotations for te iwi Māori across the whenua or

land. Each hapū while traditionally being independent and interdependent of each

other carried common themes based on the preservation and cultivation of health

and mana (prestige) of their hapū. What seems significant about this Tribunal

hearing was that evidence detailed how Ngāpuhi and the Te Wakaminenga alliance

were at the forefront of national and international trade before any other hapū. The

evidence suggested that they were instrumental in gaining an internationally

recognised trading flag whose authority was recognised sailing upon international

waters. They were instrumental in declaring sovereignty and making New Zealand a

sovereign state under the umbrella of the British Empire. It put Te Wakaminenga on

an equal par with other internationally recognised countries trading around the globe.

It declared their sovereignty and their points of law. Te Wakaminenga achieved their

goal to officially gain access to international trade for the purpose of gaining wealth,

resources and technology and thus uphold the mana of their peoples. Finally it was

Ngāpuhi and the Te Wakaminenga alliance that were instrumental in meeting with

Hobson and becoming the initial signatories to Te Tiriti o Waitangi 1840.

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Chapter Five

Ko te Mahoe - The Mahoe Pillar

Introduction

The previous chapter highlighted the proclamation Māori made to the world in regard

to declaring New Zealand a sovereign state under the authority of rangatira and

hapū. This chapter focuses on events leading up to the signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi

and the intergenerational implications that have followed since.

This chapter will begin with a sociological overview of underlying themes behind the

history of the British Crown and their role in the Te Tiriti o Waitangi. Central to these

underlying themes include the Doctrine of Discovery and Karl Marx's conflict theory

regarding the politics behind socio economics, religion and capitalism. A significant

factor behind these themes emphasise the role capitalism plays in the expropriation

of raw materials and resources'. This chapter will then look at the oppression of

Indigenous cultures that have been transformed from the landlords or bourgeoisie,

class to becoming a subjugated proletariat or lower working class status. Following

this we examine the social, political and economic impacts of this oppression upon

Māori society and its historical intergenerational effects. The focus then shifts to an

explanation of Māori concepts relating to historical intergenerational trauma whose

meanings are deeply rooted within a Māori epistemology. Finally this chapter

concludes with an analysis of Western theory relating to Māori deficit statistics

Contextualising Te Tiriti o Waitangi via Doctrine of Discovery

A significant factor to consider in contextualising Te Tiriti o Waitangi is the nature of

the New Zealand settler governments compartmentalising practices when referring

to the history of New Zealand. In contemporary New Zealand various claims that the

Treaty of Waitangi (English version) is the founding document insinuates that it is the

authentic document that also suggests that Aotearoa, New Zealand, was founded in

1840. Limited focus is given to what existed before Te Tiriti o Waitangi, nor the

cultural, political, socio-economic climate that existed prior to 1840. Another factor to

also consider is that the establishment of a treaty cannot be investigated in isolation

to the history of global neo liberal aspirations of European monarchies and notions

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for colonising Indigenous countries. These colonising practices stem from the 14th

century A.D. via the Doctrine of Discovery.

Paul (2011) conveyed that; "this doctrine is found in the Royal Charter that Queen

Elizabeth I's predecessor, King Henry VII, issued to John Cabot and his sons in

1496, and subsequently reaffirmed by the charters of 1606 and 1609" (p.6). These

led to colonising and the dispossession of Indigenous peoples from their lands in

North America and to the dehumanisation and subjugation of non-Christian peoples”.

Voelker (2009) sheds more light on the topic by examining the explanations of Chief

Justice John Marshall in 1823, who stated:

The potentates (European monarchies) of the old world found no difficulty

in convincing themselves that they made ample compensation to the

(original) inhabitants of the new land, by bestowing upon them civilisation

and Christianity, in exchange for unlimited independence. But, as they

(European monarchies) were all in pursuit of nearly the same object, it

was necessary, in order to avoid conflicting settlements, and consequent

war with each other (European countries), to establish a principle which all

should acknowledge as the law by which the right of acquisition, which

they all asserted, should be regulated between themselves. This principle

was that discovery gave title to the government by whose subjects, or by

whose authority, it was made, against all other European governments,

which title might be consummated by possession (p.1).

Chief Justice John Marshall highlights a major issue with the Doctrine of Discovery

that while being covered in a previous chapter, still needs to be reiterated. European

monarchies and governments along with the Vatican made decisions to acquire land,

resources and assets through subjugation and or without the consultation of the

Indigenous peoples whose land they colonised. There was "no" agreement or

revealing of agendas to the Indigenous peoples whose lands and assets the

European Monarchies coveted, however an agreement was made between the

European countries themselves in how to conduct a liquidation of assets from the

Indigenous peoples. This justified a practice of lowering the status of Indigenous

peoples by dehumanising Indigenous cultures across the globe. Labels such as

savage, heathen, and uncivilised were examples used to dehumanise.

In critiquing this knowledge, and superimposing it over Te Tiriti o Waitangi it

becomes more than probable to assume that while deep assurances were being

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given by the British Crown representative, hidden agendas were also a part of

Hobson's plan in signing Te Tiriti o Waitangi document. Voelker (2009) cites Chief

Justice John Marshall again when emphasising the role that England played in

global colonisation; "no one of the powers of Europe gave its full assent to this

principle more unequivocally than England" (p.3). What Chief Justice John Marshall

suggests, is that England used the Doctrine of Discovery to become a major player

globally, through using treaties to acquisition raw material and resources and wealth

by colonising and commoditising more Indigenous lands than any other European

country. Central to the practice of colonisation is gaining the assent of power and

authority. Giddens (2002) conveys that; "power is the ability of individuals or groups

to make their own interests or concerns count... an authority is a governments

legitimate use of power"(p.421). Legitimacy means that those subject to a

governments authority consent to it. Power and authority is sought by colonising

countries to gain access to raw materials and resources to establish wealth.

Giddens (2002) further states that according to Marx, the "materialist

concept of history" is not ideas or values human beings hold that are the

main sources of social change. Rather, social change is prompted

primarily by economic influences. Conflict between classes provide the

motivation for historical development, they are the motor of history. In

Marx words, all human history thus far is the history of class struggles

(p.12).

In taking into consideration, Marx's theory on capitalism, it is clear that this colonial

history gives more insight into the attitude of the British Crown in 1840 based on

historical relations with other Indigenous countries. This emphasises notions of

superiority, and entitlement Healy et al (2012) describes as being; "lodged in a whole

institutionalised behaviour inherent in the 19th century British Crown's relationships

with Indigenous people”(p.219).

5.1 Ngāpuhi Evidence Concerning Te Tiriti o Waitangi

The British records give an idea of what was historically said, however due to their

inability to comprehend Māori intentions, practices, protocols and behaviour, only a

micro perspective of accounts based on British perspectives were transcribed. Other

significant evidence submitted to the Waitangi Tribunal hearings by Ngāpuhi nui tonu

sheds light on Te Tiriti o Waitangi prior to February 6th 1840. While not officially

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documented, gives considerable weight to the Ngāpuhi nui tonu's case submitted to

the Waitangi Tribunal. Henare (2010) conveyed that; "missionaries called the people

to Waitangi one month before the 6th of February and began talking about Te Tiriti

and about the governor who was coming" (p.249). What this establishes, is that

Māori knew of the British Crown's intention to gain assent through cession via Te

Tiriti o Waitangi before governor Hobson arrived and already had discussions.

Edwards (2010) conveyed that;”

Prior to February 6th the rangatira were presented with a version of Te

Tiriti o Waitangi which stated that they were ceding their mana to the

Queen. This was rejected by the rangatira and the word kawanatanga

was inserted instead of mana, thus leading to what Edwards referred to as

Te Tiriti Tuarua (the second treaty). It was Te Tiriti Tuarua that was signed

by the rangatira" (Edwards, 2010, as cited in Healy et al, 2012, p. 181).

Further submissions were given to support this evidence. Healy et al (2012) argued

that:

According to our Rangatira, Heke Pokai, Ngāmanu and Te Hinaki, a first version of the Treaty, the first Tiriti was presented to our people at Waitangi. This version was rejected by our Rangatira... Henry Williams and James Busby consulted with Rangatira prior to the 6th February 1840 (p. 181).

5.2 Hobson's Statements and Assurances to Māori with regard to the Treaty

Colenso gave a verbatim report of the first part of Captain Hobson's address to the

hapū and rangatira assembled at Waitangi on 5th February 1840. Colenso (1840)

conveyed that Hobson spoke English while Henry Williams interpreted into Māori.

Her Majesty Victoria, Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, wishing to do good to the chiefs and people of New Zealand and for the welfare of her subjects living amongst you, has sent me to this place as governor. But, as the law of England gives no civil powers to Her Majesty out of her dominions, her efforts to do you good will be futile unless you consent Her Majesty has commanded me to explain these things to you, that you may understand them. The people of Great Britain are, thank God! free; and, as long as they do not transgress the laws they can go where they please, and their sovereign has no power to restrain them. You have sold them lands here and encouraged them to come here. Her Majesty, always ready to protect her subjects, is also ready to restrain them. Her Majesty the Queen asks you to sign this treaty, and give her that power which shall enable her to restrain them (Colenso, 1840, as cited in Healy et al, 2012, p.184).

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In essence, Hobson was seeking authority from the rangatira to restrain his own

people. This was a central component at the crux of the British Crown and Māori

relationship since it was initially established in the 1700's through to 1840. Rangatira

very quickly understood the significance of Hobson's words stemming from Te Pahi's

visit to Governor King in 1805, and the relationship between Hone Hika and King

George IV, through to the letter sent to King William IV in 1831. This further

cemented the relationship between the British Empire and Te Wakaminenga with the

arrival of Busby in 1833, and Busby and William’s contribution in choosing an

internationally recognised trading flag in 1834, through to He Wakaputanga with the

declaration of sovereignty on the 28th October 1835. It is from this position from

which rangatira viewed Hobson's words, any other position is inconceivable and

beyond the parameters of common sense.

What seems to be clear is Hobson's careful approach in giving assurances to the

chiefs at Waitangi. This also adds merit to Edwards and other Waitangi Tribunal

submissions in regards to Henry and Busby informing Hobson about the rejection of

the first Treaty as the above quote from Hobson has no indication as to seeking a

cession of Māori sovereignty. Hobson's assurances seemed to ally initial fears of a

cession of sovereignty as was stated in the very first treaty shown to the ‘rangatira’ a

month earlier.

A further reassurance comes from Colenso's writings. All ‘rangatira’ that were

present at Waitangi had Te Tiriti o Waitangi read to them with its guarantees that the

Queen would see to the upholding of their (Te Wakaminenga) ‘tino rangatiratanga’

(paramount authority) and rights to whenua land and resources. Hobson also gave

explicit assurances to keep Māori customs safe. It was reiterated via a circular letter

sent by Hobson in 1840. Ward (1974) stated that:

In order to avert suspicion of the Treaty, Hobson also issued a circular letter repudiating suggestions that Māori would be degraded by the advent of British authority, and telling the chiefs that the Governor will ever strive to assure unto you the customs and all the possessions belonging to Māori (p.45).

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5.3 Hobson's Actual Letter

Below is an extract of Governor Hobson’s original letter to the chiefs who gathered at

Waitangi in English and Māori.

Tenei ahau te wakahua atu ki a koutou i taku kupu i korerotia e ahau ki ngā

Rangatira, i te huihuingā ki Waitangi, ki Hokianga hoki; ka tohe tonu te Kawana ki te

wakau i ngā tikanga, me ngā taonga katoa o ngā tangata Māori; a ka tohe hoki te

Kawana kia mau ai te rongo, te atawai, me ngā ahuwenuatangā, i tenei wenua.

I am here to announce to you all my words I spoke of to the Rangatira, at the

gathering at Waitangi, and Hokianga also; the Governor will insist always to maintain

the jurisdiction, authority and social order (tikanga) and all that is precisions (taonga)

to the Māori people. The Governor will insist also that lasting peace, goodwill, and

that economy of this land (wenua) remain.

Another important conversation came out of the Muriwhenua report where the

Waitangi Tribunal cites the injunction put to Hobson by Ngāpuhi chief, Tamati Waka

Nene:

You must preserve our customs [ritengā tikanga] and never permit our lands to be wrested from us (Muriwhenua Report, p.113).

This gives credence to the evidence given by the Ngāpuhi speakers who stated that

the purpose of the Treaty for their ‘tupuna’ was so that the Māori world would

continue to thrive and flourish in a dominant Māori economic society. Rihari (2010b)

conveyed that the substance of the land was to be protected from foreigners; and

that the mana, prestige and godliness of the chiefs was to be preserved and He

Wakaputanga honoured (Rihari 2010b, as cited in Healy et al, 2012, p.186). Henare

(2010) stated;

What other than trade, what our people hoped for in He Wakaputanga

was that the Māori worldview would remain dominant in this country.

Article two of Te Tiriti o Waitangi reaffirmed that. Ngāpuhi tupuna in 1840

like many other Māori, were well aware of the situation in Britain, Australia

and other colonies and did not want their way of life overtaken by alien

values and practices, many of which to them, were reprehensible (p.310).

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Hobson's assurances allayed the fears of rangatira around the country that he as the

governor would act in their best interests, and give due regard to Māori authority and

through working with Her Majesties subjects, would ensure that rangatira authority,

law, ways of life, as well as lands and resources would be explicitly protected. A

significant point made here is that while Hobson and British officials came to Nu

Tireni Aotearoa in their official capacities, with them came a limited understanding of

Māori worldviews, as well as determinations in regards to the limitations from which

they were prepared to permit. However, the main points of the Treaty and

assurances were based on his words. Hobson was a foreigner coming into some

else's country, asking for permission to gain authority to restrain British settlers that

were playing up in New Zealand. It was recognised that the British Empire did not

have jurisdiction in New Zealand. The onus was on Hobson and his agents to

communicate accurately with Māori. It was then up to Māori as the legitimate owners

and sovereigns of Aotearoa Tu Tireni NZ to determine what could be constituted as

legitimate, valid and authentic.

Ngāti Hine point out in their closing submission that the tide of scholarship is finally

catching up with the claimant perspective, that Māori did not intend a cession of their

sovereignty in assenting to the Treaty. The opinions of Claudia Orange (2011), Anne

Salmond (1985), ad John Reid (2013a) are prime examples of this. It is recognised

that this understanding is having an effect at the level of international law. Mathew

Palmer, constitutional lawyer explains that conventional international law is clear

that: "To constitute cession it must be intended sovereignty will pass. Acquisition of

governmental powers, even exclusive, without an intention to cede sovereignty will

not suffice" ( Sir Robert Jennings, Oppenheim's International law, Vol.1, 9th ed., p.

680, as cited in Healy et al, 2012,p. 219).

In contextualising Te Tiriti o Waitangi, this has highlighted the inherent nature of the

British Crown that has historical links tracing back to the Doctrine of Discovery where

barbaric practices of genocide, enslavement, displacement and germ warfare were

common place. While the practices altered over a five hundred year period, the

prejudicial and discriminatory racist ideologies of European countries was still

ingrained in their own cultures to justify a prejudicial approach to Indigenous peoples

as well as an exploitive appetite they had for the natural resources belonging to

them.

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Historical Contexts Leading to Legislative Violations

The New Zealand settler government in their submission to the Waitangi tribunal

hearing conceded that Māori who signed the treaty would have expected a different

sort of behaviour from the Crown. Although the New Zealand Crown corporation

stands by their belief that the new governor would have an overarching authority

over all places in New Zealand. According Healy et al (2012) the NZ Crown admitted

that: "Māori would have expected that the Crown would work with them rather than

unilaterally impose its authority. They would have expected some kind of partnership

in the shaping of judicial and administrative institutions"( pp.271-272).

The work of Dame Claudia Orange brings into repute Hobson's understanding of

what he also agreed to in signing Te Tiriti o Waitangi Māori version. While it is now

clear that his thinking involved the Treaty of Waitangi English version and cession of

sovereignty, his own signature resides solely on the Māori version of Te Tiriti o

Waitangi which says something completely different. The Māori version of Te Tiriti o

Waitangi reflects an understanding that the governor of New Zealand was being

delegated a limited and deputed authority so that he can address and restrain his

own people, while simultaneously promising to uphold the paramount authority of

hapū and their rangatira. Evidence suggests that Hobson chose to ignore the

divergence between what was being told to Māori and the cession of sovereignty

desired by both Hobson and the British Crown.

Claudia Orange (2011) points to February 6th 1840 when the Treaty was about to be

signed, when the missionary Colenso rises and questions Hobson as to whether

Māori understood the articles of the Treaty because he was concerned that they

didn't. Following an abrupt response from Hobson, Colenso emphasised that for the

Treaty to have a constituted legality, it was imperative that Māori understood the

ramifications. Orange (2011) claimed:

Detailed explanations however were probably what Hobson and Williams wanted to avoid... Hobson, therefore, expressed the hope that the missionaries would keep their converts and associates peaceful enough, and for the rest, we must do the best we can for them. This impatient response, expedient in the circumstances, brushed aside a serious query raised in good faith and with good reason, thereby deferring the issue of full Māori understanding of the Treaty clauses (p.59).

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It is important to note that Orange is referring to the English text which is not the

treaty that Hobson signed. What is also clear is that neither Hobson nor Colenso

understood the ramifications of signing the Te Tiriti o Waitangi Māori version and the

on-going commitment of the Crown in reinforcing the mana (prestige and authority)

of the hapū and their rangatira, which in turn is quite contrary to any cession of

sovereignty.

Another significant aspect that contributed towards the Governor's actions in

deciding to unilaterally impose its authority in New Zealand stems from Gary

Theodore's (2010) submission that the government went to war with Ngāpuhi

because it lacked financial stability.

In 1840 Hobson was broke. He had no money. He wrote to England, wrote to Australia and they said, "generate your own money. You want land". So they saw the land up there and they fought Ngāpuhi. If they had of wiped Ngāpuhi out they would have taken the country by conquest. The governance of the Treaty of Waitangi was too slow. They were broke then and they are broke today (p.34).

5.4 Imposition of Crown Rule

Both the Claimants and the Crown witnesses agree that the Crown was only able to

gradually assert sovereignty they said they gained through the Treaty of Waitangi

over a period of years There were a series of significant actions taken by Hobson

and the New Zealand Crown that were to have far reaching ramifications. Healy et al

(2012) states that... Hobson declared sovereignty internationally in May of 1840 and

the British gazetted its sovereignty over New Zealand in October 1840 whilst keeping

the knowledge of it from Ngāpuhi and their rangatira. This act assumed to strip Māori

of their international status based on invalid assumptions. Invalid assumptions were

made based on a version of Te Tiriti o Waitangi that did not have signatures from

two legitimate parties to make it valid.

The document the New Zealand Crown holds up as authentic was never seen by

Ngāpuhi or Te Wakaminenga. The next step the New Zealand Crown did was move

the trade without consultation from Okaito and Kororareka to Auckland. This action

created the loss of trade to the north and the Bay of Islands. The New Zealand

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settler governor then began passing legislation. In 1851 without consultation with

Māori, established the New Zealand Crown then set up a government.

Moana Jackson gave an insightful overview of the Te Tiriti o Waitangi relationship

during a presentation at the Waikato Institute of Technology that clearly

demonstrated how the actions of the New Zealand Crown, impacted Māori.

Jackson (2013, presentation) conveyed that for hundreds of years before colonisation all houses, states, or in this instance hapū were independent as well as interdependent nations exercising three types of power.

1. The power to protect 2. The power to define 3. The power to decide

Jackson then conveyed that once you have defined what it is that is worth protecting, then you have the power to decide how best to protect it. If you can't do that, then you are not independent. "For hundreds of years in Europe, the nation house of France for example, exercised these three powers. It was inherent in their statehood. And for hundreds of years as well, all hapū exercised those three powers. They were fundamental to mana and rangatiratanga. France would never give those powers away, and neither did Māori. What Māori expected in any Treaty relationship in the very least, was, that they kept those three powers".

In a visual exercise Jackson then set up two chairs facing each other, and invited a

participant to sit in one of the chairs. Moana then began to narrate a story. The first

participant represented independent and interdependent hapū exercising those three

powers. He drew a timeline on the white board highlighting hundreds of years of

Māori history prior to Te Tiriti o Waitangi from 1840 up to 2013. It emphasised that

the history of New Zealand from a Māori perspective is much greater than what is

generally taught in New Zealand society. Moana also conveyed that the rest of Māori

history cannot be viewed in isolation to 1840. He then expressed that if the

representative of hapū for hundreds of years continually exercised those three

powers, then it would fundamentally be from this position, that Māori see any new

relationship that establishes itself in their home.

The new relationship Māori decided had to be with the boss of the people who were

coming here called Queen Victoria. A second participant sits in a chair facing the first

participant. The second participant represents Queen Victoria. Moana explains how

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Te Tiriti o Waitangi the Māori version says that Queen Victoria is welcome to come

to New Zealand and have a Crown house that exercises the power to protect, define

and to decide over their own people. While unlike the hapū who through whakapapa

exercised those three powers, the treaty document became their bridge to exercise

their interdependence. Jackson (2013) argued that; "the challenge for tupuna was in

defining how to make this new relationship work, how to make it effective". Because

what Te Tiriti o Waitangi Māori version also said in summary, was that whoever

came here afterwards regardless of which country they came from, that they were

welcome to come as immigrant settlers accepting the authority of Queen Victoria"

(As he is explaining this other participants are getting out of their seats and standing

behind Queen Victoria representing immigrant settlers).

However Māori, as the original independent and interdependent hapū will continue to

operate from their position exercising the three powers, as they did not come as

immigrant settlers to live in someone else's house. Jackson (2013) argues that; "that

is how our people saw the Te Tiriti o Waitangi relationship. It is the only way our

people could see it that is consistent with all that long history". In the next part of the

exercise Moana narrates how Queen Victoria's house said to the hapū we are now

one people so now you can go and stand in line as well; in fact at the very back

behind all the immigrants.

The narrative explains that Queen Victoria decides that her house will be the boss

not only in the house that was granted to her by the hapū, but in every other house

including the one occupied by the hapū. Jackson (2013) goes on to explain; "that is

the story of the treaty that the New Zealand Crown still tells, it is at odds with Māori

history, it is at odds with human history because I haven't been able to find anywhere

in the world where a sovereign people would voluntarily leave their house or hapū,

and voluntarily lose their status and go and stand at the back of the line behind the

immigrants" (and be granted a lesser status than the immigrants).

This is a story that we have been taught to believe. In his narrative Moana then

explains that the story began to change on august 8th 1975 when the New Zealand

Crown realised that they actually had it wrong, that's not what the Treaty of Waitangi

says, it actually says that Māori are Tangata Whenua; the first people of this land, so

they must come and stand first in line in front of the immigrants and in turn will have

a treaty partnership with Māori. Moana emphasised that it was better to be at the

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front of the line than at the back where they were before. However Moana goes on to

explain that this is not how Māori see the Treaty.

While Moana Jackson's visual exercise gave an insightful analysis of the treaty story

the New Zealand Crown has told since its inception, ramifications for Māori since its

inception have also taken its toll.

5.5 Legislative Violations

In examining the Te Tiriti o Waitangi legislative violations at a macro systemic level;

it offers general indicators of how Māori were impacted. Whilst there are a whole

range of legislative violations stemming from 1840 to 2013; there will only be a select

few reviewed to demonstrate impacts.

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Figure 5.1 Treaty of Waitangi critical analysis Karena, R, D W, (2012)

Figure 5.1 emphasises that instead of an expectation for continued development of

trade and the building of international economic relations, Māori were systematically

stripped of their status, resources, language, culture, heritage initially through the

New Zealand Crown hiding evidence, and then delaying long enough for more

immigrants to settle in New Zealand, to use force of arms and warfare to achieve

their goal of unilateral dominance.

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Figure 5.2 Intergenerational transfers across generations Karena, R, D W, (2012)

Figure 5.2 puts into context the impact legislative policies had on Māori post 1840 as

well as implications for future generations subjected to intergenerational

impoverishment. This included the systematic application of assimilative policies

instrumental in the confiscation and or loss of status, trading practices, raw materials

and resources (including lands, forests, rivers, and oceans), cultural language,

cultural identity, and cultural heritage. While figure two gives an overview of impacts

and transferences across generations, the next aspect will explain Māori

epistemology that uses traditional concepts stemming from a Māori worldview to

describe Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma.

The Destruction of Māori Society

The data informing this part of the chapter stems from the work of David Bedggood.

Bedggood (1978) argues that “the penetration of the capitalist mode of production

and the destruction of the Māori occurred at three levels, economic, political and

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ideological” (p.286). The immediate impact of the capitalist mode of production; was

designed to challenge the ideological dominance of the Māori chiefs in the

reproduction of Māori society Bedggood (1978) explains further that although

ethnocide weakened the ideological resistance of Māori society to the capitalist

market allowing rapid adaption, it was not sufficient to convert land and labour power

into a commodity form required by the capitalist mode of production. Bedggood

(1978) gives further rationale to the state agenda by explaining that;

In Māori society the elders did not constitute a separate ruling class, and

they functioned to reproduce the whole society by their ideological

dominance. Since they could not be used as an intermediary class in

gaining access to the land, the use of state force to break the elders

control of Māori society was necessary... By the destruction of Māori

society the state, as midwife of history, introduced the capitalist mode of

production in New Zealand (p. 286).

While Bedggood’s article gives insight into the state’s strategies for bringing about

the destruction of the Māori society, at an economic, political and ideological level,

the next aspect examines some of the ramifications that have manifested for Māori

as a result of the state’s agenda.

5.6 Māori Experiences of Historical Intergenerational Trauma

Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma while not initially having

much traction in Māori academic writings, comes to the fore in other mediums. Haka,

Māori art, waiata, Māori carvings and Ta Moko are just some examples. To further

investigate Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma, this section

utilises the work of Dr Takirirangi Smith (2013). His work investigates traditional

concepts that are relevant to historical intergenerational trauma. It reveals traditional

Māori attitudes and ways of depicting land loss, grievance and alienation. Te

Kauwae Runga sets the stage from which to introduce Māori concepts explain

historical intergenerational trauma. There will be an investigation of four Māori

concepts that are indicative of Māori epistemological knowledge.

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Te Kauwae Runga and External Knowledge

Te Kauwae Runga represents the knowledge system associated with Rangi, the Sky

Father that also provided the ‘ira atua’ or divine element for the creation of the first

human being. Wiri (2001) explains that Māori knowledge is divided into two domains,

‘Te Kauwae Runga’ which means upper jawbone and ‘Te Kauwae Raro’ which

means lower jawbone... Te Kauwae Runga is associated with the origins of the

universe and the cosmological realms. The ‘ira atua’ aspects associated with Rangi

include gods such as: Tawhirimatea, Tiwhaia, Punaweko Rautau and others who

contributed various parts that created the first human being. They were perceived as

guardians of the various body parts, organs and features to which they contributed.

Smith, T (2012) states that:

Visual knowledge and knowing through sight is considered ira atua

knowledge... Males who performed duties that involved tapu relied upon

tohu (traditional signs and indicators) to assist with specialised tasks. The

ira atua / kauwae runga knowledge could be negated through kaiatua

cooked food etc, passing over or coming near to the head. The loss of this

second sight or internal, instinctive vision for a male so affected was

termed kahupō (cloaked in darkness) or hinapō... Blindness was

associated with matakite, in particular women with the power of second

sight and the ability to visualise internally future events ( p. 5).

5.7 Te Kauwae Raro and Internal Knowledge

The knowledge basket of Te Kauwae Raro contains knowledge that was implanted

in the earth and nurtured by Papatuanuku. Wiri (2001) explains that "Te Kauwae

Raro also contains history of the world in which we live and the history associated

with ancestors" (p.102). Smith, T (2013) supports this by explaining that ‘Te Kauwae

Raro’ "includes all knowledge about human beings and tribal knowledge's that

connect to Hawaiiki or te Hono ki wairua, the place where the ‘ira atua’ (divine

aspect) is united with the ira tangata" (human aspect) (p.2). The upper jaw (Te

Kauwae Runga) and the lower jaw (Te Kauwae Raro) unite at the junction of the ear.

This junction was considered important and sacred. ‘Ka houhia te rongo’ is an

expression of peace and is represented in Māori carvings in door lintels which have

beaked figures (manaia) with a lower and upper jaw placed over the pu taringa (ear)

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of a central figure associated with peace. Hearing was important as it connected

internal ( kauwae raro) and external (kauwae runga) knowledge. Smith T (2013)

further explains that:

The ears and the eyes cause people to react with head, if the eyes of a person are asleep, the ears do not hear, but if a person hears a voice the eyes awake. The ears are the guardian of the body, and know everything affecting the body, and also things making a noise at a distance from the body (p.2).

Te Kauwae Runga and Te Kauwae Raro are concepts specific to the Māori world.

The next part of this discussion will examine the whakapapa and definitions of some

concepts that inform Māori understandings of trauma or hurt.

5.8 Pōuritanga

Pōuritanga can be considered a psychological state ranging in intensity from general

feelings of anxiety or disappointment to a deep suicidal depression. Pōuri or

Pōuritanga refers to the ngākau or internal system where memories and knowledge

are stored within human beings. Whakapapa kōrero narratives describe two

separate realms of darkness. The first is a series of nights and darkness is identified

with the creation of the world. Smith, T (2013) states;

the second series is associated with Hinetītama, the first human being

born from the earth formed woman Hineahuone, who unknowingly had an

incestuous relationship with her male parent the atua Tāne. The discovery

of finding out who her true father was ( in some text described as patu

ngākau) which can be translated to mean a strike or an assault to the

heart, or source of emotions. It also caused the conditions of whakamā, or

to be filled with shame and whakamomori or to become devastated. The

pouritanga became so intense and overwhelming that she decided to

commit to living permanently in the world of darkness (p.11).

5.9 Whakamomori

In contemporary times the concept of whakamomori has been translated to mean

suicide. However this word has deeper connotations that expresses other meanings

as well. These other meanings include extreme despair, to fret desperately, or to

become committed to a course of action. Historical examples of whakamomori are

explained in Ngāti Kahungungu accounts. Smith, T (2013) explains that:

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Ngāi Tumapuhia-a-rangi being besieged by a war party consisting of

several thousands of warriors, decided to whakamomori and commit to

the battle. This included preparations and rituals incorporating ceremonial

dress, including hair dress, and the use of ceremonial paint. Similarly

given is the story of Te Ao Huruhuru in an account given to Sir George

Grey by the chief Te Potangaroa... Te Ao Huruhuru committed to

whakamomori after she considered a misdeed of her husband towards

her..."there is a high rock that stands out with a cliff and the name of that

rock is now called the flight of Te Ao Huruhuru. That young girl went and

prepared herself, combing her hair, the feathers being that of the huia,

kotuku and toroa...she was up on the hill doing her song and when she

finished, she became visible to the old man as she flew from that cliff face,

he saw the cloak flashing white as she flew down (pp.13-14).

Whakamomori is not necessarily an inevitable situation resulting in death however it

does appear to represent the final stage of Pōuritanga prior to death where the will

to live is no longer present.

5.10 Traditional Songs and Historical Intergenerational Trauma

Another place where the origins of Māori experiences of historical intergenerational

trauma are expressed is in waiata tangi or laments. ‘E Pā to Hau’ is one such waiata

or lament. This waiata stems from the Waikato region and the composer of this

waiata is Te Rangiāmoa of the Ngāti Apakura tribe. Karetu (1984) explains the

historical contexts of the waiata which occurred after the Battle of Ōrakau in 1864.

He explains that the Māori had run out of bullets and food. The Pākehā troops

requested that the women and children surrender and be sent out of the pā and their

lives be spared. To this one of the women in the pā exclaimed: “If the men die, so

will the women and children. We will fight you forever and ever”.

Kāretu (1984,) further states that;

After the fighting ceased, Ngāti Apakura hapū were evicted from their

lands by the Pākehā. However they were innocent and not a part of the

Ōrakau incident and did not have any guns on the day of the fight at

Ōrakau. They started to make their way inland to the protection of their

relatives in Taupo. They arrived at the ridge of a hill called Titiraupenga.

Te Wano, one of the elders, climbed the ridge, for one last look at his

ancestral lands from which they had been evicted. After viewing the land

of his ancestors he began to weep with tears flowing down his face, and

with mucus coming from his nostrils. He became so distraught and

overcome that he collapsed and died from a broken heart (pp.113-115).

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His niece, Te Rangiāmoa, in her own grief for her relative Te Wano, responded to his

death by composing the waiata tangi or lament ‘E Pā to hau The Gentle Wind Blows.

Figure 5.3 He Waiata Tangi – A Song of Lament Te Rangiāmoa (1864)

Although this waiata tangi was composed in 1864, it is still sung at marae and in

various hui all around New Zealand today. The lament still captures the essence of

what happened to Māori when land was confiscated. The sense of injustice and

impending shame or whakamā, or patu ngākau after being evicted from their

ancestral lands. Ngāti Apakura were stripped of their mana, integrity, and dignity

that resulted in the Ngāti Apakura chief Te Wano, suffering ‘whakamomori’ and

losing the will to live. Other underlying themes behind the narrative of E Pā Tō Hau

reveals what cultural trauma looks like in application. E Pā Tō Hau brought to the

fore the concept of collective memory and the socio-psychological dimension of

remembering. Arbor (2006) believed that what can stem from cultural trauma is a

theory of collective memory that incorporates reiterated problem solving. Arbor's

ideas also suggest that critically analysing cultural trauma offers an opportunity to

gain new leverage for examining commemorative practices like the waiata tangi E

Pā Tō Hau. This in turn reveals how traumatic events continually play out in the

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memory- identity formation of the collective. For Arbour this offered new ways of

discovering, and explaining the social, political impacts of historical intergenerational

trauma.

5.11 Epigenetic Research

While Takirirangi Smith's work brings to the fore Māori epistemologies regarding

historical intergenerational trauma, other research investigates data that discovered

at a cellular level, how stress from one generation can be carried into the next

generation. Walters (2012) argues that;

Stress in one generation can alter the health outcomes for descendant

generations. Specifically note "these scholars point to the amassing of

evidence at the cellular level that powerful stressful environmental

conditions can leave an imprint or mark on the epigenome (cellular

genetic material) that can be carried into future generations with

devastating consequences (p.184).

Further studies on animals and, more recently on human subjects have

demonstrated pervasive and enduring effects of the neurobiological toll of stress on

neuro-developmental delays, hypothalamic pituitary adrenal (HPA axis dysfunction,

metabolic syndrome, immune system dysfunction, major depressive disorder, PTSD,

compromised reproductive health and trans-generational effects of stress exposure

on the health of offspring generations (Yehuda and Brierer, 2009). Other research

supporting the growing consensus that stresses from one generation can be

transferred to the next generation includes Dr Bruce Lipton's evidence on stem cell

research in 1967.

The experiment of putting three stem cells into three different petri dishes and then

changing the constituents of the environment to test the outcome at a cellular level

brought forth an amazing discovery. The fact that one petri dish grew bone, another

formed muscle, and the final dish grew fat cells led Dr Bruce Lipton to conclude that

at a cellular level genetics don't control the environment; his tests revealed that

genetics respond to the environment.

This data draws attention to a question that asks; if at a cellular level genetics

respond to the environment as stated above, then what are the indicators for Māori

and or other Indigenous cultures who have been subjected across generations to

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environmental displacement and genocide, slavery, intergenerational

impoverishment, assimilated practices of a colonial government, a decimation of their

culture, language, heritage and cultural identity at a fundamentally biological level?.

Walters et al, (2011) argues that "clearly, there is growing consensus that

environmental influences contribute to health disparities by influencing biological

processes and responses at key developmental periods throughout the life and

across generations (p.185).

5.12 Human Needs / Ends Theory

This information is based on the work of Dr John Reid who presented at Te Atawhai

o te Ao writing workshop on the impact of not having needs met. His work uses

human ends theory by Max Neef as a vehicle for explaining psychological, physical,

emotional and environmental impacts that stem from not having needs met. Reid,

(2013a) conveys that; "there are a number of branches of development theory but I

generally ascribe to human ends or human needs theory... Human- ends theory

claims that all human beings have a common set of needs". Dr John Reid also

conveys that;

The wellbeing of individuals is affected by the extent to which wider

political and economic forces can meet needs. Colonial processes

systematically undermine political and economic independence making

Indigenous people vulnerable and exposed and less likely to have their

needs meet.

One of the models that Dr Reid uses clearly highlights an impact of not having ones

needs met. This model offers a human-ends view of ramifications that manifest as a

result of not being able to reach ones full potential.

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Figure 5.4 Needs versus needs not met Reid (2013)

This model highlights the psychological, emotional, spiritual, mental, physical and

environmental implications. A key point that Dr John Reid discusses is that one

cannot understand the health and wellbeing of an individual without understanding

the wider political and economic contexts and the extent to which systems satisfy or

deny the meeting of human needs.

Human needs theorist Max Neef raises some important questions around wellbeing

and development. He argues that some societies that are in terrible material poverty

and struggle to get their subsistence needs met (i.e. food, water, shelter), report very

low or non-existent levels of depression, anxiety and other mental health issues,

where as some countries and communities that do not have material poverty have

very high levels of illness and depression. This is because each society focuses on a

different need.

The term intergenerational impoverishment is a concept that seems to indicate a

form of poverty. It also indicates that it is a process that has trickled from one

generation to the next. Dr John Reid's presentation gives further insight into the

concept of poverty.

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Figure 5.5 Poverties Reid (2013)

What Figure 5.5 highlights, is that poverty does not only refer to material poverty, but

also psychological, emotional, mental, physical, and environmental poverty.

Dr John Reid (2013a) argues that; our surrounding families, community,

and society and general environment can satisfy needs as well as deny

needs. However it is an ethical obligation that political systems aim to

establish environments that satisfy human needs. There are international

academic and political movements to translate human needs into human

rights charters. However it is unlikely that societies will emerge where its

citizens have all their needs met. Consequently it is important to develop

strategies to help people understand their needs, when they are not being

met, and the pathologies that emerge as a result.

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Figure 5.6 Human-end Theory Aligning with Māori Approaches Reid (2013)

Figure 5.6 highlights the manner in which Mātauranga Māori concepts align with

human ends theory giving a clear sense that Mātauranga Māori concepts are human

needs.

With all colonial projects driven by developmentalism (capitalism), the template for

Indigenous peoples is to become more like the settler society through assimilation.

Dr John Reid believes that through this process the Indigenous population is

increasingly exposed and engulfed within the social, economic and political

structures of the coloniser. Reid (2013a) argues that; this process is not just one of

physical domination through the control of economic and political structures, it also

involves the process of psychological domination, or mind colonisation which is

described regularly by Indigenous scholars.

The term sub alternisation is a narrative developed by Western dominant ideologies

for the purpose of internalising the minds of many colonised people. This happens as

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a result of underlying themes that uphold the dominant structures of the colonising

society.

Figure 5.7 Two Forms of Sub-Alternisation Reid (2013)

Figure 5.7 highlights a model designed to have a psychological, mental, emotional

impact on colonised people by re-enforcing assumptions of superiority while also

rationalising and portraying colonised people as inferior in a multitude of arenas in

society.

The effects of sub-alternisation as Dr Reid (2013a) sees it can lead to an

internalisation of narratives and beliefs that situate Māori as inferior. It can lead to a

loss of cultural reference points. Political and economic structures that have

historically marginalised and stressed Māori communities leading to trauma have

caused;

A loss of economic independence leading to material poverty

A loss of land accompanied by forced relocations

Unemployment and welfare dependency

Sever loss of life associated with disease.

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In summary, the Human-ends theory brings together an array of models that give an

overall view of how trauma can be established as a result of not having needs met at

many different levels.

Māori Deficit Statistics

Deficit statistics can be defined as a breach of any societal value or gauge or marker

determined by the people of power in that society. Māori deficit statistics seems to

have a similar element however the undertone behind them gives the impression

that it is being applied across the entire Māori race.

Previous aspects in this chapter highlighted legislative violations and their impacts,

Māori experiences and understandings of historical intergenerational trauma were

also addressed. What this area will investigate are ramifications that stem from those

earlier aspects linking into Māori deficit statistics. While there are clearly issues

relating to Māori criminal offending, what also seems to be an issue, is that there is a

lack of academic rigor in providing explanations.

5.13 Māori Crime

Canterbury University sociology professor and criminologist Greg Newbold (2013)

stated in a recent news article that Māori were to blame for high rates of violent

crime. His opinion suggests that it is Māori deficit statistics that are contributing to

the second highest number of "three strike" offenders. The "three strikes" sentencing

law, which is a key plank in the National Governments law-and-order drive, was

initially introduced in 2010. Mr Newbold (2013) states that; "there is a direct

association between Māori and violent offending... the more Māori you have in an

area the higher levels of juvenile delinquency and higher levels of violent crime"

(Newbold, 2013, as cited in Leaman, 2013, p. 1). Mr Newbold goes on to do a

comparison between Hamilton where the Māori population is high and the

Christchurch and Dunedin region where he determines that the crime rate is lower

due to fewer Māori living in these areas. Mr Newbold goes on to further argue; "the

more Māori you get in an area, the more violent crime you get- that's a fact of life"

(Newbold 2013, as cited in Leaman, 2013, p. 1).

At face value professor Greg Newbold has a point. The signs paint a dismal picture

of Māori and crime. According to statistics put out in the New Zealand Herald in

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2005, Māori crime rate was a concern for government. Those statistics highlighted

that while Māori made up between 14.5-15 per cent of the population, over 50 per

cent of the prison population were Māori. Moana Jackson (2013) shared in his

presentation that in the 1980's Māori women made up 3 per cent of the female prison

population. However in 2012-13 Māori women now make up 60 per cent of the

female prison population. Statistics also showed that of the young Māori offenders

approximately 20 per cent would continue crime into adulthood. Violent crime

increased from 10.3 per cent in 2002-3 to 11. 6 per cent in 2004-5. Dishonesty

offences made up 60 per cent of all Māori crimes.

5.14 Deficit Theories

Clearly Professor Greg Newbold is speaking from a position based on statistical

data. However what is also clear is that he is establishing his viewpoint from a

Western sociological perspective. An underlying theme behind his characterisation

or labelling of Māori and then linking it to crime, carries stereotypical assumptions

and subjugated positioning stemming from two sociological theories known as

labelling and deviance. The unpacking of underlying themes behind labelling and

deviance theory seems to be a manner in which to gain more insight.

The contexts in which particular types of activity are viewed as deviant, criminal and

or can be distinguished to be punishable by law vary widely. Giddens (2002) argues

that; "sociologists studying crime and deviance in the interactionist tradition focus on

deviance as a socially constructed phenomenon. They reject the idea that there are

types of conduct that are inherently deviant. Rather, interaction theorists ask "how

behaviours initially come to be defined as deviant and why certain groups and not

others are labelled as deviant" (p. 209).

5.15 Responding to Deficit Theories

Howard Becker is a sociologist most closely associated with a theory called Labelling

theory. According to Giddens (2002) Howard Becker (1963) was concerned to show

how deviant identities are produced through labelling rather than through deviant

motivations or behaviours. According to Becker; "deviant behaviour is behaviour that

people so label.' He was highly critical of criminological approaches which claimed a

clear division between normal and 'deviant.' For Becker, deviant behaviour is not the

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determining factor in becoming deviant. Rather there are processes unrelated to the

behaviour itself which exercise a great influence on whether or not a person is

labelled deviant" (p. 210). There seems to be further debate on labelling theory that

brings to the fore limitations. Giddens (2002) explains further:

We can criticize labelling theory more convincingly on other grounds.

First, in emphasising the active process of labelling, labelling theorists

neglect the processes that leads to acts defined as deviant. For labelling

certain activities as deviant is not completely arbitrary; differences in

socialisation, attitudes and opportunities influence how far people engage

in behaviour likely to be labelled deviant. For instance children from

deprived backgrounds are more likely than rich children to steal from

shops. It is not the labelling that leads them to steal in the first place so

much as the background from which they come (p.211).

Conflict theorists argue that deviance is deliberately chosen and often political in

nature. They rejected the idea that deviance is determined by factors such as

biology, personality, anomie, social disorganisation or labels. Rather, they argued,

individuals actively choose to engage in deviant behaviour in response to the

inequalities of the capitalist system. Other criminology theorists including Stuart Hall

(1978) began unpacking criminologist theories. (Giddens, 2002) states that;

Criminologists examined the formation and use of laws in society and

argued that laws are tools used by the powerful to maintain their own

privileged positions. They rejected the idea that laws are neutral and are

applied evenly across the population. Instead, they claimed that as

inequalities increase between the ruling class and the working class, law

becomes an ever more powerful instrument for the powerful to maintain

order. This dynamic can be seen in the workings of the criminal justice

system, which had become increasingly oppressive towards working class

offenders or in tax legislation which disproportionately favoured the

wealthy (p. 212).

Waikato University faculty of law senior lecturer Wayne Rumbles suggests that while

professor Newbold's comments are "partly right" Rumbles position contends that

Māori are more likely to be charged with offences, so there is a bit of prosecutorial

bias... "it's not that if you have more Māori you get more violent crime necessarily,

but that you get higher charging of violent crime by the police (Rumbles, 2013, as

cited in Leaman, 2013, p. 1).

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Quince (nd) supports Rumbles statement by highlighting statistics that reveal Māori

as being 3.3 times more likely to be apprehended for a criminal offence than non-

Māori. Ministry of Justice figures for 1999 report a prosecution rate for young Māori

people aged 10-16 years at 76.2 per 1000 population, compared with 16.95 per

population for non-Māori (p.3).

Dr Pita Sharples (2011) argues that; "the system" including, police, courts

and corrections "systematically discriminates against Māori ,"... and

further contends that Māori were also more likely to have police contact,

to be charged, to lack legal representation, not to be granted bail, to plead

guilty and to be convicted... Kim Workman supports Hon Dr Pita Sharples'

sentiments by referring to a 1998 study that showed some police officers

held negative views of Māori people and crime and later studies including

one in 2009 by the Ministry of Justice showed Māori over-representation

had reached an "alarming level'' with police apprehensions (p.1).

A common feature amongst Western professionals such as Professor Greg

Newbold, Canterbury Professor David Round, former Whanganui Mayor Michael

Laws, former Act and National leader Don Brash is their constant use of sociological

theories based on deficit views, labelling practices and deviant ideologies to get their

points across when addressing Māori deficit statistics. John Reid (2013b) brings to

the fore other information that states; "discrimination is a socially structured and

sanctioned phenomenon... Intended to maintain privileges for members of dominant

groups at the cost of deprivation for others" (p.31). That is why there is a need to

challenge Western professionals that do not take into account that a key feature to

understanding Māori deficit statistics, is to also understand the intergenerational

scope of colonisation that comes with making determinations about Māori in a public

forum.

Common features that do understand the historical intergenerational scope and

impact of colonisation will link the legislative violations, and historical

intergenerational trauma to Māori deficit statistics played out in the prison system,

the health sector, the education system, and the social service sectors where Māori

in particular are the most impacted by either under achieving or being over

represented in societal institutions. An overall analysis of these issues carries

common themes. Those common themes include; coming from or growing up in an

impoverished environment, lacking knowledge of whakapapa and or knowledge of

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cultural identity, having limited or no understanding of their cultural heritage, being

assimilated away from their cultural identity to such a degree that their Indigenous

culture seems inferior, to having limited to no knowledge of their native language,

tikanga, kawa and or other Māori protocols that are intrinsic to Māori. The

implementation of legislative policies by the New Zealand Settler Governments since

the 1800's had detrimental impacts that are still felt today, both historically as well as

with new legislative violations such as the Terrorism Suppression Act 2002, Counter

Terrorism Bill 2003, Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004, Terrorism Suppression Bill

2007, the Tuhoe raids 2007, the SIS Amendment Bill 2011, Search and Surveillance

Bill 2012, the GCSB and Related Legislation Amendment Bill 2013. These are

fundamental legislation that future generations of Māori will be addressing via a

Waitangi tribunal process. This is on top of asset sales, the fracking process, oil

drilling, water rights and mining ventures that will impact on the quality of the

environment, and its ability to deal with pollution.

Historically, before the implementation of these legislative policies in the 1800's

Māori across the land were inherently wealthy. Intergenerational impoverishment

links straight back to the Native Lands Act 1862, and the Native Reserves act 1864

that was used to break down communal ownership and put all reserve land under

settler control. Themes such as being assimilated away from their cultural identity to

such a degree that their Indigenous culture seems inferior, to having limited to no

knowledge of their native language, can be linked straight to the Native Schools Act

1867 where generations of Māori school children were beaten and brutalised for

speaking Te reo Māori, or their native language at school, and were systematically

assimilated towards Western ways of doing things. The Tohunga Suppression Act

1908 imposed penalties on experts in Māori knowledge which included, medicine,

agriculture, philosophy, poetry, naked eye star chart navigation across the oceans,

politics, economics, whakapapa, weather patterns, and many other forms of

knowledge considered too tapu or sacred to mention. This in effect robbed future

Māori generations of their right to be entrenched in their native culture in a manner

that gave them the ability to master tikanga, kawa, Māori protocols, customs and

rituals that are intrinsic to walking proficiently as a Māori in a Māori and Western

world.

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Conclusion

The first aspect contextualised the background to Te Tiriti o Waitangi. The second

aspect investigated historical contexts leading to legislative violations, and its role in

subjugating Māori, to ramifications that stem from intergenerational trauma, and their

links to Māori deficit statistics. The third aspect discussed Māori experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma. The final aspect discussed links to Māori deficit

statistics.

In summary, the evidence suggests that Hobson entered into the Te Tiriti o Waitangi

relationship from a position of asking for jurisdiction to restrain the settlers and giving

assurances that he would uphold the mana of the rangatira and the hapū, however

had an intentional plan to apply unilateral dominance.

A summary of other key factors in this chapter include the implementation of

legislative violations. Critical analyses of these legislative policies assume that these

Acts were designed to seize land and resources, power, assets and raw materials. It

also had the effect of stopping trade, and then subjugating Māori to a proletariat

lower working class status.

The psychological implications that stem from these practices are brought under

examination using a variety of frameworks including human ends theory to examine

the psychological, emotional, mental, physical and environmental effects of being

intergenerationally stripped of fundamental assets, resources, cultural knowledge,

values and protocols. Further analysis of these psychological effects attributes

disparaging health and wellbeing outcomes, to historical intergenerational trauma.

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Chapter Six Ko te Patatē – The Patatē Pillar

Introduction This chapter will commence by offering a personal account of historical

intergenerational trauma. The second aspect of this chapter will discuss recovery,

redemption, and then re-emergence from historical intergenerational trauma. The

third and final aspect will contextualise the impact of Māori experiences of historical

intergenerational trauma at both a macro and a micro level.

Locating Self in the Research This chapter provides a micro view of historical intergenerational trauma from a

personal perspective. A primary objective of this chapter is to interweave underlying

the themes behind Te Tiriti o Waitangi legislative violations and its role in

contributing to Māori deficit statistics. This personal account will contextualise how

underlying themes such as: a lack of cultural identity and language, a lack of cultural

heritage, tikanga, and kawa, contributed to the inter-generationally impoverished

environment that my own family were subjected to. Once of the hegemonic effects

of this was that my family became oblivious to causative factors that contributed to

this impoverished environment. In order to understand these experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma at a micro level, an investigation into my

genealogy back to 1840 will be conducted to examine the origin or root cause of this

trauma.

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Figure 6.1 Contextualising HIT in Genealogy Karena, R,W,D (2012)

Figure 6.1 illustrates my own whakapapa tracing back four generations of my

patriarchal genealogy to the year, 1840, the year in which Te Tiriti o Waitangi was

signed. Figure 6.1 explains who my family are, provides information about their lives,

and then demonstrates legislative violations of Te Tiriti o Waitangi that each

generation were subjected to, during their lifetime. A significant factor to consider

here is how the legislative violations were transmitted from one generation to the

next.

In generation 4, my great grandfather Te Nahu Te Kuri Waretini-Wetini was the first

to be subjected to the legislative violations of Te Tiriti o Waitangi. In generation 3 my

grandfather Kapa Te Wharua Waretini-Wetini was also subjected to the legislative

violations of the 1840s to the 1860s. This continued to the generation of my father

and then to myself.

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The implications of this historical intergenerational trauma resulted in growing up in

an environment where Māori were abused for learning and speaking their own

language and practising their own culture. As a consequence of assimilation my

father was encouraged not to practise Māori culture and he began to both despise

and believe that Māori ways of knowing and being were inferior to Western ways of

knowing and being. Moreover these beliefs became hegemonic and were transferred

to my own generation.

To contextualise the historical experiences of my father’s generation, as a young

man growing up in an urban environment, my father typified the stereotypical Māori

male portrayed as ‘Jake the Muss’ in the movie 'Once were Warriors'. Figure 6.1

highlights that as a result of this colonial process, my own family grew up with no

cultural understanding of identity, no knowledge of ‘tikanga’, ‘kawa’, or traditional

protocols for engaging with others, or knowledge of Māori language to engage in

traditional ways. Consequently, my own generation were estranged from our cultural

roots and were raised in an impoverished urban, low socio-economic area of

Hamilton.

Personal Experiences of Domestic Violence and Child Abuse

As a child growing up in urban Hamilton, our home was rampant with drugs, alcohol,

gangs, domestic violence and child abuse. The beatings I received as a child were

so severe that I developed coping responses that were quite detrimental and

psychologically disturbing. My first experience of domestic violence occurred when I

was about three years old. My older brother and I were asleep in our parents’ room.

Our father had been drinking alcohol all day and was drinking down stairs with family

and friends. He came up stairs and kicked the door open. It flew off its hinges and I

could hear him yelling. While his friends tried to wrestle him to the ground and calm

him down. He was too strong and proceeded to throw them off and punch holes

through all five windows in the room. My older brother screamed in fear. I was too

young to comprehend what was going on at the time, and just wanted to go back to

sleep. As I looked over my father’s shoulder, it was the first time I noticed my mother

with a badly beaten face, standing at the door, dishevelled, dejected and crying while

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screaming at my father to stop. Unfortunately it was a sight that I was to witness

many more times.

6.1 Personal Trauma - Flashbacks, Hearing Voices Trances

Growing up in this type of environment and being subjected to violence at a very

early age became a norm. In another sense, the development of coping strategies in

response to frequent displays of domestic violence and child abuse became a friend.

I was able to enter into another realm and not feel a thing. I was able to mentally

switch myself off. I did not understand flashbacks or that traumatising events even

existed. As a result it became an everyday occurrence that I thought all people in

society went through. As a consequence of my upbringing (from the age of 5 through

to the mid-20s), I experienced flashbacks, hearing voices and going into trances.

These were a significant part of my daily lived experiences. Words, smells, sounds,

could trigger a flashback.

I recall one experience where my teacher at school called me, “Boy.” That word,

would echo in my head, as it was a word [trigger] my father used before I was about

to be beaten. It would manifest a whole collage of historical flashbacks of my father

standing there assaulting me and saying: “Come here boy”. This was a prelude that

seemed more frightening than the actual beating. I remember sweating, shaking, and

visualising what was about to come, and feeling powerless to do anything about it. I

remember feeling fear surge through my body. I also began going into trances and

hearing voices in my head. As a result I would start swinging my fists at the air and

swearing at the top of my lungs. I would then come out of the trance-like state and

realise there were people around watching me, and thinking that I was crazy.

6.2 Beginning a Crime Wave

At the age of 4, my mother and I would go to the supermarket. My father spent the

rent and the food money on alcohol for him and his friends resulting in our family

having no food in the house. I would ride in the shop on my tricycle with a basket on

the back, she would fill it up, and while distracting the cashier I would ride out the

door with a basket full of groceries. It was our weekly game. At the age of 5, I joined

our neighbourhood street gang, we began stealing bikes and breaking into houses. I

was 5 years old when I first appeared in the Hamilton District Court. I was removed

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from my home and put into the custody of the state, spending 12 months in Tower

Hill, a social welfare home for children who were wards of the state. After my time

finished I was allowed to return home again.

6.3 Death of Brother

One day I was left at home to babysit my younger brother, Stephen. I was about 6 or

7 years old, at the time. My father had gone to the pub and my mother went to play

housie. There was a huge downpour in our street and this was the first time I'd seen

a flash flood. Suddenly, I noticed all the kids in the neighbourhood bringing out their

buckets and playing in the water. I could hear their laughter and singing and wanted

to play too, but I had to look after my younger brother. I decided to compromise. It

stopped raining so putting him in his pram I left him outside by the porch so I could

see him and then I went out to play in the water with the other kids. It started to rain

heavily again but I was too engrossed in playing to notice, nor comprehend that my

brother might be getting wet. It was not until I heard him crying that I realised what

was happening. I looked up and noticed it was pouring down with rain and he was

crying and getting wet. I was so engrossed in what I was doing that I believe he may

have been crying for a while before I noticed. So I picked him up and carried him

inside and dried him down while trying to find him something to eat. There was no

food in the house, so I went to the shop and shoplifted groceries. A few days later

my younger brother got really sick and was rushed to hospital. The hospital

diagnosed him with influenza. He passed away a few days later. I remember the

devastation and anguish of my family. It was quite surreal and the first time I saw my

father shedding tears. My mother’s family were Catholics, and were there praying. I

could hear them all chanting along while also listening to my father’s voice saying,

“Why?” I knew why.

My mind kept going back to a week before, replaying and freeze framing visions of

the rain pouring down, the sound of singing and laughter of the children splashing

around in the water, and the subtle cries of my brother in his pram on the porch. In

having feelings of immense guilt I nearly told my father what happened, however an

intuitive sense of foreboding made me stop. I realised that if he knew what happened

on that day, he would have taken it as a sign that it was my fault. While I would have

liked to have envisioned him telling me that it was okay, and that he would put his

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arms around me to help me work through my own sense of guilt and shame, I

realised instead that he would more than likely have beaten me to death.

6.4 The Last Abuse

After the funeral, my father started coming home drunk and punching us around

again. One time he was excessively violent. My mother had taken to prayer with

rosary beads and candles in front of a statue of Mother Mary to help her to deal with

the grief of losing her son. We were on our knees in prayer under candle light when

my father came through the door, drunk as usual. He slapped my mother upside the

head and kicked us to the ground. It was such a shock to go from one extreme

position of prayer and meditation to being around explosive violence.

My father was angry at God for taking his son and here we were, traitors praying to

God. I saw my mother fall to the ground and hit her head. It was bleeding. For the

first time I got angry at him. A red veil came over me and I went into a blind rage, he

pounded me and pounded me, however, when the red veil came down the rage and

adrenaline kicked in. It’ was like going into a trance and as a result I could not feel

the blows. My mother tried to make him stop so jumped in between us as he was

raining blows on me and he started belting her until she crumpled to the floor. It

made him stop as she did not get back up. The veil lifted from me and I came out of

the rage to see my mother lying in a crumpled heap. I was so enraged all I could do

was swear at him and wait for him to physically abuse me again. However something

made him stop. I can only assume that maybe he had realised he had gone too far.

He said words to the effect: “One day when you are old enough you’ll understand,

and when you grow up, we’re going to have a fight you and I.” and then finished with:

“Maybe only one of us is going to survive.” I believed what he said, and that he

meant it. I began focusing my world on the day I was going to grow up, and he and I

were going to have a fight. After that incident, he never ever touched me again yet, it

was too late because the damage had been done. When I healed I ran away and

broke into a house. I found the keys to a car, started it up and crashed it into a tree,

then jumped the fence into another house, stole a bike and rode it over to, and broke

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into, my grandparent’s house because I knew they were going to be away for a

while. The police found me and knowing who I was, took me back to Tower Hill.

Gwenda Rowe

A new girl came to Tower Hill. Her name was Gwenda Rowe. I did not know it at the

time but things were about to get controversial and generate national attention. It

also created a bond between Gwenda and I that would have a huge impact, later on

in my life. I came up from the second floor to the main floor beside the kitchen when I

noticed a man standing there brandishing a firearm. He had one staff member as a

hostage and was waving his gun at the other workers. We all had to move into the

lounge, and then he grabbed Gwenda and knocking down the furniture ran out of the

kitchen door. I followed them out the door and noticed them getting into what looked

like a white and/or blue station wagon and drive away. The police were at Tower Hill

within minutes. The Tower Hill staff employees were all shaken up over what

happened and were making statements to the police. We were told not to say

anything to anybody about it, and of course I never listened. It was my first piece of

news and I shared with the class at show and tell the next morning.

On the television news we were kept up to date with what was happening as the

police chased, what turned out to be Gwenda and her stepfather. He was angry at

the way the Social Welfare Department had removed his daughter without his

consent. It took the police and the army a few weeks before they were able to corner

and arrest him. He went to prison while Gwenda was returned to Tower Hill. She was

quite positive in spite of her experience and our friendship grew from there.

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Figure 6.2 Mother fears for safety Waikato Times September 25th 1978

6.5 Foster Home

At the end of 1978, Gwenda and I were separated and I went to a family / foster

home in a wealthy region of Hamilton called Forest Lake. It was a big beautiful 10

bed roomed home, across the road from the Hamilton pools. I was not accustomed

to this type of luxury. My new foster father was English and my foster mother was an

Italian, who was born in North Africa. We had everything we needed and I was

supported in nearly everything I did, and for the most part they were good parents.

However I learnt from them what racism was. They took opportunities to put Māori

culture down. I was not sure what it all meant at the time, and I could not articulate

any type of rebuttal to their verbal attacks against Māori, however I did know that

what they were saying about Māori culture was very disturbing.. It also did not occur

to me that I was in fact a Māori and by putting down Māori culture, they were also

putting me down. I was now 10 years old and going to a new school but I still had not

resolved historical issues as they were part and parcel of my lived experience.

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6.6 Displaying Extreme Behaviour

On one occasion, we were celebrating Christmas with other foster homes at a camp

in Port Waikato. It was the first time the Department of Social Welfare brought all the

state wards from around Hamilton together. I became involved in a dispute with one

of the social workers who belittled me in front of everyone. I felt humiliated and

climbed up on one of the chain bridges at the camp and threatened to jump off the

bridge into a stream full of rocks below. I heard him say: “Oh you won’t do it,” so I

climbed over the chain rail and jumped. I hit a tree before I hit the rocks. It cushioned

my fall but still hurt like hell. Another time I was having a dispute with my foster

father. He told me he was going to give me the beating of my life. I laughed because

he was a ‘pansy’ compared to my biological father. Nonetheless it triggered a chain

reaction whereby I went to my room and felt so much pressure building up inside my

head that I used a belt to wrap around my neck and proceeded to tie it to a ceiling

handle. I then kicked over the chair I was standing on to hang myself. Although I

went unconscious the belt eventually broke under my weight, and I awoke to find my

body was going into severe convulsions. I would have died if it had not been for that

belt breaking. I was just confused and didn’t have anyone to turn to, and I did not

know how to get rid of all the bad thoughts in my head.

I realise now that if I had shared my problems instead of bottling everything up

earlier on in my life, it would have helped me to deal better with things and made a

dramatic difference. Another significant factor is that I was not a very good

communicator and had not been taught communication skills I needed to articulate

my feelings. I also only saw what was in front of me, and could not see the bigger

picture. The only time I expanded on my feelings, was when I played music because

it created a safe haven where I could feel vulnerable and yet soar through the

heavens. I did not realise it at the time, but I had a lot further to fall before I was able

to identify, challenge and then find the inner strength to overcome my demons. By

the time I got to high school I had a lot of experience with bands and joined the high

school orchestra as a drummer as well as learning the saxophone so that I could

play in the Brass section. I was at this school for about a year and a half before I was

expelled. I could not get into another school in Hamilton as I had been effectively

banned from further education.

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Beginning of the End

In about January 1987, I was 17, at the time. I eventually met up with Gwenda Rowe

again. One day visiting Gwenda and her boyfriend Mike at their flat, I met a young

Māori boy who lived next door. They regularly babysat the boy while the parents

were away. All I knew about the boy at the time was that the mother said to Gwenda

that he sometimes he gets hit by his father. I did not think much of it at the time as

children getting beatings from their father to me was a norm. Over a 5 month period I

went back and forth to Mike and Gwenda’s hearing updated versions of the same

thing. Any normal person would have called the police with their concerns; however

we were not what could be considered normal or ordinary people. We came from a

low socio-economic environment, had multiple dealings with the police, courts, the

Social Welfare Department, and practically every other social service agency. The

environment we came from had its own unwritten codes; one of them stipulated that

the police, courts and the Social Welfare Department were enemies.

Events came to a head on Monday 18 May 1987. I had just turned 18 and was

meeting with Mike and Gwenda for a beer. They were very concerned about the

mother and her son so the mother came along. I am not sure how the conversation

started but Gwenda shared about how we met all those years ago and about what

she went through as a young girl growing up in an abusive home, on the run from the

police. I then shared my life experiences of abuse. It felt good as I never really did

that, however that is what made Gwenda and I become close. I believed at the time

that my history was a significant part of my identity and perceived it to define my

existence.

Lee began sharing her story about her son telling us he had built-in hearing aids

resulting from his father beating him around the head which ruptured his ear drums.

She also shared that at the time of his birth he had a pace- maker implanted to help

regulate his heartbeat.

She told us that if something wasn’t done about it she feared her son would be

beaten to death. That story caused all kinds of reactions for me. Mike, Gwenda and

I were only 18 at the time. Lee was 25 and so was her partner. She had seen more

of the world than we had and in hindsight she used it to her advantage. I remember

the tears we felt while listening to the stories she shared at one level. We were

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intoxicated, however, and at another level she was speaking to the wounded

traumatised children in all of us. The wounded child in me had emotional, spiritual as

well as physical trauma. This hit me at so many different levels which, at that time, I

did not understand, or comprehend. It was triggering flashbacks and moments of

injustice to such a degree that I ended up superimposing my story, my history over

the top of the boy’s story. These events triggered me to enter the house to find the

father, beat him, stab him and then kill him. In my own warped reality, I was not

fighting the father at all, but was fighting my own father, my own history and my own

demons. That moment was a catalyst activating cellular memories of trauma, which

in turn instigated catastrophic consequences.

Figure 6.3 Stabbing incident Waikato Times May 20th 1987

I was arrested a few days later. Over the 5 months leading up to the incident there

were many things that I was told that added to the equation. I was told the young boy

had a pace maker and a built- in hearing aid. In hindsight, these things contributed

as they made me feel like I was protecting him. In a sense, it made me feel that I

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was saving his life. However, during our trial I found out that all I was made to

believe was a lie.

Figure 6.4 Murder Trial Waikato Times July 1st 1988

The son was not 8 years old at all but 5. The next truth that came out was that her

son never ever had a pace maker or a hearing aid. It then came to light that the

mother had tried to hire an assassin to kill her husband, before I had ever met her. I

also discovered that Lee had an insurance policy on her husband she had been

trying to collect on. This just stunned me. I came to the realisation that this woman

blatantly lied to our faces and used our histories against us. I felt like a fool and

ashamed and realised I had been deceived. I was painted as the main perpetrator of

the crime and as a monster. By this time I had learnt to detach and desensitise

myself so that I would not be affected by what was being portrayed in the media. On

the other hand, there was a part that did get to me, and it was hearing the

testimonies of friends of the partner describing how they knew him as a teddy bear.

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Why I found it hard to listen to those statements is because it challenged my

perceived version of the reality created by the mother's web of lies, therefore giving

me no justification for my own actions. After a discussion with the mother and Mike

and Gwenda we went to trial and were divided into four different separate trials. The

only person left standing trial was Lee. She had hired Kevin Ryan as a lawyer and he

is one of the best in the business. I was tempted to get on the stand and testify

against myself and Lee. However, I was worried about what Lee would do to Mike

and Gwenda. First, I was worried about what the impact would be for her son, so I

chose to stay silent. Lee was acquitted due to lack of evidence, Mike and Gwenda

acquitted due to lack of evidence. I was convicted and sentenced to life

imprisonment on August 8, 1988.

6.6 Sentenced to Life Imprisonment - The Turbulent Years

The first few years serving a life sentence was difficult. I ended up joining a gang and

became an enforcer fighting in a prison gang war. It became so hectic and out of

control, and yet in reflection, was only an outward manifestation of inner turmoil. I

also experienced recurring nightmares that further fed that inner turmoil.

A young 14 year old Pākehā boy came into the prison. I recognised him as instant

‘jail bait’ being small and vulnerable meant that he was an instant target. I decided to

take him under my wing and become his mentor. I told everyone to leave him alone.

Yet while I was in the isolation unit for fighting, he was getting hit on. When I came

out I was angry and confronted my own crew. It led me to taking a really good look at

them and asking myself some serious questions: “Who are these guys?”. I did not

really know them, and most of them were doing 3 to 4 years and were getting out

soon, while I was there serving a life sentence and yet why am I listening to these

fools?. It was the first time I started to question some of the decisions I had been

making, and realised that serving prison time alone is difficult enough. Furthermore I

found that being on this rollercoaster ride between gangs and the isolation unit was

not the life I wanted to continue, so I decided that if I was to serve my life sentence

properly, then I needed to do it on my own terms.

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6.7 Plan of Redemption

One night sitting I was in my cell and began thinking of a vision I had experienced

which in the Remand Wing of the prison, 3 years before. In my vision, I'd been

sentenced to life imprisonment and was sitting in my cell looking in the mirror at a

broken man with no hope. I felt like a shell, just existing from day to day. It felt as

though, mentally and emotionally, I had become numb, and had spiritually withered

away.

I began to review my life and as I journeyed back into my past, tears fell like pools of

sorrow and I felt broken with nowhere to go. I remember sobbing and feeling the

visual impacts of traumatic memories. It took a while to comprehend , yet as I

visualised how I got myself in to this predicament, I came to a realisation that

regardless of what Lee did to entice me, at the end of the day, I chose to act in a

manner that did not challenge or question, but took all her lies on board. Yes there

were a lot of extenuating circumstances involved, nevertheless I was the catalyst. It

was because of my actions that an innocent man lost his life.

Pulling back the veil to recognise the full implications of what I had done was a bitter

but necessary pill to swallow. I was finally looking at things I was too ashamed to

confront before, and I was blinded by my past and by my own pain. On one hand, I

had become the thing I hated the most, just like my father, yet on the other hand I

was not, rather I had become something much worse. In reality all I wanted was to

be loved and understood, yet when I looked in the mirror, I did not like what was

looking back at me. I did not like what I had become and I was ashamed of what I

saw. I had lost my soul, my heart, my innocence, and I did not know what to do.

The guard came around to turn the lights out so I stood up at the window looking

through the bars at the stars. They were shining so brightly and I could hear a

whisper of the song: ‘When you wish upon a star,’ floating across my mind, and I

closed my eyes listening to the wind and taking in the cool breeze, wishing that I was

free and that this was just another bad dream. After having a moment of quiet

contemplation an idea came to me. I stepped back and realised that I could keep

looking at the bars and stay stuck in a rut that was entrenched in institutionalised

prison life, or I could reach for the stars and begin rebuilding my name and my life

one block at a time with a focus of bettering myself and one day heading to the

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National Parole Board and walking out on my first try. I knew that this had never

been done before, but in 1989 I decided to focus on that goal. I began to do karakia

to my creators, and to my ancestors, and to Lee’s partner asking for forgiveness, and

praying for a second chance to start again. This was about rededicating my life to

making a difference.

6.8 Making Changes

Over the next few days I figured out that I had to work on short term goals to help me

achieve my long term goal, so in my cell I took out a note pad and pencil and wrote

my goals down. It was a simple plan that I carried during my time in prison. My

spiritual goal was to go to church. My mental goal was to pursue an education. My

emotional goals were to seek counselling and my physical goal was to start training

at the gym. My environmental goal was to not let other inmates bait me into fighting.

I had a terrible school record so going back to get an education was really hard for

me. I studied for School Certificate English and Art. The art class I passed with

flying colours and some of my work ended up in an inmate exhibition in Santa

Cruise, USA. However I only just passed School Certificate English with a ‘C’ grade.

At that time it was the most significant thing I had ever achieved before in education

and it made me want to learn more.

I also began studying Māori carving and started making bone and wood carvings. It

was the first time I learnt about anything Māori. Monte and Glennis Retemeyer were

my first tutors who I learnt the basics from them then. A master carver by the name

of Mack Bell, from Te Wānanga o Aotearoa, came in to teach mahi whakairo and I

began learning everything I could from him. I was like a sponge, fascinated with this

part of my culture and quickly became so competent I began training others. I started

going to the gym. I did not know it but the gym instructors (who are also prison

officers) were watching me come in most days and teach their fitness circuit. One of

them, Wayne, came up to me and said, “Keep going, you’re doing well”. I was

startled by this comment. I was 19 years old and that was the first compliment I had

ever received in my life, and it made me feel good and made me want to try harder.

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6.9 New Beginnings

In 1992, after 5 and a half years in prison, I applied for the right to work outside on

the farms. I was granted the opportunity to work in the forest gangs. We chopped

down trees and smashed down the foundations of houses around the prison and in

the prison officer village. It was hard labour, but I loved it. I was given the job of

driving the tractor as I was the only one in the group with a driver’s license. I had not

been near anything like this for 5 years, so very quickly I had to teach myself to drive

again.

After 6 months I moved to Missen House and began studying towards a Certificate in

carpentry that was taught by Waiariki Polytechnic in Rotorua. This allowed me to

start travelling with the carpentry course to Rotorua and then Auckland. I also started

working permanently up at the village, and began working full-time as a caretaker in

the local kohanga reo alongside some of the prison officers’ wives and children. I

found it embarrassing because the kids would ask me questions in Māori and I could

not answer them. I began Te Reo classes at the prison school. I ended up working

in the village, intermittently from 1992 to 1997. Soon after, the prison officer’s village

was demolished.

6.10 The Tides of Change

In 1993 a woman came to our unit to perform a play for us called “Verbatim Act of

Murder.” Her name was Miranda Harcourt, and this was the first time I had ever

heard of her. She played 6 different characters that were all affected by the impact of

murder. I was keen to hear what she had to say and when it came to question time I

asked her: “what were you hoping to achieve by showing us this play?”. Miranda in

turn asked me: “How would you answer that?”. I remember saying, “What you are

highlighting to me is that it’s kind of like a pebble being dropped into a bucket of

water and it creates ripples. All these characters you are playing have been affected

as a result of those ripples. The stone that was dropped causing those ripples was

the act of murder.”

The next day I was called in from work for a private interview with her for her

television documentary: “Verbatim Act of Murder.” I realised it was going to be

broadcasted national television. Even with my face obscured, you could tell it was

me. I used that same analogy I spoke of the night before, but with a lot more

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elaboration. Here I was just a few years before not being able to admit to myself that

I had committed murder. Now I was talking about it on national television. I

remember talking about the stone dropping into the water and creating ripples.

The interview made me realise that my focus was so narrow minded, that while I

thought I was focusing on one man, I did not comprehend that he was a father, a

son, a friend, a brother, a nephew. So this whole ripple created a situation where a

son would grow up not knowing his father, a mother would never again tell her son: “I

love you”, siblings had lost their brother and uncles and aunties had lost a nephew.

On the other side of the coin my own family suffered as well. My mother never left

her home for 6 years unless she wore black with a veil over her head.

My father went into denial blaming everyone else but himself. He was killed in a work

related accident before he and I were able to clear the air. My own family became

stigmatised, they became "those people". I thought that I was all alone but later

realised that not only am I connected to my family, but everything I do, has an impact

on them as well. I also realised, that I had trampled on the mana or integrity of my

family name. This had had a detrimental impact on my whakapapa. In gaining this

new level of understanding I was devastated, because of the agony I had caused.

Alternatives to Violence Project Waikato

In 1994 a programme came to the prison called AVP, Alternatives to Violence

Project. It was a 3 day experiential program. I went along to this program despite not

wanting to participate. However as I saw the programme unfold, I realised how

amazing it was. This programme was constructed in such a way that we very quickly

got to know each other, and learnt to trust and work together. It built enough trust

that allowed inmates to let down their barriers. It enabled me to view others opening

up in a way that I had never seen before. I witnessed hardened criminals share their

life stories while shedding tears, sharing their pain, and their trauma. I saw other

grown men with tough reputations unmasking themselves in a way that gave me

permission to do the same. This was true transforming power and provided me with

what I was looking for. It was a gentle process that gave me permission to share my

story, and emotionally expose myself with all my vulnerabilities because a safe

space to engage in dialogue had been created that allowed me to do so knowing that

I would not be laughed at, or judged.

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I found the programme to be such a healing process and gained a realisation about

how much of an impact it could have in healing others. I decided that I wanted to be

a part of its journey and help to take this concept to other units in Waikeria prison

and around the country. I became the first inmate facilitator of the AVP Alternatives

to Violence Project in New Zealand and went on to join a team that facilitated

hundreds of workshops, training hundreds of inmates and people in the community

in the transforming power of alternatives to violence.

6.11 Learning My Cultural Identity

It was New Year’s 1995 and I decided to start up a kapa haka3 group. Our unit

moved from Missen house to Hillary house which was a minimum security prison. All

the units were asked to perform for the church groups that participated in the church

services during the year. The prison hosted a lunch to thank the churches for their

past work and for their continued support and participation.

I went to see what all the other units were doing, and noticed they were only

practicing haka. I went back to my unit and joined forces with the Pasifika inmates to

create some good cultural performance dynamics. We came up with an eclectic mix

of Māori and Samoan dance with an introduction, a waiata, a haka and then split the

ranks up the middle to come through the centre to line up and perform a Samoan

slap dance. It was the best performance of the day, and the beginning of a

competitive streak that would flow throughout the Waikeria prison units creating an

annual cultural festival. I went on to found a multi-cultural group I named Kotahitanga

Toa. We won the cultural festival every year until I was released.

Becky Fox-Vercoe

It was 1997 and I was celebrating my 10th year in prison. I was performing both kapa

haka and band music at a family day outing. These are events that allowed inmates

and families to intermingle in the prison. It was here that I met Becky Fox Vercoe.

Her younger brother was in Hillary House and we both worked together on the

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rubbish truck. As part of the entertainment I made fun of one of the prison guards

while performing.

We began talking and one of her comments to me was: “I hope you don’t drive with

alcohol again”. Apparently Becky was amused by my antics and asked someone

what I was in for and that was the answer she received. Her brother told her the truth

and we became friends from there.

Becky very quickly became a mother figure to me as I had never really been brought

up in a family. I brought myself up and was a product of the entire judicial system.

One day she asked me: “How long do you have in prison?”. I told her: “At least

another four, or five years” as I did not have a release date. Becky encouraged me to

write to the National Parole Board and query the process.

6.12 National Parole Board

According to the practice of that time, all life sentences started from the day an

inmate was convicted and sentenced in the dock. Because of that policy my original

444 days that I served in remand were not taken into consideration as prison time.

However, because I began serving time in remand before that policy came into

effect, I had extenuating circumstances. So I wrote to the National Parole Board and

they took my query into consideration.

two months later I received a letter from the National Parole Board. Upon receiving

my request they accepted that I had legitimate grounds and returned to me all the

time I served on remand which in turn allowed me to apply straight away for an

application to be released from prison. This resulted in the National Parole Board

granting time back for every eligible inmate in New Zealand which progressed so

rapidly I was totally surprised.

I was given a date to appear before the National Parole Board in October 1997. I

began writing submissions and gaining references from everyone I worked with over

my 10 years and 7 months of being incarcerated. Becky, who was a Senior Lecturer

at Waikato Polytechnic, wrote on my behalf as well as her husband Drew, who was a

Lecturer from Waikato University. Becky’s brother, Derek Tini Fox also wrote on my

behalf. At the time he was the Mayor of Wairoa, a television presenter for ‘Marae’

and the editor for Mana Magazine. His partner at the time, Atareta Pōnangā also

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represented me as my lawyer. In my submission I gave a detailed account of all the

work I had done to rehabilitate myself, my achievements and the places I had been.

The National Parole Board also sent a psychologist to Hillary House to write a report

about me, and he too gave a detailed account based on the interviews with him.

I travelled to Paremoremo maximum security prison in Auckland to appear before the

National Parole Board. It was the most nerve-racking experience I ever encountered

and yet I had prepared as thoroughly as the parameters had allowed me to. My

mother, Becky, Elaine Dyer the Coordinator for AVP Aotearoa, Drew Vercoe, Derek

Fox and Atareta Pōnanga came in to represent me and speak on my behalf. I had to

settle my spirit so I started singing to myself and inviting a calmness to fall upon me.

The only query the National Parole Board had to me was that I had spent over 22

years within the judicial system and wanted to know how I would cope being

returned to society after so long. I shared my story about looking through the bars at

the stars and how I formulated my redemption plan. I shared about the growth of my

journey and what I had done to overcome my past. I worked hard not to become

institutionalised and continued to expand my world to the degree that I had

accomplished rebuilding my life and my reputation with my family and was going to

work towards doing the same in my community. These people liked my answer and

the amount of work I had done and acknowledged that I had a strong support

network.

They decided to put their faith in me and send me home for a weekend and then

invited me back on December 1. Upon returning to the National Centre in December

I was granted permission to be released. It was here that I learnt about security

status categories for those sentenced to life imprisonment. The category statuses

ranged from “A” to “E”. I found out that “E” and “D” status meant that the likelihood of

a ‘lifer’ reoffending is high so release from prison is not likely to occur in the near

future. I also found out that most inmates with a life sentence usually fall into the “C”

category. This means, the likelihood to re-offend is low. However this came with

heavy restrictions and an automatic stand down for 1 or 2 years. The “B” category

meant that the likelihood for that inmate to re-offend is minimal. It still carried heavy

restrictions and yet only the exceptional inmates received this ranking. I became the

first “A” category lifer in New Zealand with a likelihood of re-offending at 0 percent.

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6.13 The Road to Recovery

I was 28 years old when I left prison. 22 of those 28 years had been spent

incarcerated in social welfare homes, foster homes, boys’ homes and prison. I

believed that I needed a huge change of direction so Becky Fox-Vercoe led me into

the Latter Day Saints Church, as well as into the education field.

In December 1999, after 2 years of diligently attending church I was baptised into the

Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter Day Saints and conferred in the Aaronic

Priesthood. In March of 2000 I was ordained and conferred into the office of an

Elder and became a Melchizedek priesthood holder. I was called to serve as a

second, and then first counsellor for the Hamilton Stake Mission presidency. It was

my role to work, coordinate and provide support for part-time and full-time

missionaries.

One night I went into the temple after finishing missionary work. I was still wearing

my stake missionary badge on when I noticed an elderly gentleman looking at the

name on my badge. I looked at his name and recognised it immediately. I also

noticed that he recognised me. I went to do some baptism work in the temple and

noticed him following. I believe that this was an opportunity that I needed to take so I

pulled him aside and we went to a part of the temple where we were alone. I asked

him if he knew who I was and he said, “Yes.” We both broke down and cried. I found

out that he was an uncle of Kevin Paul Witehira, the man whose life I took. He told

me that if I was to meet him anywhere else except in the temple that he would not

have acknowledged or accepted me, or forgiven me. He also stated that God moves

in mysterious ways so had to acknowledge how significant meeting him like this was.

He recognised the significance of me being in the temple so invited me to come to

his home and meet with his family. As anxious as I was I knew I had to do this, so

standing in front of his family I introduced myself and explained why I was there. I

expected anger and abuse however I ended up receiving the opposite. I became part

of their family and went to their daughter’s wedding where I met other members of

their family.

Our story was reported by the Waikato Times. They conducted an interview with us.

The story was sensationalised and for the most part only focused on the negative

aspects. For me, in many ways, the journalist was writing from his own perspective

and missed the point. However what I was also aware of was that this family needed

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its own voice to be heard and although I was feeling uncomfortable, exposed and,

vulnerable, I also knew it was a necessary process to have this family acknowledged

so that they could go through their own healing.

Figure 6.5 Waikato Times: September 2000

A couple of months later I was invited by the NZ Women's Weekly to be a part of an

anti-child abuse campaign that they were running. It was an opportunity to tell my

story from a position that highlighted some of the ramifications that come with child

abuse. It was the first time that I made a link to the historical past of my family

beginning with my grandfather’s generation and continuing through to my own

generation and myself.

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Figure 6.6 New Zealand Women’s Weekly article November 2000

Rebuilding Worth and Integrity

This entire journey has been a story of resilience, recovery, redemption and

restoration. Some of my biggest challenges have come from my own people.

However, I have taken those challenges, and instead of allowing them to be a

barrier, used them as stepping stones for better things. Rebuilding my life after so

much turmoil was a slow and a sometimes painful process. I have lost employment

opportunities because of my history. Due to my honesty, I have lost friends who

found out about me and became judgemental. I have lost other opportunities that I

was not able to take advantage of because of where I had been, and what I am

limited to, due to serving life parole. Once I began focusing on gaining an education,

other people began to take notice, and then eventually, minor successes one after

the other came, and then created their own momentum.

6.14 Education

My education journey started on the Toi Whakaari Māori Performing Arts

programme, in 1998, where I studied music, drama and kappa haka under the

mentorship of Vyonna Berryman. I graduated in 2000. In 2001, I enrolled in the Te

Whiuwhiu o Te Hau Māori counselling program studying towards a Diploma of Māori

counselling. This was the closest course I could find to AVP facilitation. I completed

this diploma and graduated in 2003. This was my dedication to Becky who passed

away in 2002. Becky was instrumental as a mentor and mother figure in leading me

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into the education field. In 2003 I completed my last year of the Bachelor of Applied

Social Science degree in Te Whiuwhiu o te Hau Māori counselling and graduated in

2004.

Figure 6.7 Graduating with my diploma alongside three of my aunties 2003

Figure 6.8 Graduating with Bachelor Degree 2004

Figure 6. 9 Graduating with Master of Arts Degree 2010

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Strategic people that I have met along the way have been fundamental to both my

success, and progressive momentum. These people began to believe in me, and

took a chance to mentor and give me an opportunity, even when they didn't need to.

Taima Moeke-Pickering was one of those people. At the end of 2003 at our Bachelor

degree graduation, Taima came to see us. In her speech acknowledged each and

every degree holder, and some of the virtues she saw in them. When it was my turn,

Taima said, that I was the most courageous person she knew, and that where ever I

went, she would support me 1000 percent.

I knew that Taima had just been appointed to the role of Head of School for the

Māori Department. I asked what that would look like in terms of employment. I went

through the process with the Human Resources Division and in 2004 became

employed at the Waikato Institute of Technology as a tutor of the Bachelor of Applied

Social Science degree for the Te Whiuwhiu o te Hau Māori counselling program.

In 2010 I graduated with a Master of Arts Degree in commercial music, writing my

Master's thesis on the Māori Show bands. I dedicated my thesis to my late uncle

Danny Robinson of the Māori Castaways, the Hawaiian Swingsters and the Hi Fives

tour to England. I challenged the New Zealand music industry as to why the Māori

show bands were not recognised for their contribution to the New Zealand music

industry.

In 2010-2011 a television producer who read my Master’s thesis called me and

asked if I wanted to contribute to their new programme they were about to start

making. It was called unsung heroes of Māori music. I suggested they go straight to

the people who I interviewed as I was only a secondary source of information. I

published my Master's thesis on a website called ‘slide share’ for free. I received

notice that my Master’s thesis received more hits than any other article on their site.

In 2012, after a provisional year, I officially began a Ph.D in Indigenous Studies at Te

Whare Wānanga o Awanui-ā-rangi. This has been an amazing journey that has

given me some unique opportunities. In 2011 I went to South America to present part

of my thesis at the World Indigenous Peoples Conference in Peru. I am the first life

sentenced inmate to officially be allowed out of the country. It was my first

experience on a plane, my first experience in another country, and was the most

amazing experience of my life. It also opened my eyes to historical intergenerational

trauma and its detrimental impact on Indigenous cultures right around the world.

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Figure 6.10 Saqsaywaman IncaTemple in Cusco Peru 2011

Figure 6.11 Inca production in Cusco Peru 2011

Figure 6.12 Machu Picchu temples in Peru-South America 2011

In 2012 I applied for the Ngārimu VC & 28th Māori Battalion Doctoral Scholarship

award. It is one of the most prestigious scholarship awards in the country. After my

presentation, I saw the calibre of prospective recipients and I was very impressed.

Another strategic person who is a member of the Ngārimu Board was Graeme

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Vercoe. Upon realising who I was, he withdrew from making any decision as a result

of knowing me which presented a conflict of interest. Graeme Vercoe is the brother-

in- law of Becky Fox-Vercoe, my whāngai mother. In commencing my presentation, I

delivered a generic spiel about my Ph.D studies. When I finished, Graeme said: ‘that

was nice, now tell them the rest’. I was hesitant at first, as I wanted to see if I could

gain this award based purely on my academic ability. I shared my history, and once I

finished I could see it had a huge impact. Historically sharing my experience did not

have favourable outcomes for me, so I thanked them for the opportunity, recognised

that they had some amazing candidates, and wished them all the best with the

decision they made. I walked out of the door, left everything there and decided to

move on and forget about it.

Another Doctoral Scholarship came along from Te Atawhai O Te Ao, an Independent

Māori research organisation, conducting a major exploration into the area of

historical intergenerational trauma. I was honoured to be chosen as a doctoral

scholarship recipient and was flown to Whanganui to meet with other researchers,

and to see them present their work.

Figure 6.13 Receiving Te Atawhai o Te Ao Doctoral Scholarship award February

2012

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Figure 6.14 Te Atawhai o Te Ao Ph.D & Masters Scholarship awards recipients

In the meantime, Graeme Vercoe as a representative of the 28th Māori Battalion

sent me an e-mail 9 months after I applied for the scholarship, stating that the board

unanimously voted in my favour and I was congratulated on being one of two

recipients to have won the Ngārimu VC & Māori Battalion Doctoral Scholarship for

2013. This was surreal, as the Ngārimu VC 28th Māori Battalion scholarship is one

of the most prestigious in the country and presented in parliament. I have to thank

my grandfather, Bill Karena for his service in the 28th Māori Battalion. Having served

with distinction in C Company, he laid the groundwork so that I could be given this

opportunity.

Figure 6.15 in parliament April 23rd 2013

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Figure 6.16 Ngārimu VC Bachelor's, Master's and Doctoral Scholars 23 April2013

What became really significant about this particular award was that it carried national

recognition. This was a humbling experience. It did not take me long to comprehend

the importance of the occasion. It has taken nearly 27 years to turn my personal

statistic around through sheer hard work, diligence, persistence and the belief of

strategic people in my life in such a manner that returned mana-prestige and integrity

back to my whānau, my hapū and iwi. I am also a Waikato Tainui Doctoral Scholar

and acknowledge the support Waikato Tainui has given me to complete my studies.

Another big opportunity came when I was able to gain an invitation to present at the

‘He Manawa Whenua International Indigenous Research Conference’ in Hamilton in

July 2013. It was an opportunity to deliver my Ph.D presentation including my

personal story. I presented alongside Takirirangi Smith and Te Atawhai o Te Ao

colleague Hayley Marama Cavino. We had a huge impact on the conference, gaining

incredible feedback relating to our lived experiences of historical intergenerational

trauma. These small successive steps have been monumental in establishing the

foundation for my Ph.D thesis on an academic level as well as contributing to my

community in meaningful ways.

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Figure 6.17 Rawiri and Hayley presenting at He Manawa Whenua Indigenous Conference July 3rd

2013

This entire life journey and intergenerational unpacking of historical contexts has

given me proficiency and an ability to understand theories and techniques as well as

a knowledge of how to harness and interweave lived life experiences, counselling

qualifications and academic rigor together for the purpose of developing a framework

that responds to Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma.

Contextualising Māori Experiences of Intergenerational Trauma

The facts as stipulated from a Ngāpuhi nui tonu perspective in the Waitangi Tribunal

hearings are challenging for the NZ Crown. The historical interactions with Māori at

a macro level exposed a high level of prejudice and racism, ideologies of superiority,

deceit, and manipulation. A significant factor highlighted how the British Empire and

NZ Crown over stepped the jurisdiction delegated to them by Māori. The implications

of this as well as gazetting in England that the British Empire now had sovereignty

over New Zealand without Māori prior knowledge or consent had far reaching

consequences. Other macro level implications suggest an intergenerational impact

and transfer of psychological trauma stemming from legislative violations was central

to instigating a climate of environmental impoverishment. These policies led to the

subjugation of Māori to assimilation policies that undermined traditional ways of

existing, and almost forced the near extinction of Māori language.

Further implications include the marginalisation of Māori cultural knowledge, Māori

cultural principles and values, Māori cultural identity, and Māori cultural heritage. The

impact of these mechanisms confiscated land, assets and resources, while creating

an intergenerational sense of turmoil, poverty, displacement, and struggle. Freire

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(2000) argues that; "this struggle is possible because de humanisation, although a

concrete historical fact, is not a given destiny but the result of an unjust order that

engenders violence in the oppressors, which in turn dehumanises the oppressed" (

p.44). While the issues highlighted at a macro level are extensive, another key

factor queries what this meant for Māori at a micro level. The NZ Crown's

confiscation of land, assets and key economic resources meant that the next

generations of Māori in general were born into impoverished circumstances having

limited to no knowledge of the circumstances that created the impoverishment. The

assimilation policies established in 1867 with the Native Schools Act resulted in a

large proportion of Māori unable to speak their native language without the

knowledge of how this phenomenon came into being. The Tohunga Suppression Act

1908 resulted in future generations of Māori not understanding their traditional ways

of existing, which includes songs, chants and healing ceremonies. It also stripped

Māori of Māori their cultural heritage and an ability to contextualise contributing

factors. Future generations have grown up without traditional Māori cultural

principles and values that are indicative guidelines for engaging with others.

Other psychological indicators for Māori over generations had more detrimental

connotations. Pitman (2011), in a video presentation, argued that: "colonisation

taught Māori to hate themselves, and each other." This argument given by Pitman

resonates with my personal experience at a micro level and reflects an urban Māori

culture disassociated from its traditional roots due to poverty and inequality which is

a direct consequence of colonisation. Further analysis of inequality by Rashbone

(2013) argues that;

Māori were systematically excluded by settler governments from many

egalitarian measures. The liberals for example, while reducing inequality

amongst Pākehā, continued the disenfranchisement of Māori, buying 3.1

million acres of their land, often through punitive or coercive means, in

what one historian has called a massive land grab (p.25).

This continued exclusion and double standard practice seems to be at the heart of

the inequality spectrum in New Zealand society. Workman and McIntosh (2013)

reveal that official crime rates are more elevated in poorer communities, on both

sides of the coin. Victimisation rates are higher amongst the poor, and the poor are

more likely to be arrested and convicted for offences. And of course, social statistics

in New Zealand strongly suggest that poverty is racialised: Māori and Pacific peoples

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experience on going, disproportionate levels of poverty. Such disproportionate

practices have historically led to the mobilisation of Māori land marches, protests,

and land occupations.

Conclusion

The main purpose of this chapter has been to highlight the link between the Te Tiriti

o Waitangi violations by the NZ Crown at a macro level to Māori experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma, and the psychological impacts and implications

that contribute to Māori deficit statistics at a micro level.

The first part of this chapter discussed locating self in research. It gave a personal

analysis to the impact of colonisation, and how those impacts contributed to a

journey of deficit behaviour leading to tragic consequences. The second aspect of

the journey highlighted moving from out of the darkness into resilience, recovery,

redemption, and then re-emergence. The second and final aspect of this chapter

contextualised Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma at both a

micro and macro level.

In summary making links back to Te Tongi a Tawhiao and its underlying themes of

resilience, redemption, recovery and re-emergence has been a personal journey as

well as the journey of Māori and Indigenous peoples across the globe. The literature

review offered clear insight that discovered a correlation between the Doctrine of

Discovery, the history of colonisation, and its impacts on Indigenous peoples

globally. The literature review also brought to light the concept of cultural trauma and

its impact on the identity formation of the collective.

Chapter three has also been significant in terms of offering three theoretical

perspectives that were central to unpacking historical contexts and critiquing the

content. Pūrākau theory supported this thesis by peeling back historical layers to

expose underlying themes. Critical theory supported Pūrākau theory by examining

the content from a position of trying to make sense of the data, and then correlating

the information in a manner that brought to light contributing factors to both historical

intergenerational trauma and Māori deficit statistics. Indigenous research

methodologies are factors that will continue to guide how I disseminate this data

even long after this thesis is completed.

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Chapter six also reconnects back to Chapter four and Chapter five through a timeline

that began with the precolonisation era of New Zealand history and through to the

post Te Tiriti o Waitangi era. Central themes from chapter four were based on mana

atua, mana whenua and mana tangata. These themes explored where Māori gained

their mana or authority. It also highlighted Māori entrepreneurial success in

economic trade, as well as mana established as a result of He Wakaputanga

Declaration of Independence 1835.

The themes from post Te Tiriti o Waitangi give a macro view of historical impacts

drawing attention to instances of injustice and betrayal by the NZ Crown. It also drew

attention to intergenerational turmoil and impoverishment. This brought to the fore

psychological implications that arose as a result of a multi-pronged attack on Māori

economics, Māori politics and Māori ideologies.

This chapter contextualises and compliments the previous chapters by emphasising

how intergenerational legacies have manifested in Māori communities in the form of

Māori deficit statistics at a micro level. The personal account given in this chapter is

one example and response to the psychological impacts that are indicative of Māori

who have been impacted by the effects of colonisation.

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Chapter Seven

Māku Anō E Hangā Tōku Nei Whare- I Will Rebuild My Own House

Introduction

This chapter begins with the central hypothesis and discusses the findings of this

research. This will include discussing who the participants are and give a descriptive

account of what was found. The next section will discuss an approach to analyzing

the content. An analysis of the content will be probing for patterns and themes, and

will also be providing links to the literature review. The next aspect will review the

research questions. The next part will examine strategies that Māori employed to

respond to hegemony, oppression and stereotypical assumptions made by the

dominant discourse as well as introduce a Māori counselling framework as a

response to historical intergenerational trauma. This part will also bring the pillars

together to emphasise how these strategies contribute to Tawhiao Te Wherowhero's

prophecy of uniting the people through the concept of the rebuilding the house. The

final part of this chapter will explain how the research and this Māori counselling

strategy in particular, will contribute to Māori knowledge of health and wellbeing, and

then conclude by discussing why this research was conducted.

A central hypothesis of this research determines that Māori have their own

experiences of historical intergenerational trauma, and that Māori also have their

own traditional words, expressions and intergenerational transmissions that best

describe this phenomenon from a position that is relevant and unique to te Ao Māori

or the Māori worldview. Also central to this hypothesis is a belief that

intergenerational trauma stems from the psychological impacts of colonisation that

manifests itself in the form of disparaging and detrimental social, economic, health

and mental wellbeing statistics that are prevalent in modern day New Zealand

society.

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Findings

There are three participants that are central to this research. The first participant is

the British Empire, the second participants are Māori through Te Wakaminenga o

ngā Rangatira, and the third participant is the New Zealand settler government.

7.1 Historical contexts pre Te Tiriti o Waitangi

The British Empire prior to Te Tiriti o Waitangi were part of an international

gathering that formed and participated in what became tenants of international law

stemming from the Doctrine of Discovery. This international gathering also included

other European monarchies, as well as the Pope of the Catholic Church. This

gathering set up a legal precedent for establishing that the first European country to

engage with Indigenous peoples in foreign lands had first claim and access to the

Indigenous peoples of that country. The Christian religion was to also play a pivotal

role in mandating Christian European countries to attack, enslave, kill and subjugate

the Indigenous peoples they encountered. The Papal Bull decree or declarations

from the Pope such as Romanus Pontifex 1455 gave a form of legitimacy for non-

Christian (Indigenous) peoples to be invaded, captured, vanquished, subdued, and

reduced to perpetual slavery and to have their possessions and property seized by

Christian monarchs.

While Romanus Pontifex of 1455 became less popular in later centuries, underlying

ideologies that stem from this Papal Bull decree are still evident in the practices of

European powers who colonised Indigenous lands. The British Empire were to take

the remnants of the Doctrine of Discovery as an internationally recognised legal

tenant, and apply it to many Indigenous countries around the world over a 500 year

period. They were to make amendments to it, and experiment with colonisation

practices in many other Indigenous countries before the relationship with Māori

began. By the time the British Empire began engaging with Māori, the colonising

template was well established.

In pre-colonial times Māori were the recognised sovereigns of Aotearoa, New

Zealand exercising the power of mana and authority with powers to protect, define

what needed protecting, and the power to decide how best to protect it. Central to

Māori identity is whakapapa or genealogy. It is from whakapapa that Māori gain their

mana or authority. Mana is based on core values such as: Tino rangatiratanga (self-

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determination), Whānaungatanga (togetherness), Manaakitanga (unqualified giving),

Arohatanga (care, love and respect), Tau ututu (Reciprocity), Wairuatanga

(spirituality) and Mana Whenua (legitimacy for controlling land and resources).

The single issue that was of most concern to Māori since the 1700s through to 1840

has been lawless Pākehā and their continual breaching of both Māori and British

laws. It is interesting to note that in contemporary New Zealand society a

monumental issue of concern today is the perception of lawless Māori. Countless

attempts to rectify the issue of lawless Pākehā, and opportunities to build trading

relations led to encounters with Governor King in 1805 in New South Wales, King

George and Hongi Hika in 1820, and a letter written to King William by thirteen

rangatira from the Te Wakaminenga alliance in 1831 basing their letter on former

relations with British royalty that requested help with lawless Pākehā.

A series of events occurred that strengthened the relationship between Māori and

the British. British citizen, James Busby was sent with a letter of recognition from

King William. He was to act as a policing arm to stop Pākehā crime and mediate

between the various hapū. James Busby became New Zealand's first British

resident. In 1834 the first international trading flag enabling Māori to trade lawfully in

international waters was established. In October 28 1835 Māori sovereignty was

declared recognising the mana of independent and interdependent hapū. In 1836 it

was formally recognised by the British Empire.

Between 1835 and 1840 over 1000 Te Wakaminenga members were sent to 69

other countries to learn about foreign culture and trade. When those members came

back a series of wānanga were held around the country so that information could be

gleaned to build a collaborative trading empire across New Zealand from 1840 to the

1850s. As a result, Māori economic trade flourished right across New Zealand to the

point that it became the envy of Pākehā.

The New Zealand settler government was established in 1837 under its original

name the New Zealand Company. Its original role was to come to New Zealand and

buy cheap land from Māori and then sell the land at higher prices to European

settlers wanting to escape England. The European settlers were told by the

Company that New Zealand was the land of milk and honey, only to find out that that

this was not the case.

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7.2 Impact of the British and NZ Crown Collaboration post 1840

In 1840 The British Empire began engaging with Māori over Te Tiriti o Waitangi. This

from a Māori perspective meant that the British were going to action a request that

Māori had been petitioning them over since 1805. While Hobson requested authority

to apply jurisdiction, and openly spoke of working together his intention, (while

hidden) was for the cession of Māori sovereignty in New Zealand. What seems to be

clear from the evidence is that upon signing the document is that Hobson himself

was not aware of the full consequences behind document he signed. The document

gave the British Empire jurisdiction to restrain Pākehā whilst also acknowledging that

the British Empire uphold the mana and authority of Māori rangatira and their hapū.

A significant factor began to emerge. Hobson was broke and needed capital to

sustain a British presence in New Zealand. As a result Hobson began to immediately

affect Māori economic trade by moving the capital from the north to Auckland without

consultation from the people who supported him and gave him jurisdiction. Another

significant factor emerged that in October 1840 the British declared sovereignty over

New Zealand by gazetting it in the newspapers in England. Another significant factor

highlighted that the gazetting was hidden from Māori. The immediate result of this

action was a swift severing of international trade ties and opportunities for Māori as

an independent sovereign nation that was to last for over a century.

In the 1850s, a move from a governor that represented the British Empire, to another

model of practice stemming from the New Zealand Constitution Act 1852 saw the

establishment of the New Zealand Government. This was put in place without Māori

consultation. As a result the British Empire handed over power to the New Zealand

Company which in turn left Māori under the legislative power, and at the mercy of

European settlers who were hungry for Māori land. Legislative policies began to be

implemented for the purpose of confiscating land and resources.

The New Zealand Government began implementing capitalist modes of production

that instigated the destruction of Māori societies at three levels, economic, political

and ideological.

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7.3 Intergenerational Impacts for Māori

Māori ingenuity, adaptability in commerce and trade both nationally and

internationally, was destroyed by the New Zealand Government. The status of Māori

was relegated from tangata whenua or people of the land to a lower class proletariat

commodity in a capitalist dominated society. The Ideologies of Māori society were

undermined, and rendered systematically impotent. The New Zealand landscape

was commoditised to reflect European ancestry throughout the land. Kirikiriroa

became Hamilton, Tāmaki Makaurau became Auckland, Pōneke became Wellington,

and Ōtautahi became Christchurch. Māori landscapes and land marks that were

significant to Māori whakapapa, Māori identity and Māori ways of seeing the world

were destroyed to make way for Western industrialised progress. Places such as Te

Kōpu Mānia o Kirikiriroa, the māra kai or agricultural garden that once existed on a

hill in Kirikiriroa Hamilton was destroyed. This site was the food basket of the

Waikato people that fed and sustained all the hapū in the area. Up to two thirds of

the hill was removed to make Hamilton city central business district. Methods such

as discrimination, racism, and prejudice are used to continually dehumanise,

demonise, and make Māori people inferior.

Pōuritanga or a form of psychological trauma based on patu ngākau or injustice and

betrayal permeates across generations of Māori resulting from Hobson’s hidden

intention to unilaterally dominate the New Zealand landscape. To summarise,

intergenerational poverty symptoms are based on:

I. A lack of security

II. A lack of understanding, and being understood

III. A lack of an ability to participate in decisions that impact on self

IV. A lack of material wealth that was confiscated via legislative policies

V. A lack of identity accumulating in mental health disorders

VI. A lack of protection creating insecurity, obsessive disorders

VII. A lack of affection from growing up in an un nurturing environment

These symptoms have manifested various forms of Intergenerational trauma,

psychological trauma that stems from the psychological impacts of loss. Other

outcomes stem from not knowing one’s identity, that develops mental health trauma

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or an inability to be innovative, or comprehend complex issues due to poverty,

physical health trauma stems from an exposure to various forms of sickness that can

also be attributed to poverty, emotional trauma stems from a lack of control over

circumstances and decisions that impact their environment, and environmental

trauma stems from a lack of traditional subsistence and enterprise.

These psychological elements have created health disparities in a multitude of areas

mentally, emotionally, physically, spiritually that link to addictions, diabetes, and a

host of other deficit statistics. Another aspect to consider is that these problems will

continue to manifest in Māori societies while the New Zealand settler Government

continues to make decisions that affect Māori

Analysis

This analysis uses two methods to sift through the data. The first is called the

inductive method, and the second is called the deductive method. Gasper (2010)

states in his video presentation that; "the inductive method enables a researcher to

interact with the findings and create categories based on patterns and themes, while

the deductive method establishes categories based on themes and patterns prior to

interacting with the data". There are also other factors to take into account when

analysing the findings. Mottiar (2012) asks in her video presentation on analysis;

“What has your literature chapter been saying, and how does this link back to the

literature review. Where ever you find connections that is what you write about". As a

result of these considerations, the approach I have taken with the analysis of findings

uses both methods. The initial approach used inductive analysis to interact with the

findings to investigate patterns and themes, and then based on the second approach

utilised the deductive method to construct and restructure categories based on those

patterns and themes.

7.4 Key Issues from Literature Review

Several key issues that stand out in the literature review highlight colonisation and

the detrimental impacts. Other key issues include definitions of historical

intergenerational trauma and its link to colonisation via the Doctrine of Discovery.

The next key issue discusses some of the psychological impacts resulting from the

impact of assimilation policies that have manifested into issues like alcoholism,

addictions and other detrimental outcomes including removing Indigenous children

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from their parents and depositing them into boarding schools and social welfare

care.

Other significant key issues from literature highlights that numerous sources are

saying similar things about the impact of colonisation and the psychological effects of

Doctrine of Discovery. Authors such as Jackson (2012), Churchill (1993), Brave

Heart (1999), Walters (2012), Armitage (1995), Pitman (2011), Reid (2013), Smith

(2013), Arbor (2003), are all contributing to this pool of knowledge on the impact of

colonisation. An overall summary of key themes throughout the thesis will include

colonisation, Te Tiriti o Waitangi, assimilation policies, historical intergenerational

trauma and its links to Māori deficit statistics. Key patterns will be drawn from these

key themes.

7.5 Colonising Patterns

There are similar themes across European colonising cultures that contribute to the

expansion of Western dominance across the globe. All the European Monarchies are

either directly or indirectly related. Furthermore, issues amongst the European

powers themselves included war and economic struggle as the various European

powers had previously been fighting each other over land and resource disputes for

centuries. Central to European culture and its religion is Christianity. The highest

Christian authority in the world at the time was the Pope. According to Churchill

(1993) a formal code of judicial standards was adjudicated over by the Pope for

legal consideration to establish which European power had priority claim over other

European powers when trading with Indigenous peoples in foreign countries (p.34).

Voelker (2009) supports this aspect by stating:

But, as they (European monarchies) were all in pursuit of nearly the same

object, it was necessary, in order to avoid conflicting settlements, and

consequent war with each other (European countries), to establish a

principle which all should acknowledge as the law by which the right of

acquisition, which they all asserted, should be regulated between

themselves( p.1).

In return for the Pope administering this process, all European powers had to agree

to proselyte the Christian religion to the natives. Initially European powers resorted to

murder, genocide, ecocide, germ warfare, displacement, and disenfranchisement.

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Later on they resorted to racism, discrimination oppression and prejudice. Labels

such as savage, heathen, and uncivilised were examples used to dehumanise,

demonise and make the Indigenous peoples feel inferior. This practice was

legitimatised, and justified under the juridical standards upheld by the Doctrine of

Discovery.

Underlying themes behind the Doctrine of Discovery and the Papal Bull declarations

of Popes across centuries gave European powers a form of legitimacy for inflicting

these grievances upon Indigenous cultures whose spiritual beliefs conflicted with

Christianity. Themes such as ideologies of superiority, racism, discrimination and

prejudice were common features.

The main focus of colonisation is to engage with an Indigenous culture to broker a

treaty, without disclosing that their real purpose was to create a process that would

include the acquisition of Indigenous peoples land, recourses, and assets by any

means necessary for commercial gain. The Indigenous peoples themselves also

become part of the commoditisation process. Jackson (2012) supports this notion by

stating in a video presentation that the Doctrine of Discovery was promoted as a

legal authority for claiming the land of Indigenous peoples. Churchill (1993)

challenges the argument of one's alleged entitlement to the homeland of others by

stating that it lacked moral force and sound legal principle (p.33).

7.6 Te Tiriti o Waitangi Patterns

A key feature from the literature surveyed and Waitangi Tribunal submissions based

on the oral history of signatories to Te Tiriti o Waitangi say similar things such as

Māori never gave up their sovereignty or authority, and that the version of history the

New Zealand Governments have promoted is at odds with the Māori version of

historical events. The New Zealand Government version of history suggests that

Māori freely gave up their sovereignty to a superior nation is also at odds with global

history. Moana Jackson (2013) in his video presentation argues that; "there is no

other version like that in the history of human kind where one nation has freely given

up their sovereign status to another nation, and then freely went and stood at the

back of the line behind immigrants who are requesting permission to settle in the

land that the original nation actually owned and yet have decided to no longer

administer as they have given up their sovereignty”.

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An analysis of both the Māori version and the English version of Te Tiriti o Waitangi

highlight discrepancies that are well known and widely contested. Both versions are

different and are not an exact translation of each other. The Māori version gives

jurisdiction to the British Empire to have a governor in New Zealand for the purpose

of restraining the lawless European settlers who have decided to reside in New

Zealand. In return the British Empire upholds taonga, authority, and mana /

sovereignty of rangatira and hapū. This was signed by both parties making it a

legally binding covenant / document. The English version cedes sovereignty to the

British Empire and in return protects Māori rights and treasures. It also gives the

rights of British citizenship to Māori. This version does not carry the signatures of

both parties, so is not a legally binding covenant / document.

Colenso (1840) acting as scribe for Hobson gave a verbatim report that stated:

The people of Great Britain are, thank God free; and, as long as they do not transgress the laws they can go where they please, and their sovereign has no power to restrain them. You have sold them lands here and encouraged them to come here. Her Majesty, always ready to protect her subjects, is also ready to restrain them. Her Majesty the Queen asks you to sign this treaty, and give her that power which shall enable her to restrain them (Colenso, 1840, as cited in Healy et al, 2012, p.184).

Other sources including Claudia Orange questioned the constituted legality of the Te

Tiriti o Waitangi because it was imperative that Māori understood the ramifications.

Orange (2001) claimed:

Detailed explanations however were probably what Hobson and Williams wanted to avoid... Hobson, therefore, expressed the hope that the missionaries would keep their converts and associates peaceful enough, and for the rest, we must do the best we can for them. This impatient response, expedient in the circumstances, brushed aside a serious query raised in good faith and with good reason, thereby deferring the issue of full Māori understanding of the Treaty clauses (p.59).

Numerous opinions challenged Māori understanding of cession and suggested that

the criteria for cession of sovereignty had not been met. Ngāti Hine point out in their

closing submission that the tide of scholarship is finally catching up with the claimant

perspective, that Māori did not intend a cession of their sovereignty in assenting to

Te Tiriti o Waitangi. The opinions of Claudia Orange, James Belich, Ruth Ross and

Jock Brookfield exemplify this. It is recognised that this understanding is having an

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effect at the level of international law. Mathew Palmer, a constitutional lawyer

explains that conventional international law is clear that; "to constitute cession it must

be intended sovereignty will pass. Acquisition of governmental powers, even

exclusive, without an intention to cede sovereignty will not suffice" (Sir Robert

Jennings, Oppenheim's International law, Vol.1, 9th ed., p. 680, as cited in Healy et

al, 2012, p. 219).

Another analysis reveals that the Te Tiriti o Waitangi document is a relationship

created between the British Empire, and Māori, not the New Zealand Government

and Māori. The New Zealand Governments are not signatories to Te Tiriti o

Waitangi. In fact, under the Māori version of Te Tiriti o Waitangi, The British Empire

were given jurisdiction to restrain lawless Pākehā. The New Zealand Company was

founded under Edward Gibbon Wakefield who according to New Zealand History

online (2012), developed his theories on colonisation while serving time in Newgate

prison for abducting and marrying a teenage heiress. Further analysis suggests that

the jurisdiction given to the British Empire by Māori to restrain lawless Pākehā was in

fact supposed to restrain people like Edward Gibbon Wakefield.

The British Government in handing over power to a settler parliament in 1852 did so

without consulting Māori, who are their actual signatory partner in the Te Tiriti o

Waitangi relationship. In essence the British gave their authority to a third party

interloper who a rose to power by coming through the back door, and were not a part

of the negotiation process that took place on February 6 1840. The British Empire

without consultation with Māori left them at the mercy of a settler parliament hungry

for Māori land. The British Empire also failed to implement protection strategies that

would safe guard the promises they made in Article Two of Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

A final analysis of the ideologies held by the British Empire and the New Zealand

Crown depict an ideology of superiority. The New Zealand Crown while recognising

that it is not a signatory to the Te Tiriti o Waitangi document, maintain the dominant

view that they are the legitimate authority whose authority was delegated to them by

the British Empire who in turn gained their jurisdiction from Māori, who as recognised

independent sovereigns of an independent state, delegated that authority to them in

the first place.

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7.7 Māori Rationale for Te Tiriti o Waitangi

Analysis from a Māori perspective suggests they signed Te Tiriti o Waitangi because

they wanted to protect and secure their international trade. A significant factor that

had the potential to undermine relations between Māori and the British Empire

highlighted that acts of lawlessness by Pākehā settlers was a major concern.

Alderidge (2010a) explained that; "Māori Chief Te Pahi visited Governor King in

NSW in 1805 and discussed European law, as well as the ever increasing

lawlessness that came with an increasing amount of European settlers"(p.185).

Rihari (2010b) supports this perspective by adding that in 1831 13 chiefs collectively

exercised their rangatiratanga and wrote a letter directly to King William IV. Their

petition outlined the relationship created with Hongi Hika in 1820, it also outlined

perceived threats of invasion and land alienation, as well as the trouble created by

settlers. The chiefs asked the British Crown to be a friend to their islands and to

discipline British subjects where necessary.

Some themes that stem from this analysis include frustration at the lack of urgency

on behalf of the British Crown representatives in wanting to reprimand their own

people. Further analysis of Chief Te Pahu highlights that while he had gained the

support of Governor King in 1805 to deal with lawless British settlers in New

Zealand, nothing eventuated. As a result Te Pahu became proactive in collaborating

with other hapū creating Te Wakaminenga in 1808. An analysis suggests that from

pro-activeness came a theme of optimism. Te Wakaminenga set up visits to England

to establish relations with the highest authority in 1820. The letter to King William in

1831based on the previous relationship forged in 1820 brought about a response

from the British in the form of James Busby. It feels that optimism was built on a

series of successes that James Busby contributed to. The gaining of an

internationally recognised flag in 1834 and a declaration proclamation of sovereignty

in 1835 that was officially recognised by the British in 1836 was part of that

contribution.

Based on these previous accounts of engagements with the British, Māori had

nothing to fear going into negotiations with the British over Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

Previous patterns of negotiation with the British had been successful. Another factor

that contributed to that success is attributed to the 1000 Te Wakaminenga members

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from Ngāpuhi that went to 69 other countries to investigate and learn about

economic trade. When the people came back from overseas, a series of wānanga

were held to learn the knowledge shared. Their knowledge was vital in establishing a

flourishing and thriving Māori economy in New Zealand previous to colonial

settlement. This act can also be considered one of the earliest forms of kaupapa

Māori research on a global scale.

7.8 Assimilation Patterns

The assimilation policies that effected Australia, Canada and New Zealand were to

have similar affects on the Indigenous peoples in all three countries. The reason for

the similarities is because the initial assimilation policies of each country were written

by the same people. The House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines,

based in England were responsible for their development. Armitage (1995) states

that;

In Australia these policies were introduced through the protection of

'Aborigines' statutes which were passed in the period between 1869 and

1909; in Canada they were introduced within the framework of the Indian

Act 1876, and its successors; and in New Zealand they were introduced in

legislation establishing the Native Department (1861) and the Native

Schools Act, 1867 (p. 189).

The impact of these policies became instrumental in the undermining of all three

Indigenous cultures in a manner that brought about damaging outcomes. All three

Indigenous cultures have damaging alcoholism statistics. Oetting and Beauvias

(1989) believes that trauma may manifest itself in the form of alcohol use which is

more prevalent than the general U.S. population at 96% for Indian males and 92%

for females by the 12th grade for lifetime use. Brave Heart, M, Chase, J, Elkins, J, &

Altschul, D, B (2011) explains that; "death from alcohol related causes is five times

more likely for First Nations, than for White Americans, additionally, suicide rates are

also 50% higher for First Nations than the national average" (p. 283). While an

analysis of alcoholism reveals major issues amongst the Indigenous peoples of

Canada and the USA, similar patterns exist in both Australia and New Zealand.

Māori use of alcohol and drugs also reveal worrying statistics. According to a survey

in the New Zealand Herald (2007), Māori are more likely than other ethnicities to use

drugs or drink in a hazardous way. “This further suggests that Māori patterns of

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alcoholism and drug use per capita are at an alarming level. The statistics indicate

that;

Māori (82 per cent) and others (80 per cent) are more likely to be drinkers

than Pacific Islanders (56 per cent).

Among those who consume alcohol, hazardous drinking occurs in 36 per cent

of Māori, 33 per cent of Pacific people and 23 per cent of others.

Among those who consume alcohol, alcohol disorder prevalence is 6 per cent

for Māori, 4 per cent for Pacific and 3 per cent for others.

Key findings on drug use in the past 12 months and ethnicity:

Drug use occurs in 20 per cent of Māori, 13 per cent of others and 9 per cent

of Pacific people.

Drug disorder is most common in Māori at 13 per cent of users, followed by

Pacific Islanders at 10 per cent and others on 9 per cent.

Pacific people are often protected from substance use by abstinence, but are

at greater risk than others if they do use drugs.

Treatment contact is low in those with a substance disorder: 4 per cent for

Pacific, 12 per cent for Māori , and 14 per cent for others,

What these statistical patterns indicate, is that on a variety of levels, Māori alcohol

and drug usage per capita is far higher than that of any other ethnic group in

Aotearoa New Zealand. It also highlights that Indigenous peoples across the globe

have similar experiences and problems with alcohol, drugs and other forms of

addictions.

7.9 Intergenerational Trauma Links to Māori Deficit Statistics

Historical intergenerational trauma has many names that define it. In research

literature historical intergenerational trauma is known as: survival guilt, stressful life

events, intergenerational grief and bereavement, post traumatic slave syndrome and

cultural trauma (Brave Heart &De Bruyn, 1998: Cook, Withy, & Tarallo-Jensen, 2003:

Danieli, 1998: Degruy Leary, 2005; Kellerman, 2001; Krieger, 2001). According to

Walters (2012) historical intergenerational trauma can also be defined as: an event

or series of events perpetrated against a group of people and their environment,

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namely people who share a specific group identity with genocidal or ethnocidal intent

to systematically eradicate them as a people or eradicate their way of life. Brave

Heart (1999a) defines historical trauma as: “cumulative trauma over both the life

span and across generations that results from massive cataclysmic events...”

(p.111). Brave Heart also contends that historical trauma (HIT) is cumulative

emotional and psychological wounding, over the lifespan and across generations,

emanating from massive group trauma experiences.

While Indigenous cultures across the globe had similar experiences of

intergenerational trauma, not all experiences have been the same. Māori did not

suffer from the intentional practice of mass genocide with a loss of over 100 million

Indigenous peoples over a 500 year period like the First Nations in North America.

Māori did not suffer the extinction and total annihilation of their people like the Taino

people did at the hands of Christopher Columbus and the Spanish. Nor were Māori

exterminated like the Aborigine were in Tasmania.

Māori were not displaced to the degree that other Indigenous cultures have been,

nor did Māori experience an extreme degree of slavery at the hands of Western

colonisers like the African American ancestors experienced. However Māori

experiences of historical intergenerational trauma still experienced similar

psychological outcomes. Māori experienced a form of cultural genocide, land

displacement and disenfranchisement. They also experienced economic destruction

leading to intergenerational poverty. Rashbrooke (2013) further contextualises those

statistics by stating;

Central to this story is the appropriation and alienation of almost 95% of

Māori land from the nineteenth century well into the twentieth century. The

Treaty settlements process has provided an important form of redress,

acknowledging that the NZ Crown's acquisition of land was often flawed

'to a lesser degree', and the 'excessive land loss had a harmful effect on

Māori social and economic development in general. Settlements to date

have produced compensation of about 1.48 billion-an amount that has to

be considered against the impact of the almost total loss of an economic

base over more than a century (p.4).

Māori also experienced forms of slavery from the practice of Black birding. European

ships came to New Zealand and kidnapped unsuspecting people to stock up on their

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crew. This was a major discussion between Chief Te Pahi and Governor King in

1805. European ships would later abandon Māori in foreign countries.

Further analysis suggests that Māori deficit statistics have a connection to historical

intergenerational trauma as a direct result of the legislative violations. The legislative

violations had a direct impact on Māori economics, politics, trade, cultural identity,

cultural heritage, cultural values and protocols for over one hundred years.

Underlying themes behind Māori deficit statistics in Māori health, crime, education,

and unemployment include intergenerational impoverishment, a lack of cultural

identity, and a lack of cultural values that are guidelines for engaging with others.

Feelings of inferiority towards Western culture, and a dislike for being Māori became

detrimental outcomes. Pitman (2011) identifies this issue by arguing that colonisation

taught Māori to hate themselves and each other. The New Zealand Governments

ongoing capitalist agendas, and continued practice of prejudice, discrimination, and

institutional racism are key features in New Zealand society that contribute to poverty

in a climate that mostly affects Māori. Further analysis suggests that both Māori and

the NZ Crown need to create shared space to fully address both historical issues

and future developments. Part of that development should include accountability of

the New Zealand Crown.

Research Questions

The first three research questions will be reviewed in this section. The fourth and

final question will be reviewed in the strategies section. It is worthy to note that the

initial emphasis behind the first research question came about, not by an analysis of

a variety of literature written by numerous Indigenous academic authors, but by

noticing a gap due to a lack of literature from Māori academic authors on historical

intergenerational trauma.

The first question asks What are Māori experiences of historical intergenerational

trauma? This can be defined as the psychological, mental, emotional, physical and

environmental trauma that originates from Te Tiriti o Waitangi where Māori suffer

from a sense of injustice and betrayal, so seek justice and accountability.

The second research question asks: What were the political, socioeconomic

implications for Māori both pre and post signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi? That question

was answered extensively in a number of areas including chapter 4, and both the

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findings and the analysis sections highlighted that pre-colonial Māori were successful

global entrepreneurs trading with many different countries in a manner that

contributed to a flourishing and thriving Māori economy.

The second part to that question suggested that the signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi

contributed to the intergenerational demise of Māori in drastic and detrimental ways

that contributed to psychological traumas that are key underlying themes behind

Māori deficit statics.

The third question; What significance does locating self in this research have in

terms of investigating Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma?. This

question highlights how historical intergenerational trauma has a personal impact on

a micro level. It also puts into context the implications that have resulted from the

legislative violations.

Strategies of Response

In the years following the signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi Māori became increasingly

concerned with the actions of the British authorises in enforcing their laws and

policies. Māori in turn began developing strategies to respond to the injustices they

saw at the hands of the Governor. Hone Heke was one such person who did this.

Walker (1990) stated that; "He saw the flagpole above the town of Russell as the

symbol of his discontent. So in a political act symbolising his disaffection with the

Governor, Heke felled the flagpole and confiscated the signal balls" (p.103). Other

Māori also devised strategies to respond to encroaching British and New Zealand

settler demands.

The Kingitanga Movement established in 1858 was another strategy designed to

respond to colonisation. The movement had three underlying philosophies; to stop

the bloodshed between Māori hapū and iwi, to unite Māori as a people and to block

further sales of land to Pākehā settlers. Mahuta (2007) states that; "the major issues

that confronted Māori after the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840 were the

desire of the growing settler population for more land, and increasing social

disorganization as a result of European contact" Another movement called

Kotahitanga was another significant strategy in response to colonial demands.

Walker (190) states; that in 1876 a Kotahitanga meeting was called. The purpose of

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the hui was kotahitanga, achievement of unity. Another strategy came in the form of

the pacifist movement led by the prophets, Te Whiti and Tohu. According to Walker

(1990) "Te Whiti had the charisma and the mana not only to persuade his followers

to accept the policy of pacifism, but to convince them to adhere to it in the face of

provocation and extreme violence from the state".

In more recent times other strategies of resistance came to the fore in the form of the

Māori land rights movement. In the 1970s this movement began in the aftermath of

policies by the New Zealand Governments continued push for more Māori land to be

transferred into Crown ownership. Poata-Smith (2013) argued that;

The dramatic upsurge in Māori protest and discontentment, intensified by

the prolonged economic stagnation and rising unemployment from 1974

onwards, forced successive governments to respond to the evidence that

many Māori occupied a relatively impoverished place in New Zealand

society (p. 150).

Ranginui Walker explained further that the Māori Land March Movement was

launched at a hui by Whina Cooper early in 1975 at Mangere marae. Walker (1990)

states that;

The driving force of the movement was rising resentment over the

relentless alienation and control of the remaining 1.2 million hectares of

Māori land by Pākehā laws. The 'last land grab' under the1967 Māori

Affairs Amendment Act was the last trigger (p.212).

Other strategies of response and resistance came to the fore in the form of

occupations at Bastion Point in Auckland, and the Raglan Golf Course in

Whaingaroa Raglan. A further strategy of response and resistance came to the fore

in the form of the 1981 Springbok Tour. This time Māori and Western anti- apartheid

groups joined together to protest and occupy spaces that would challenge the

National Governments decision to approve the tour. When Nelson Mandela in his

cell on Robben Island in South Africa heard what was happening he said that it was

like the sun came out. Other groups such as Ngā Tama Toa, and the Māori Women's

Welfare League were also prominent in developing strategies to respond and resist

colonial discourses. Currently Māori and Pākehā have been joining together to

protest and challenge the New Zealand Crown over the fore shore and seabed,

asset sales, oil drilling, mining, fracking, and child poverty.

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7. 10 Māori Counselling Strategies

The fourth research question asks; "What are Māori counselling strategies that

respond to this phenomenon?”. My professional capacity as a Māori counselling

educator is to train Te Whiuwhiu o te Hau Māori counselling practitioners to engage

with Māori whānau clientele in both a professional and a culturally safe manner. As a

result of this research I have been able to combine both the research and

professional capacity to create an opportunity to examine existing frameworks and

develop them into a decolonising strategy.

7.11 He Kākano Ahau Framework

The ‘He Kākano Ahau’ Framework has been devised as a strategy of response by

integrating four Māori models developed by others. The He Kākano Framework

provides a Māori counselling framework for responding to historical intergenerational

trauma. He Kakano Ahau translates to mean I am a seed. The original concept came

from a whakatuaki or proverb; however Māori song composer Hohepa Tamehana

developed the proverb into a waiata or song to remind Māori of their rich ancestry. A

significant aspect relating to this song reminds Māori that they are a seed born of

greatness, descending from a line of chiefs, therefore challenging assimilation

perspectives and mechanisms employed by dominant discourses to weaken cultural

identities, heritage and language. The four models that make up the ‘He Kākano

Ahau’ Framework originated from other Māori academics and social service

practitioners; however the modes of delivery applied within these frameworks were

developed by the author.

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Figure 7.1 He Kākano Ahau Framework Karena, R,D W (2012)

As mentioned previously, the framework of ‘He Kākano Ahau’ is a combination of

four Māori models. The first model is the ‘Pōwhiri Poutama Model’ developed by

Paraire Huata. The second model called the ‘Pūrākau Model’ was developed by

Jacquelyn Elkington. The third model of ‘Te Whare Tapawhā’ model was developed

by Mason Durie. Finally the fourth model of ‘Te Tuakiri o te Tangata’ was developed

by Petiwaea Manawaiti and Kataraina Mataira.

The theories underpinning each model are described in Figure 7.1 and are based on

a kaupapa Māori worldview; the ethical values of the framework are based on

tikanga Māori.

The purpose of the Kākano framework is to engage in a culturally appropriate way

with Māori clientele during a counselling session. The counselling session enables a

Māori counsellor, to use the He Kākano Ahau framework to trace historical

intergenerational trauma to its origins and to analyse historical themes. The

framework can be utilised to identify traumatising events, as well as develop

strategies based on an examination of those events to determine how best to

address the issue. Having briefly described the main purpose of the Kākano

framework the discussion now turns to an analysis of the 4 models that underpin this

framework.

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7.12 The Pōwhiri Poutama Model

The Pōwhiri Poutama Model was first introduced to Māori counselling by Paraire

Huata initially in 2006 and again in 2011. While it is a recognised Māori counselling

model for establishing relations the model also has a genesis well established within

a Māori worldview. Durie (2003) contends that: "a pōwhiri is an encounter calculated

to reduce space and distance between groups and to explore the basis of a

relationship” (p.53). While themes behind the Pōwhiri Poutama framework stem from

Huata's interpretation of a kaupapa Māori worldview, the delivery of the framework

within a Māori counselling context was re-developed here under the context of the

He Kakano Ahau framework..

The word ‘pōwhiri’ for Māori counsellors, establishes the means from which to

engage with others while the word ‘poutama’ describes the process of engagement.

The first part of the process is called ‘whakamoemiti’ which means to ‘give thanks’.

This process allows the Māori counsellor to prepare themselves before going into a

counselling session through reciting a karakia (prayer) to whakatau (settle)

themselves.

The second process is called ‘mihi whakatau’. This process is divided into two parts.

The first part is an administration aspect that establishes whānau or clientele

comprehension of the counselling process. It also sets boundaries and establishes

whānau understandings around confidentiality.

173

Figure 7.2. Pōwhiri Poutama Model Huata (2011)

The second part of the mihi whakatau process begins the counselling session with a

karakia and then moves into a process called ‘whakawhānaungatanga’.

Whakawhānaungatanga is a concept derived from a Māori worldview that is used to

engage with others using whakapapa (genealogy). This process is about making

connections, establishing a relationship and creating a rapport.

The third process is called ‘whakapuaki’. Whakapuaki establishes the reason why

whānau have come to a counselling session. The fourth process is called

‘whakatangitangi’. Whakatangitangi is about bringing forth the trauma and unpacking

issues that surround it. The fifth process is called ‘whakaratarata’. Whakaratarata

supports a counsellor to develop action plans and strategies with whānau clientele.

The sixth process is called ‘whakaoranga’. Whakaoranga establishes the options

and consequences of implementing action plans.

174

The final process, called ‘whakaotinga’ which assesses effective closure by

summarising the session, highlighting the main points, identifying new discoveries in

the counselling session linking back to the purpose of counselling. There is an

evaluation of the counselling session and then a discussion regarding where to next?

If the whānau are happy with the counselling session they may not want another so

finish the session with a karakia or prayer.

7.13 The Pūrākau Model

The Pūrākau model is a concept developed by Dr Jacquelyn Elkington. Elkington

(2006, as cited in Karena, 2012, p. 67) emphasises that the Pūrākau model identifies

a timeline that highlights stages of development, and characteristics within each

generation that begins when a baby is born, through to when that baby grows into

adulthood and then to old age and passes away . Within this context, the overall

purpose of this model is to trace trauma to its origins through generations back to its

original source. Once this is done the next step is to unpack the trauma, to examine

the issues, explore and analyse the impacts or consequences that stem from

historical intergenerational trauma. Figure 7.2 highlights another significant aspect of

the Pūrākau model. This aspect focuses on future considerations. One needs to

consider the implications of leaving intergenerational trauma unchecked and the

ramifications of it impacting future generations. A process is put in place where a

series of parameters are set up in a counselling session to block the residue of

intergenerational trauma from spilling over into future generations.

175

Figure 7.3 Pūrākau Model Karena, R, D,W (2012)

7.14 Te Whare Tapawhā Model

Te Whare Tapawhā model was developed by Mason Durie is one of the most well-

known mental health models in New Zealand. The way in which the Te Whare

Tapawhā model is applied within He Kākano Ahau framework is by focusing on the

impact of historical intergenerational trauma. Eduardo Duran (2006) contends that:

"the native idea of historical trauma involves the understanding that the trauma

occurred in the spirit or soul" (p. 7). Duran gives further insight into historical trauma

from an Indigenous perspective by calling it an intergenerational wounding of the

soul. While most consider violence to be physical or emotional, Duran describes

violence and trauma as an energy that, due to intent, may be fired at another leaving

an imprint. Duran (2012) maintains that the imprint can have internal or external

consequences (p.1).

176

Figure 7.4 Te Whare Tapawhā Model (Durie, 2003)

Figure 7.4 highlights how the Kākano framework utilises Te Whare Tapawhā model.

The red dot in the middle represents a fractured spirit as a result of trauma, similar to

a stone being dropped into a pond and creating ripples throughout a person's

wellbeing.

This draws attention to how trauma can ripple into a person's ‘wairua’ or spirit

damaging self-esteem. it also emphasises how trauma can ripple throughout a

person's being on multiple levels impacting emotions, creating physical un-wellness

and finally impacting one's environment.

177

As a result of colonialism Māori suffer from an intergenerational playing of negative

stories shaped by discriminative societal constructs. Jackson (1988) maintains that;

Structural and institutional racism which sustained the process has

ensured the Māori people's economic deprivation; the social and personal

attitudes which underlay it have ensured their cultural denigration.

Together they have constantly reinforced the cycle of confinement. The

burdens of this cycle are imposed through the direct and indirect demands

made upon the Māori community as part of their everyday existence:

demands which interweave the weakening of culturally appropriate ways

of behaving with the simple demands of economic survival. Their

seemingly mundane but unavoidable nature serves to trap Māori people

more firmly in the cycle and makes it less likely that they will escape the

stresses associated with it (p.66).

7.15 Te Tuakiri o Te Tangata Model

This model was developed by Petiwaea Manawaiti and Kataraina Mataira in the

early 1980s. Karena (2013) contends that the Te Tuakiri o Te Tangata model is

currently utilised in Te Whiuwhiu o te Hau Māori counselling programme at WINTEC

by Māori counselling students to hone their intuitive skills when working with Māori.

The focus of this framework utilises approaches that stem from a Māori worldview to

form the basis from which to articulate their understanding of a position based on

intuition that stems from a Māori epistemology.

Essentially students are invited to explore their own intuition and to become aware of

issues beyond their current focus. This framework addresses the use of an intuitive

approach that supports Māori counsellors working with whānau. The name ‘Te

Tuakiri o Te Tangata’ can be translated to mean, ‘The Characteristics of a Human

Being’. The word ‘tuakiri’ could also refer to the use of extra senses which are

beyond the five normal senses of a human being. The concept behind Te Tuakiri o

Te Tangata started with a teacher group that taught Māori language classes in the

1980s at t Waikato Polytechnic. He Kakano Ahau framework utilises Te Tuakiri o Te

Tangata as a Māori model for applying an intuitive practice to the counselling

session, as well as assessing the wellbeing of a whānau clientele from a Māori

worldview.

178

Figure 7.5 Te Tuakiri o Te Tangata Model (Manawaiti & Mataira 1980)

Figure 7.5 illustrates 11 elements that are specific to a Māori worldview and to a

Māori understanding of wellbeing. These 11 elements are what make Te Tuakiri o

Te Tangata model unique. During a counselling session, whānau clientele are

asked to describe mana (prestige) in terms of their own worth as a person. They may

be asked to describe mauri (life essence) in terms of their understanding of their own

life essence. They could be asked to describe whatumanawa (their heart of hearts)

in terms of what they hold most precious. This is not only designed to speak to the

person, but to speak at a deeper spiritual level to Māori who may have been

intergenerationally traumatized. The process is about ‘whakamana’ or uplifting the

prestige of a person and returning clientele from a place of ‘noa’ or desecration,

back to ‘tapu’ or sacredness by reminding them that they are a ‘kākano’, a seed born

of greatness, descending from a line of chiefs.

179

This concludes our discussion of the 4 models which make up the He Kākano

framework. Each model is unique in its own and provides a way of recovering from

historical intergenerational traumas. The overall goal of the He Kākano framework is

to implement an intergenerational transfer of strategies that respond to both

historical and future needs of the individual while developing cultural capacity for the

next generations. Having discussed the He Kākano framework and its associated

models and recognises that this framework may be applied at a wider societal level

to other Indigenous cultures.

It is important to note that this framework does not claim to heal historical

intergenerational trauma. Its purpose is to respond to the phenomenon by removing

colonial lens that have settled across generations of Māori, and peel back

intergenerational layers of dominant assumptions to reveal core factors contributing

to detrimental outcomes. A core belief that permeates from this research

acknowledges that healing comes from transparency and truth. Another core

component believes that healing also comes from understanding historical contexts,

as well as colonial mechanisms that helped to shape them. In some circumstances,

it may bring to the foreground very painful histories; on the other hand it may reveal

knowledge previously unknown, and enable Māori and Indigenous cultures to make

fully informed decisions when confronted with Western dominant practices in the

future. This will enable Māori to establish themselves, from an informed position as

Indigenous peoples from a place of power and control.

The Pillars

King Tawhiao, the second Māori King brought hope to the Waikato people through

his prophecy “Māku anō e hanga tōku nei whare, ko te tāhūhū, ko te Hīnau.

ko ngā poupou ko te Māhoe, ko te Patatē”. While Tawhiao’s prophecy has a few

different interpretations I will review a version given that I find appropriate to this

research. The translation said that the house will be rebuilt using the Hinau, the

Mahoe and the Patatē trees. These are all strong, hard, resilient, tough and sinewy,

trees that commonly grow in abundance in the New Zealand forests. This prophecy

symbolises the coming together of the common people who are just as strong, hard,

resilient, and tough to rebuild the Māori world. Jackson (2013) argues that Māori

180

health statistics will continue to deteriorate until Māori regain three powers. The

power to protect taonga, the power to define what constitutes a ‘taonga’, and the

power to decide how best to protect it. Māori strategists from Hone Heke to the

Kingitanga Movement, the Kotahitanga movement, Te Whiti and Tohu, The Māori

Women's Welfare League, Ngā Tama Toa, Upper Hut Posse, Annette Sykes,

Mereana Pitman, Moana Jackson, Syd Jackson, Tame Iti, and Hone Harawira, are

all such people along with many others whose life work contributes to bringing King

Tāwhiao's prophecy to pass. This research is but a small thread that also contributes

to Tawhiao’s vision by adding to the knowledge base that builds a case towards

restoring the three powers spoken of by Moana Jackson.

One final statement from Moana Jackson (2013) conveyed in a presentation that this

is about the future generations. "I want my moko to wake up in a world where they

will not have to face the things we and our tupuna before us had to face.

Contribution to Knowledge

This research will contribute to Māori knowledge of health and wellbeing from a

variety of perspectives. The first perspective acknowledges that there is still limited

writing on Māori experiences of historical intergenerational trauma. While journal

articles are now currently covering this area, a quick distinction emphasises that the

topical concepts in this research as a Ph.D thesis will pioneer the manner in which

the legislative violations are perceived in future research.

Another element that contributes to the research in meaningful ways stems from the

research that emphasises how the impacts of historical intergenerational trauma at a

macro level can personally manifest in detrimental ways at a micro level.

The Māori counselling strategy is a framework that is another unique concept that

will contribute to Māori knowledge in meaningful ways because it has been

developed specifically to respond to Māori experiences of trauma. Another element

that is fascinating about this framework is that as a template, it is transferable across

Indigenous cultures.

181

Figure 7.6 The Colonising Tree Karena, R,D, W (2013)

Another way in which this research contributes to Māori knowledge of health and

wellbeing is by emphasising the link between colonisation, historical

intergenerational trauma and Māori deficit statistics. The diagram figure 7.7 titled the

colonising tree reveals how the core roots of this tree represent colonisation. The

trunk of the tree represents colonial mechanisms that lead to Māori experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma. Finally, the fruit of the tree represents Māori

deficit outcomes.

This research was conducted as a result of personal experiences of historical

intergenerational trauma. After going through the life experiences that impacted in

such devastating ways, I began to question issues that were beyond my control and

contributed to the historical environment I was born into. It was not until the

beginning of the Ph.D journey where I began investigating four generations of my

182

male line back to 1840 that I began to gain a sense that not everything was right.

Stories of my great grandfather growing up wealthy yet dying a pauper, my

grandfather strapped for speaking his native language. My father’s limited

understandings of Māori culture were some examples of what I found. However,

when I began to investigate the legislative violations and superimposed them over

four generations of my family dating back to 1840, I was able to determine the

legislative environment that generations of my family were subjected to. It was from

there that I made the connection between the environment and the role the

legislative violations played in shaping it. I then realised that I had developed a

framework. This thesis has been a moving, healing and transformative journey.

Conclusion

This chapter began with a central hypothesis that has been established from sifting

through the research data. The next part introduced the findings. It also included the

participants and gave a descriptive account of what was found. The next section

discussed an approach to analysing the content to probe for patterns and themes,

and provided links to the literature review. The next aspect reviewed the research

questions. The next aspect examined strategies Māori have employed to respond to

hegemony, oppression and stereotypical assumptions. It also introduced a Māori

counselling framework as a response to historical intergenerational trauma. This part

also brought the pillars together to emphasise how these strategies contribute to

Tawhiao Te Wherowhero's prophecy of uniting the people. The final part explained

how the research, and this Māori counselling strategy in particular will contributed to

Māori knowledge of health and wellbeing, and then concluded by discussing why this

research was conducted.

In summary the links between the findings and the analysis revealed some

interesting patterns and themes. Across the globe there seemed to be very little

difference between the method in which the colonisers applied their mechanisms,

and the way in which Indigenous cultures across the world were impacted by those

colonial mechanisms. This is key evidence to suggest that a colonising template was

used to create a desired global outcome. The bringing together of the pillars and

threads to rebuild the Māori world also highlighted some interesting themes. The NZ

Crown’s versions of history say that with full knowledge, Māori freely gave up their

183

sovereignty. If that was the case, it is interesting to note that Hone Heke, and Kawiti

started fighting with the Governor and his troops in the 1840s. This does not sound

like a people who freely gave up their sovereignty. In fact what this thesis highlights

is that Ngāpuhi nui tonu are very clear; sovereignty was never ceded, the New

Zealand Crown has over stepped the jurisdiction given to them by Māori. There has

been a deliberate manipulation of history to favour the British Empire and the New

Zealand Settler Governments position. Further deliberation and negotiation with the

New Zealand Crown will move Māori forward and set the foundations for the next

generations. A future regard would like to see Māori aspirations take the British

Empire to task and resolve their breach of contract pertaining to Te Tiriti o Waitangi.

In this way, balance is restored.

Another significant aspect about this chapter reveals the impact of visually

responding to the colonising tree. This diagram provides solid links between

colonisation historical intergenerational trauma and Māori deficit statistics which has

been a key objective of this thesis. To conclude this thesis I leave you with the

immortal words of the prophet King Tāwhiao.

"Kotahi te kōhao o te ngira e kuhuna ai te miro mā, te miro pango, te miro whero nā

reira kia mau ki te aroha, ki te ture me te whakapono"

"It is by passing through the eye of the needle that the white thread, the black tread,

and the red thread unite as one holding firm to love, the law and faith."

184

185

Glossary of Māori terms

Anahera pono

Angels

Aotearoa

Land of the Long White Cloud

Aroha

Love/Concern

Awa

River

Hapū A collection of whānau(families), normally united through a common ancestor

Hangārau Technology

He Wakaputanga

Declaration of Independence 1835

Hui

Gathering / meeting

Ira Atua

Divine aspect / element

Ira Tangata

Human aspect / element

Kanohi ki te kanohi

Face to face representation

Karakia

Incantation, prayer, dedication

Kaumatua

Elder

Kaupapa Māori Māori philosophies and principles

Kawa Protocols

kōrero matakite

Stories of prophesy

kōrero onamata

Stories from the past

kōrero paki

Stories of entertainment

kōrero pūrākau and pakiwaitara

Legends and stories from ancient past

kōrero tipuna

Ancestor stories

kōrero tuku iho

Stories handed down

kōrero wānanga stories transmitted through the houses of learning

186

Koro//Koroua Male elder, male grandparent

Kowhaiwhai Māori border patterns and weaving Matua Father, Uncle, term of respect

Mahi Whakairo Māori carving

Mana Power, prestige, integrity

Mana Atua Power of the gods

Mana Tangata Power of the people

Mana Whenua Power of the land

Marae Carved meeting house, dining hall and

cooking area, as well as the marae atea or sacred space in front of the meeting-house

Mātauranga Māori Māori knowledge

Mātauranga-ā-ringa

Empirical knowledge

Mātauranga-ā-waha

Oral knowledge

Maunga Mountain

Moana Ocean

Pākehā New Zealand settler of European descent

Patu Ngākau To be shocked, traumatized by an event

Pōuri To be sad

Pōuritanga Deep suicidal depression

Rongoa

Māori medicine

Tāhuhu Spine of a whare or traditional Māori house

Tama Boy

Tamahine Girl

Tāne-nui-ā-rangi Great Tāne of the heavens

187

Tangata Whenua People of the land, Indigenous Māori peoples

Tāniko Needle work

Tauira Student

Tautoko To support

Te kauwae Raro

The lower jaw- The earthly realms

Te kauwae Runga

The upper jaw- Heavenly realms

Te Reo Māori The Māori language

Te Tongi ā Tawhiao The prophesy of Tawhiao

Te Wakaminenga The gathering assembly

Tikanga Principles and protocols

Tino Rangatiratanga Self-determination

Tipuna Ancestor

Tūrangawaewae

A place to stand; ones right to belong to a specific

Wairua

Spirituality

Waka Canoe: A collection of iwi whose ancestors travelled on the same canoe from the Pacific Islands

Whaea

Mother, aunty

Whakamā To be shy, embarrassed, shamed

Whakamomore Suicide, to fight to the death, to lose the will to live

Whakapapa

Genealogy

Whaka-tere waka

Navigation

Whakawhānaungatanga Making connections: establishing a rapport via relationships

188

Whānau Means to give birth: is made up of 3 or 4 generations of an extended family

189

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Appendix

Doctoral Thesis International Examiner’s Report

Title: Transforming Māori Experiences of Historical Intergenerational Trauma

Discipline: Indigenous Studies

Candidate: David (Rāwiri) Junior Waretini- Karena

Institution: Te Whare Wananga o Awanuiarangi, Aōtearoa, New Zealand

Examiner: Dr. Tina Ngāroimata Fraser, PhD – Associate Professor/Designated Chair,

School of Education/School of Nursing & First Nations Studies University of

Northern British Columbia, BC, Canada

Date Examined: January 16, 2014

Tēnā Koutou Katoa

First and foremost, I was honoured to be the external reviewer for this critical piece of

contribution to knowledge and the lived experience the author had to offer. I would also like

to take this opportunity to thank the supervisor and the committee for allowing me to be a

part of this thought-provoking and emotional journey. This thesis is a great start to the

healing and well-being of the Ngāpuhi, Tainui, Māori, and Indigenous people alike. Also, I

want to make note that I have great respect for the amount of work and discussions that the

author put into this thesis therefore, I am deeply grateful and will say, that I thoroughly

enjoyed a thesis with great depth such as this. This thesis sparked many memories in

regards to the similarities that I have witnessed and experienced for over three decades

amongst the Aboriginal/First Nations/Inuit/Métis of Canada particularly, the Dakelth Nation of

Northern British Columbia where I currently reside.

This thesis exhibits excellent scholarship and personal integrity yet goes beyond that high

quality of research and judgment that we academically and in some cases culturally expect

of our doctoral students. This thesis is also informed by a deep spiritual connection that

derived, in part, from the author’s lived experience and knowledge of cultural revitalization

and/or coming to a place of being Māori that is expressed in the way the thesis is structured

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including the content, the theoretical, theological and philosophical, orientations, and

narrative writing style. This thesis was genuinely moving in terms of the strength of

conviction in articulating the historical impact of colonization, tribal worldviews and the

transmission of knowledge in transforming Maori experiences of historical intergenerational

trauma where the spiritual dimension is an integral aspect that underpins the scholarship.

The thesis is a substantive work that seeks to examine transforming Māori experiences of

historical intergenerational trauma as it was in its early form of traditional practices and some

aspects of what it is today in the new millennium.

The thesis consists of seven chapters that are organized according to the theme of the title:

Transforming Māori Experiences of Historical Intergenerational Trauma. Each chapter is

appropriately titled to reflect the overall thesis in a way that could be understood. The author

sets the context by highlighting the interwoven perspectives of historical knowledge to allow

the readers to get a sense of the impacts imposed upon Māori in contemporary times. As

mentioned by the author, an integral aspect significant to this research takes a multi-layered

approach to critically analysing the phenomena known as historical intergenerational trauma.

Not surprisingly, the author has utilized the scholarly works of Māori, Indigenous, and non-

Indigenous writers to support his statements. Moreover, the author is well versed in the

literature including the depth and knowledge of scholarly writing. The author provides

thought-provoking and solid discussions in terms of what the research is saying, the

disenfranchised, stagnation and the revitalization of a culture.

The thesis adopts an integrated approach throughout the chapters to summarizing what is

known and aimed at serving a number of purposes as context to place the research. His

research methodology and approach is once again supported by the scholarly works of other

Māori colleagues who understands the importance of what it means to be a Māori

researcher as opposed to being a Māori who happens to be a researcher. The author has

articulated the challenges and the survival of a culture, ways of knowing and being by

seeking to answer four of his research questions, “What are Māori experiences of historical

intergenerational trauma? “What were the political, socioeconomic implications for Māori

both pre and post signing of Te Tiriti o Waitangi?” “What significance does locating self in

this research have in terms of investigating Māori experiences of historical intergenerational

trauma?” and "What are Māori counselling strategies that respond to this phenomenon?”.

These questions are all relevant to cultural identity, health, healing and wellness.

There is no doubt that this is an important thesis because it contributes to old and new

knowledge in a developing field. It is written in a scholarly style which is accessible and that

it demonstrates the author’s unique voice and vision, his passion and abiding commitment to

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Ngāpuhi, Tainui, Māori and Indigenous peoples’ health and healing. It also stands as a

potential template for corporations, churches, governments, schools, health professionals to

consider or re-consider working effectively with Māori self-determining endeavours. The

author has respectfully demonstrated an understanding of the relationship of his thesis to a

wider context of knowledge in which it belongs. The study is significant and has relevance

and application for educators, cultural healers, caregivers, counsellors, policy-makers and

researchers.

Therefore, this whole thesis as a whole makes an original contribution to the knowledge of

the subject as required. It articulates the many challenges our ancestors endured, and who

prepared us for the struggles we continue to face today as mentioned by the author. The

ancestral vision was to protect our existence, cultural knowledge, practices, language and

lands from the negative forces of globalization. An anonymous survivor of the holocaust

(1946) once said, “If we are not reminded of the past, we are doomed to live it again in the

future.”

This thesis has met all the academic requirements according to my evaluation.

Congratulations on a job well done!

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Appendix 2 PhD Photos

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