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THE PATRIARCH AND THE SULTAN:
THE STRUGGLE FOR AUTHORITY AND THE QUEST FOR ORDER
IN THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY
OTTOMAN EMPIRE
A Ph.D. Dissertation
by
ELF BAYRAKTAR TELLAN
Department of History
hsan DoramacBilkent University
Ankara
June 2011
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To My Family
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THE PATRIARCH AND THE SULTAN:
THE STRUGGLE FOR AUTHORITY AND THE QUEST FOR ORDER
IN THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY
OTTOMAN EMPIRE
Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences
of
hsan DoramacBilkent University
by
ELF BAYRAKTAR TELLAN
In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
in
THE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY
HSAN DORAMACI BLKENT UNIVERSITYANKARA
June 2011
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I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and inquality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.
Prof. Dr. zer Ergen Dr. Eugenia Kermeli
--------------------------------- ---------------------------------Supervisor Co-Supervisor
I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and inquality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.
Asst. Prof. Oktay zel
---------------------------------Examining Committee Member
I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and inquality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.
Prof. Dr. Mehmet z
---------------------------------Examining Committee Member
I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and inquality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.
Asst. Prof. Dr. Evgeni Radushev
---------------------------------Examining Committee Member
I certify that I have read this thesis and have found that it is fully adequate, in scope and inquality, as a thesis for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.
Associate Prof. Hlya Ta
---------------------------------
Examining Committee Member
Approval of the Graduate School of Economics and Social Sciences
Prof. Dr. Erdal Erel
---------------------------------Director
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ABSTRACT
THE PATRIARCH AND THE SULTAN: THE STRUGGLE FOR AUTHORITY
AND THE QUEST FOR ORDER IN THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY OTTOMAN
EMPIRE
Bayraktar Tellan, ElifPhD, Department of History
Supervisor: Prof. Dr. zer Ergen
Co-Supervisor: Dr. Eugenia Kermeli
June 2011
In the eighteenth century, the Rum Orthodox Patriarchate of Istanbul
underwent a series of changes that were the result of eighteenth-century economic
and social developments in Ottoman society. This study investigates the changing
fortunes of the Patriarchate in the eighteenth century through a contextualization of
these events in their Ottoman background. Despite the conclusions of previous
historiography, the patriarch appears as more than a mere mltezimor a milletba/
ethnarch, functioning instead more as a religious leader of the Ottoman Orthodox
community who acted according to the Ottoman principles of nizam[order] and the
safety of the mal-miri. These two principles were an important part of the discourse
of negotiations between the Patriarchate and the Porte in the eighteenth century, and
were used efficiently by both sides. Many internal and external actors were involved
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in the events, including archons, Catholics, Protestants, the esnaf, and merchants
both Muslim and non-Muslim. A case study of the mid-eighteenth-century Patriarch
Kyrillos V Karakallos demonstrates how one patriarch effectively struggled to
consolidate his authority vis--vishis opponents. Following the patriarchal term of
Karakallos, the system of gerondismos was established, as a result of which the
Patriarchate had come, by 1763, to be represented before the Porte as a collective
identity. Overall, far from being a static entity, the Patriarchate appears to have been
an active subject in the urban setting of the imperial city, engaged in a relationship
with the financial and social networks of Ottoman society.
Keywords: Rum Orthodox Patriarchate of Istanbul, Patriarch, berat, nizam,
eighteenth century, Ottoman history, Kyrillos Karakallos.
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ZET
PATRK VE SULTAN: 18. YZYIL OSMANLI
MPARATORLUUNDA OTORTE VE NZAM PENDE
Bayraktar Tellan, Elif
Doktora, Tarih Blm
Tez Yneticisi: Prof. Dr. zer ErgenOrtak Tez Yneticisi: Dr. Eugenia Kermeli
Haziran 2011
stanbul Rum Ortodoks Patrikhanesi on sekizinci yzyl ortasnda Osmanl
toplumunun ekonomik ve sosyal gelimeleri sonucunda bir takm deiiklikler
geirdi. Bu alma Patrikhanenin geirdii bu deiimi on sekizinci yzyl Osmanl
balamnda inceliyor. nceki almalarn aksine bu almada patrik yalnz bir
mltezim veya bir milletbandan ziyade, nizm ve ml-mrnin ne ktOsmanl
prensipleri dorultusunda ileyen OsmanlRum Ortodoks toplumunun lideri olarak
deerlendiriliyor. Bu iki prensip on sekizinci yzylda Patrikhane ve Osmanl
merkezi ynetimi arasndaki ilikilerde iki taraf tarafndan da etkili bir ekilde
kullanlyordu. Patrikhane evresinde gelien olaylarda Rum toplumunun ileri
gelenlerinin [archon], Katoliklerin, Protestanlarn, Mslman ve gayrimslim esnaf
ve tccarn da yer aldbirok aktr rol oynuyordu. On sekizinci yzyl ortasnda
patriklik yapm olan Kyrillos V Karakallos dnemi, bu dnemde bir patriin
muhalifleri karsnda otoritesini salamlatrmak iin nasl etkin bir ekilde
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mcadele ettiini gsteren gzel bir rnek. Karakallosun dnemini ardndan 1763e
gelindiinde gerondismos kurulmu ve bu tarihten sonra Patrikhane ynetim
karsnda kolektif olarak temsil edilmeye balamt. Sonuta Patrikhanenin statik
bir varlk olmaktan ok imparatorluk bakentinde Osmanl toplumunun finansal ve
sosyal alaryla iliki iinde olan aktif bir zne olarak ortaya kyor.
Anahtar kelimeler: stanbul Rum Ortodoks Patrikhanesi, patrik, berat, nizam, on
sekizinci yzyl, Osmanl, Kyrillos Karakallos.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
For this dissertation, first of all I would like to thank Eugenia Kermeli,
who has a great share in this study. Since my first years as an MA student of history
at Bilkent University, she has not only been an academic mentor for me, but a firm
supporter in everything I did, as she is for many other students in the department. She
is an exemplar not only of a competent historian, but also of a generous human being
who shares her knowledge and life experience. Without her support, encouragement,
and labor, I would not have been able to write this dissertation. I would like to thank
Prof. zer Ergen whose expertise and comments have greatly contributed to this
study. I am thankful to professors Mehmet z and Eugeni Radushev for their
invaluable contributions to this study and for their useful statements. I am indebted to
Hlya Ta not only for her remarks on the study, but also for her generous and
encouraging support. I also thank Oktay zel for his contribution; over the last
decade he has always been ready to help. I am thankful to Halil nalck, who
contributed to this study as a pioneer historian and opened the way for research into
the history of the Patriarchate during the Ottoman period.
This dissertation was financially supported by the TBTAK BDEB
scholarship. My research trip to Athens in 2007 was financed by the W.D.E. Coulson
& Toni Cross Aegean Exchange Program fellowship by ARIT, and by the Bilkent
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University Department of History. Finally, I was a Turkish Cultural Foundation
fellow in 2010. I would like to thank these institutions for their financial
contributions.
I would like to thank the staff of the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive in
Istanbul. In the Topkap Palace Library, enay Eren kindly helped me with some
electronic documents at a time when the library was under construction. I am
thankful to the Ecumenical Patriarch Bartholomew for his permission to work in the
Patriarchate Library, and to Yorgo Benlisoy for his kind assistance during my studies
at Fener. I also extend my thanks to Maria Georgakopoulou of the Gennadios
Library, as well as to other people in that library and in the American School of
Classical Studies in Athens. I am also grateful to the staff of the ISAM Library. I
would also like to thank Eser Sunar, secretary of the Bilkent Department of History,
for all her considerate help.
One of my most valuable gains during the research for this study was the
people I met, who today constitute the most important people in my life. First among
them is Evangelia Balta. During my research in Athens and later in Istanbul, she
supported me to a great extent, and I am greatly indebted to her. In Athens, she
introduced me to Prof. Christos Patrinelis, who led me to Greek sources. I was very
sorry to hear the news of his passing away, and I always wished he could have read
this study. Her friend and colleague Georgios Koutzakiotis, among others, was very
helpful during my studies in the National Hellenic Research Center. Finally, Prof.
Balta also introduced me to Ari okona, to whom I am also indebted for his
encouraging support.
Suraiya Faroqhi contributed to my study not only with her written work,
but also by listening to and answering my questions. Gnhan Breki generously
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shared some sources with me during one of his visits to Bilkent University. zlem
Sert kindly sent her dissertation and other articles, which contributed to this study.
Theodosios Kyriakidis not only shared a lot of written work with me, but he has also
kindly answered my occasional questions for the last three years. My friend from
Bilkent University, Hasan olak, has considerately shared his knowledge and ideas
with me for the last four years. Duygu UlaAysal Cin also discussed with me many
parts of the study and inspired me. Abdrrahim zer provided written work with me,
and he and his wife yk zer (Terziolu) enlightened our life. Michael Douglas
Sheridan kindly undertook the painful work of proof-reading the thesis. Despite the
contribution of so many people, I should mention that any mistakes there may be are
mine alone.
So many friends contributed significantly to this study that unfortunately I
cannot name them all. I cannot extend thanks enough to Nihan Saide Altnba, Gzde
Yazc, Fahri Dikkaya, and Muhsin Soyudoan, who share the same fate as me and
who made life tolerable. Aslhan Grbzel, Nergiz Nazlar, Harun Yeni, and Ik
Demirakn are among those at Bilkent University who have offered their valuable
friendship to me. First in Athens and then in Istanbul, Glin Tunal Ko and Haim
Ko helped me generously with their friendship, and I thank them. Maria Demesticha
also deserves many thanks for her friendship. I also thank zkuzenimMge Canpolat
Yanarda, one of my greatest supports in life, as well as her husband Volkan
Yanarda. I am indebted to ehnaz imanolu imek not only for this study, but
for being my lifelong companion in all my journeys in life. I am thankful and
indebted also to Mehmet imek.
My family has always been the greatest support in my life. I am indebted
to my mother Aysel Bayraktar, my father Ahmet Gavsi Bayraktar, and my uncle
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Erhan Frat. They compassionately cared for everything that I did in my life, and
without their love and support I would not be able to achieve. I also thank my brother
Korkut Bayraktar and my cousins Ouzhan Frat and Gler Frat. My aunts Banu
Bayraktar, Betl Kon, and Glsel Dalolu always made their presence felt from
far away, and for this I am grateful to them.
Nesrin Tellan and Hulusi Soygut Tellan have contributed to many
dissertations, and mine is only the latest one. I am thankful to them not only for their
contribution, especially during the last phase of this study, but for having raised a
person like Blent Tellan. My husband Blent Tellan illuminates my life with his
presence and posture in life, and I am grateful to him with all my heart.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT...............................................................................................................iii
ZET........................................................................................................................... vACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.....................................................................................vii
TABLE OF CONTENTS.......................................................................................... xi
TRANSLITERATION............................................................................................. xv
ABBREVIATIONS................................................................................................. xvi
CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. 1
1.1. Literary Review.......................................................................................11.2. Approach................................................................................................ 14
1.3. Structure ................................................................................................ 16
1.4. Sources.................................................................................................... 19
CHAPTER II: THE PATRIARCHATE UP TO 1700.......................................... 24
2.1. THE INSTITUTION............................................................................. 24
2.1.1. Jurisdiction.............................................................................. 242.1.2. Finances ...................................................................................34
2.1.2.1. Ecclesiastical taxes paid to the patriarchs by the
Christian reyand the metropolitans ............................. 34
2.1.2.2. The fiscal obligations of the Patriarchate to the Porte....... 36
2.1.2.3. A note on zarr-kassbiye ...........................................38
2.2. ACTORS ................................................................................................ 41
2.2.1.ARCHONS ............................................................................... 41
2.2.2. CATHOLICS, PROTESTANTS AND CAPITULATIONS... 43
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2.2.2.1. Counter-Reformation and Capitulations............................ 45
2.2.2.2. The Attitude of the Patriarchate towards Catholic
Propaganda in the 17thcentury .........................................50
2.2.2.3. The Case of 1672-3 ...........................................................53
2.2.3. EASTERN EUROPE AND RUSSIA....................................56
2.3. A TURBULENT ERA: THE PATRIARCHATE VIS--VISTHE
PORTE IN THE 17thCENTURY, 1638-1659..................................... 59
2.3.1. Kyrillos I Loukaris .................................................................60
2.3.1.1. Loukariss early career and his first encounter
with the Protestants ........................................................... 61
2.3.1.2. Loukariss patriarchate years in Istanbul and his
enmity with the Jesuits...................................................... 62
2.3.1.3. The printing press: ............................................................. 64
2.3.1.4. Loukariss Confession ....................................................... 66
2.3.1.5. Loukariss final patriarchate and his execution:................ 68
2.3.2. Parthenios II............................................................................ 72
2.3.3. Parthenios III.......................................................................... 73
2.3.4. Gabriel II ................................................................................. 77
CHAPTER III: EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY DEVELOPMENTS .....................80
3.1. OTTOMAN REALITIES ..................................................................... 80
3.1.1. Fiscal policies and their effects.............................................. 81
3.1.2. From War to Diplomacy ........................................................ 88
3.1.3. The Tulip Age and Popular Revolts.................................. 91
3.1.4. Petitioning in the eighteenth century....................................95
3.1.5. A remark on non-Muslims and Muslims beforethe end of the eighteenth century..........................................98
3.2. THE EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ACTORS....................................100
3.2.1. Financing the Taxes: The Network of Clergymen,
Esnaf, andArchons...............................................................100
3.2.2. The Phanariots Rise to Prominence in Diplomacy
and Bureaucracy................................................................... 110
3.2.2.1. Logothetes as exarchs: .................................................... 1123.2.2.2.Archons in the Porte as intermediaries in the 18thcentury.......... 116
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3.2.3. The Catholics ........................................................................ 119
3.2.3.1. The eighteenth century .................................................... 119
3.2.3.2. The Ottoman reaction ...................................................... 120
3.2.3.3. Change in the 18thcentury: Ambassadors and Jesuits......... 121
3.3. THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE
PATRIARCHATE IN THE 18th CENTURY.................................... 123
3.3.1. The Institution ...................................................................... 123
3.3.1.1. Change of terminology.................................................... 129
3.3.1.2. Tebden: The patriarchate as a life-long office........... 131
3.3.1.3. The stipulations of 1714, 1716, and 1720 ....................... 135
3.3.1.4. Additions and changes, 1725-1761 ................................. 139
3.3.1.5. Practice of religion........................................................... 140
3.3.1.6. Family Law...................................................................... 143
3.3.1.7. Countering the influence of local notables ...................... 144
3.3.1.8. The struggle for authority................................................ 147
3.3.1.9. Expansion of the rule of the patriarch as
an intermediate ................................................................150
3.3.1.10. Countering interference in the patriarchs
right to collect dues ........................................................... 159
3.4. THE FINANCES OF THE PATRIARCHATE
IN THE 18thCENTURY..................................................................... 163
3.4.1. Payments ............................................................................... 163
3.4.2. Debts ......................................................................................168
CHAPTER IV: PORTRAIT OF AN 18th-CENTURY PATRIARCH:
KYRILLOS V KARAKALLOS ........................................................................... 170
Kyrillos: A saint or a fraud? ..................................................................... 170
4.1. THE FIRST TERM OF KYRILLOS V (1748-1751) ....................... 173
4.1.1. Avenue to the patriarchate .................................................. 173
4.1.2. First term and its end........................................................... 176
4.1.3. The history of anabaptism as a theological discussion...... 179
4.1.4. The social and political implication of anabaptism in
eighteenth-century Istanbul................................................. 1844.1.5. Auxentios............................................................................... 187
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4.1.6. The riot of September 1752 ................................................. 192
4.1.7. The context of the event ....................................................... 196
4.2. THE SECOND TERM OF KYRILLOS (1752-1757) ...................... 198
4.2.1. Anabaptism during the second term of Kyrillos /
The Paper War ..................................................................... 198
4.2.2. The Finances of the Patriarchate ........................................201
4.2.3. The supporters of Kyrillos: The esnafand the Chiotes .... 204
4.2.4. Kyrillos versus the metropolitans .......................................206
4.2.5. Kyrillos against theFrenks .................................................. 216
4.2.6. The final downfall of Kyrillos:
The limits of Ottoman policy.................................................218
CHAPTER V: GERONDISMOS, THE PATRIARCHATE AS A CORPORATE
BODY ...................................................................................................................... 222
5.1. The Synod............................................................................................. 223
5.2. The first step towards thegerondismosin 1741................................ 225
5.3. The path to thegerondismosand the discourse of petitions, 1741 to 1763...... 227
5.4. Consolidation of the power of the metropolitans in 1763................ 232
5.5. Change in the patriarchalberts after 1763...................................... 234
CHAPTER VI: THE ANNEXATIONS OF PEAND OHRID........................ 240
6.1. Previous Literature ............................................................................. 240
6.2. Evidence of Ottoman documents ....................................................... 242
CHAPTER VII: CONCLUSION.......................................................................... 251
BIBLIOGRAPHY.................................................................................................. 259
APPENDIX A ......................................................................................................... 281APPENDIX B ......................................................................................................... 283APPENDIX C ......................................................................................................... 284
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TRANSLITERATION
Greek
a b
g
d
e
z
i
th
i
k
l
m n
x
o
p
r
s
t
y
f
ch
ps o
Ottoman
a, e
b
p
t
s
c
h
h
d
z
r
z
j
s
s
z
t
z
f
k
k
l
m
n
v
h, e, a
la
i, y
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xvi
ABBREVIATIONS
D.PSK Piskoposluk Kalemi Belgeleri
KK.d. Kamil Kepeci Defterleri
K ikyet Defteri
TTK Trk Tarih Kurumu
DIA Diyanet slam Ansiklopedisi
IA slam Ansiklopedisi (M.E.B.)
EI2 Encyclopaedia of Islam, 2nd
edition (Brill)
BMGS Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies Journal
IJMES International Journal of Middle Eastern Studies
OTAM Ankara niversitesi OsmanlTarihi Aratrma ve Uygulama Merkezi
Dergisi
IRSH International Review of Social History
EEBS Epetiris Etaireias Byzantinon Spoudon
TSAB Turkish Studies Association Bulletin
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CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
1.1. Literary Review
Historiography in the twentieth century has produced many important
works on the history of the Orthodox Patriarchate during the Ottoman era. Yet,
despite the considerable volume of documents produced by the Ottoman chancery,
the relationship between the Ottoman Porte and the Patriarchate and the changes this
relationship underwent over the centuries remains an understudied subject.
One of the dominant tendencies in historiography is to attribute a wide
scope of power to the patriarch vis--visthe Ottoman administration, beginning from
the period of Mehmed II. The patriarch is considered the ethnarch/ milletbaof the
Orthodox subjects, and the Patriarchate is narrated as an autonomous institution
within the Ottoman state. The patriarch is attributed a large scope of rights and
privileges, as well as legislative and juridical jurisdiction. A major setback of this
thesis is the presupposition that the position of the Patriarchate vis--visthe Ottoman
Porte remained unchanged for the almost three and a half centuries of Ottoman rule.
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Similarly, this historical discourse is primarily constructed around financial dealings
between the Patriarchate and the Porte. This consideration of the Patriarchate as an
unaltered entity over centuries, encompassing a wide range of power vis--vis the
Ottoman Porte, will here be referred to as the milletsystem theory. The pioneer of
this line of thought is the work of Gibb and Bowen, who propose that Mehmed II had
formally organized the dhimmis into three recognized millets: Orthodox, Armenian
and Jewish.1For the Orthodox millet, they note the following:
[] the Patriarch was duly installed with as many of the traditionalceremonies as might be performed in the absence of an Emperor; he was
assigned the ceremonial rank of aPaawith three tus, and he was allowedhis own court and prison in the Phanar quarter, with all but unlimited civil
jurisdiction over and responsibility for the dhimmis of his Church.2
This stereotyped image was reproduced in Arnakiss work, adding the
Portes greed as the determining factor in the relation:
In the course of time the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople came to beregarded as the leader of theRum Milletii.e., of the Orthodox Christians
who were under the authority of the Sultan. Since religion and nationalitywere identical in the eyes of the Turk, the Sublime Porte allowed a largemeasure of self-government to theRum Milletiunder the guise of religioustoleration. When his security was not threatened, the Turk seemed to bemainly interested in the collection of taxes from the subject races anddown to the first decade of the twentieth centuryreferred to the non-Turkish populations as raya, an Arabic word meaning flock or herdanimal. As H.A. Gibbons remarked, they were regarded as nothing morethan taxable assets.3
In 1982, for the first time, critics of the millet theory challenged the imageof the all-powerful Patriarch, and the foundation of a systematic arrangement by
1Hamilton Alexander Roskeen Gibb, and Harold Bowen,Islamic Society and the West: A Study of theImpact of Western Civilization on Moslem Culture in the Near East, London, New York, Toronto:Oxford University Press, 1957, Vol. I, Part II, pp. 207-261.2Gibb and Bowen,Islamic Society and the West,p. 216.3 G. Georgiades Arnakis, The Greek Church of Constantinople and the Ottoman Empire, TheJournal of Modern History, 24 / 3, 1952, p. 238. Concerning the identification of religion andnationality, he was inspired by Werner J. Cahnman, Religion and Nationality, The American
Journal of Sociology, 49/6, 1944, pp. 524-529. The publication in 1958 of Runcimans The GreatChurch in Captivity added legitimization to the claim. (Steven Runciman, The Great Church inCaptivity, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968).
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Mehmed II began to be seen as a myth.4 The nature of Ottoman non-Muslim
administration has been proposed as a series of ad hocarrangements rather than a
uniformly adopted system.5 The revision of the Gibb and Bowen millet system
targeted not only the Orthodox but also the Armenian Patriarchate and the Jewish
Rabbinate.6
The nature and the scope of the power of the Patriarch, whether religious
or political, is a major issue of dispute. Pantazopouloss proposition that the
Ottomans not only extended the religious authority of the patriarch [ethnarch /
milletba] but granted him political authority as well, for religious, political and
economic reasons, was confronted by Halil nalck.7Against the political authority of
Patriarchs assumed by the proponents of the millet theory, nalck emphasizes the
Islamic principles with which the Ottoman administrators acted in accordance.8He
holds that recognition of the Orthodox Church as part of the Ottoman state was the
most effective component of the istimletpolicy, the policy of tolerance towards the
4Benjamin Braude, Foundation Myths of the Millet System in Christians and Jews in the OttomanEmpire, ed. Braude and Lewis, Vol. I, Holmes and Meier, New York and London: 1982; Macit M.Kenanolu, OsmanlMillet Sistemi: Mit ve Gerek,Klasik Yaynevi, stanbul: 2004; nalck, Halil.The Status of the Greek Orthodox Patriarch under the Ottomans in Essays in Ottoman History, ed.Halil nalck, stanbul: Eren, 1998, pp. 195-223.5Benjamin Braude, Bernard Lewis (ed.s). Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire, New York,London: Holmes-Meier Publishers, 1982, pp. 12-13: Rather than a uniformly adopted system, it may
be more accurately described as a series of ad hocarrangements made over the years, which gave eachof the major religious communities a degree of legal autonomy and authority with the acquiescence ofthe Ottoman state. Power could be held by either lay or religious figuresactual leadership variedwith community, time and place. The degree to which communal authority was merely local orempirewide also varied.6See the articles in Braude and Lewis, Christians and Jews, of Kevork B. Bardakjian, The Rise ofthe Armenian Patriarchate of Constantinople in Vol.1, pp. 89-100; Joseph R. Hacker, OttomanPolicy toward the Jews and Jewish Attitudes toward the Ottomans during the Fifteenth Century, inVol.1, pp. 101-115; Amnon Cohen, On the Realities of the Millet System: Jerusalem in the SixteenthCentury, in Vol. II, pp. 7-18.7 Nikolaos J. Pantazopoulos, Church and Law in the Balkan Peninsula during the Ottoman Rule,Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hakkert, 1984, p. 19, see pp. 10-28. nalck, The Status, p. 195.8See nalck The Status pp. 195-196, against Pantazopouloss theories put forward in Church and
Law in the Balkan Peninsula. He mentions the pre-existing Islamic system on p. 203. Zachariadoucomments that the appointment of Gennadios was based on basic Islamic principles motivated by awish to repopulate the deserted City. Zachariadou,Deka Tourkika, p. 25.
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non-resistant Christians for the purpose of winning over the population.9 nalck
emphasizes the Patriarchs role as an official of the Ottoman administration in this
system.
In order to demonstrate that the position of the patriarch was not as
extensive as assumed, nalck underlines the fact that after the Synod elected the
Patriarch, an official Ottoman bertwas needed in order to complete the process, just
as in the appointment of guild kethds.10 Following this line of thought, Macit
Kenanolu proposed the role of the patriarch as a mltezim.11 In this approach,
however, the power of the Patriarchate as exercised upon the Orthodox subjects of
the Ottoman society is overlooked. This interpretation, a reaction to the millet
system theory of Gibb and Bowen, will be referred to as the mltezimtheory.
Kenanolu puts forward the concept of ruhani mltezim and proposes
that the Patriarchs and Chief Rabbis assumed the role of mltezimsin the Ottoman
Empire.12On the other hand, Anastasios G. Papademetrious main argument is that
the Patriarchate was considered by the Ottomans to be primarily a tax-farm just like
any other tax-farm in the Empire, since the annual revenues were collected by the
Patriarchate. He proposes that the Ottoman Empire did not act according to Islamic
principles, but as an efficient and pragmatic administration.13 Although the two
historians both propose that the patriarch was a mltezimin the Ottoman Empire, the
motivations of the two historians are basically different: Kenanolu endeavors to
demonstrate that the position of the patriarch did not extend beyond the duties of a
9nalck, The Status, p. 197.10 nalck, The Status, pp. 206-207, also Halil nalck, The Appointment Procedure of a GuildWarden (Kethuda), Festschrift fur Andreas Tietze, Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde desMorgenlandes, 76, 1986, pp. 135-142.11Kenanolu, OsmanlMillet Sistemi.12
Kenanolu, OsmanlMillet Sistemi, p. 64, and the argument throughout the book.13Anastasios G. Papademetriou,Ottoman Tax Farming and the Greek Patriarchate: An Examinationof State and Church in Ottoman Society (15th-16thcentury), PhD diss., Princeton University, 2001.
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mltezim, whereas Papademetriou stresses the Ottoman interest in money as an
explanatory framework.
To return to the deconstruction of the millet theory, its followers
concentrate on the erroneous usage of the term millet. Braude reexamined the work
of Gibb and Bowen and wrote an article proposing that the term millet, prior to the
nineteenth century, was not used by Ottomans to denote the mass of their non-
Muslim subjects, but used instead for themselves, Christian sovereigns and for rare
Jewish favorites. Braudes main argument is against the existence of an
administrative system for dealing with non-Muslims in the classical period of the
Ottoman Empire, which is what is generally assumed of the extended autonomy
given to the community leaders. He challenged the policies attributed to Mehmed II
concerning not only the Orthodox, but also the Armenian Patriarch and the Jewish
hahamba [Chief Rabbi] Capsali. According to him, dhimma was a concept that
went back to the period of the Prophet Muhammed, whereas the millet system used
by historians emerged in the nineteenth century; he also adds that the term milletstill
existed in the classical period, but with different connotations.14Ursinus provided
counter-examples to the usage of the term milletas proposed by Braude, and opposed
the idea that, before the beginning of the period of reform, the term was used in
Ottoman-Turkish sources to mean the community of Muslims. Ursinus provided
examples from the mhimme defterleri of the dvn-hmynin which millet refers
to the non-Muslim subjects of the Ottoman Empire, at least from the end of
seventeenth century onwards.15As a response to Ursinuss criticism, Braude claimed
that the usage of the term in the way Ursinus proposed was restricted to the mhimme
registers of the seventeenth century, and that such was not the case in sources outside
14Braude, Foundation Myths,pp. 69-88.15Michael Ursinus, Millet,EI 2, Vol. VII, 1993, pp. 61-64.
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Constantinople, such as sharia records. Therefore, he maintains his argument that
the milletsystem did not exist as an empire-wide system for regulating the affairs of
the major non-Muslim communities during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.16
Goffman contributes to the discussion surrounding the usage of the term milletin the
seventeenth century by proposing that the term millet was variable and
polychrestic, like Ottoman society itself.17Goffman shows that the milletsystem
paradigm conceals more than it reveals, as in, for example, the bonds between the
Empires communities of different religions in the early seventeenth century and the
governments apparent indifference to these bonds.18The idea that a milletbadid
not exist before the nineteenth century was also defended by Konortas.19 Again,
Veinstein argues that nalcks conclusions on the fiscal transformation of the
eighteenth-century fiscal system that is, the generalization of the impt de
rpartition is connected to the debate on the milletsystem. He agrees with Braude
on the theory that the millets, in the sense of a self-ruled unit, [were] able to emerge
in the Ottoman Empire only after the appearance of the objective conditions for such
an emergence, which were fully established only in the eighteenth century with the
generalization of the impt de rpartition.20
In the discussion concerning the rights of the Patriarch, the main point of
reference is the narrative concerning Mehmed IIs appointment of the first Patriarch,
George Scholarios, who took the name Gennadios II. The bertof Gennadios, the
16 Benjamin Braude, The Strange History of the Millet System in The Great Ottoman-TurkishCivilization, Vol. 2, Ankara: Yeni Trkiye, 2000, p. 418, fn.3.17Daniel Goffman, Ottoman Millets in the Early Seventeenth Century,New Perspectives on Turkey11, 1994, pp. 135-158.18Goffman, Ottoman Millets, p. 150.19 Paraskevas Konortas, From Taife to Millet: Ottoman Terms for the Ottoman Greek OrthodoxCommunity, in, Ottoman Greeks in the Age of Nationalism: Politics, Economy, and Society in theNineteenth Century, Dimitri Gondicas and Charles Issawi (eds.), Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1999, pp. 169-179.20Gilles Veinstein, nalcks views on the Ottoman Eighteenth Century and the Fiscal Problem, inOriento Moderno1999, The Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century, Kate Fleet (ed.), pp. 9-10.
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written official document of appointment, is missing, which is the major source of
dispute in the discussions.21 In order to deconstruct or consolidate the theories
concerning the scope of the Patriarchs power, historians have discussed whether the
privileges of Gennadios were personal or institutional, whether they were written or
oral, and whether the nature of the privileges was ecclesiastical or administrative.22
One of the fifteenth-century accounts concerning the appointment of
Gennadios is that of Kritovoulos. According to Kritovoulos, Mehmed II appointed
Scholarios as patriarch in January 1454.23 Another source for the story was the
Chronicon Maius of Sphrantzes, but it has been proven that this account, long
attributed to Sphrantzes, is actually a sixteenth-century forgery, the work of
Makarios Melissenos Melissourgos, who was the archbishop of Monemvasia in the
late sixteenth century.24Melissenos adopted the Chronicon Minus of Sphrantzes and
21
Sixteenth-century chronicles mention that it was lost during a fire in the Patriarchate. nalckcomments that It is inconceivable that while the Sultans had appointed metropolitans by bertbefore1453, the Conqueror should abstain from doing so when appointing the Patriarch ( nalck, TheStatus, p. 203). Zachariadou, depending on the work of Gennadios, claims that it was written(grammasin), Elizabeth A. Zachariadou,Deka Tourkika Eggrafa gia tin Megali Ekklisia (1483-1520),Athens: Ethniko Idryma Ereunon, Institouto Byzantinon Ereunon, 1996, p. 48. Kenanolu proposesthat they must be oral, OsmanlMillet Sistemi, pp. 78-83. See also Despina Tsourka-Papastathi, Propos des Privilges Octroys par Mehmed II au Patriarche Gennadios Scholarios: Mythes etRalits in Le patriarcat oecumnique de Constantinople aux XIVe-XVIe sicles: Rupture etContinuit: Actes du Colloque International, Rome, 5-6-7 Dcembre 2005, eds. Augustine Casiday, etal., (Paris: Centre dtudes byzantines, No-hellniques et Sud-est Europennes, cole des hautestudes en sciences sociales, 2007), pp. 253-275, pp. 269-273.22 The nature of privileges and the legal status of non-Muslims are discussed in Theodore H.
Papadopoullos, Studies and Documents Relating to the History of the Greek Church and People underTurkish Domination, Aldershot: Variorum, 1990, pp. 1-10; Kenanolu, OsmanlMillet Sistemi, pp.27-90; Tsourka- Papastathi, Propos des Privilges, pp. 267-274; Zachariadou,Deka Tourkika, pp.44-50, and nalck, The Status, pp. 203-208.23 Charles Riggs, (trans.) History of Mehmed the Conqueror by Kritovoulos, Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1954, pp. 93-94. The fact that Kritovoulos dedicated his work to the Sultan as afaithful collaborator has put doubt on the account and on the story of the Patriarch. (For exampleBraude, Foundation Myths, p. 77.) Upon the Sultans expressed interest in the Orthodox religion,Gennadios prepared a report consisting of twenty sections explaining the principles of the Christianreligion. The text was translated into Turkish-Arabic language by the kadof Veroia Ahmet, son ofMahmut elebi. Immanuel Bekker (ed.), Historia Politica et Patriarchica Constantinopoleos,Epirotica, Bonn: 1849, p. 84. See also Ragp zdem,Gennadiosun tikatnamesi, lk HalkevleriDergisi10/60, 1938, pp. 529-540.24
An overview of the gradual progress in studies concerning the forgery on Chronicon Maiusis foundin Marios Philippides, An Unknown Source for Book III of the Chronicon Maius by Pseudo-Sphrantzes, Byzantine Studies 10, 1983, pp. 174-183; nalck, The Status, p. 203; Braude,
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created a longer version, Chronicon Maius. One of the differences between the two
accounts is the story of Gennadios.25While the original Chronicon Minusdoes not
mention Gennadios, the sixteenth-century forgery does. Braude points to the fact that
the fifteenth-century accounts of Doukas and Chalcocondyles do not mention
Gennadios either.26 Zachariadou, on the other hand, mentions the account of
Theodoros Agallianos, the autobiography of Gennadios and his letters among
fifteenth-century sources for the period. She is thus, in this sense, not as skeptical
towards the story of Gennadios.27
For the sixteenth-century accounts on Patriarchal history, Philippides
proposes that Damaskenos the Studites 1572 work History of the Patriarchs of
Constantinople is the basic source on which other chronicles are directly or
indirectly based.28 Manuel Malaxoss Historia Patriarchica and Historia Politica
were the other two fundamental sources, brought to the attention of a scholar from
Tbingen, Martin Crusius, by a Patriarchate official named Theodosios Zygomalas.29
The Chronicon Maiusof Melissiourgos, mentioned above as wrongly attributed to
Sphrantzes, is the third chronicle of the sixteenth century. Philippides claims that the
anonymous text (edited by himself), which is in many cases identical to Malaxos and
Foundation Myths, p. 76; Hasan olak, Co-Existence and Conflict Between Muslims and Non-Muslims in the 16th Century Ottoman stanbul, MA Thesis, Bilkent University, 2008, pp. 3-6.25Philippides, An Unknown Source, pp. 177-178; Marios Philippides (ed.),Emperors, Patriarchs,and Sultans of Constantinople, 1373-1513: An Anonymous Greek Chronicle of the Sixteenth Century ,
Brookline, Mass.: Hellenic College Press, 1990, p. 57.26Braude, Foundation Myths, p. 76.27Zachariadou,Deka Tourkika, p. 41-42. C.J.G. Turner, Notes on the Works of Theodore Agallianoscontained in Codex Bodleianus Canonicus Graecus 49, inByzantinische Zeitschrift61, 1968, pp. 27-35. Christos G. Patrinelis, O Theodoros Agallianos kai oi Anekdotoi Logoi Autou, Athens: 1966. ForGennadioss letters, see Tsourka- Papastathi, Propos des Privilges, p. 256-263.28Philippides (ed.), Emperors, Patriarchs and Sultans, p. 17. Philippides says that this manuscriptremains unpublished in the Patriarchate Library. Marios Philippides, Patriarchal Chronicles of theSixteenth Century, Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies25/1, 1984, p. 94.29Philippides (ed.),Emperors, Patriarchs and Sultans, pp. 17-19. Nowadays we have every reason tobelieve that theHistory of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, attributed to Manuel Malaxos, is not anoriginal document but that it derives largely from the composition of Damaskenos, Philippides (ed.),Emperors, Patriarchs and Sultans, p. 19. See also Ulrich Moening, OnMartin Crusius'sCollection
of Greek Vernacular and Religious Books,Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies21/1, 1997, pp. 40-87. (For this study I will use the Bonn edition: Immanuel Bekker, (ed.),Historia Politica etPatriarchica Constantinopoleos, Epirotica, Bonn: 1849.)
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Damaskenos, is part of this tradition.30Finally, a manuscript in the Library of Chios,
which includes three tales for Gennadios and Mehmed II written in Constantinople in
1577, has recently been brought to light.31
The story of Gennadios has been the focus of the discussion on the
privileges of the Patriarchs because the rights of the Patriarchs drew the boundaries
of Christian religious practices in the Empire. The extent of the rights of the first
patriarch of Ottoman rule would form the basis of the rights of the succeeding
patriarchs. Zachariadou published the earliest surviving bert thus far discovered,
dating to 1483; this may be the closest (in terms of the scope of the rights) to that of
Gennadios.32 The ambiguity concerning the exact nature of authority invested to
Gennadios by Mehmed II led to heated debates even during the Ottoman period. As
extensive jurisdiction and privileges form the main core of the milletsystem theory,
current historiography has followed suit.
At certain points during the Ottoman centuries, the need to legitimize the
rights of the Patriarchate arose. For example, when the Portes administration
attempted to convert churches at the beginning of the sixteenth century, witnesses
were produced who testified that the City was taken by agreement.33 Thus
30 Philippides (ed.), Emperors, Patriarchs and Sultans. The text exists in various manuscripts.
(Including S. Lampros,Ecthesis Chronica, London: 1902) The unknown author also drew from othersources, such as Damaskenos. (Philippides (ed.), Emperors, Patriarchs and Sultans, p. 21).Zachariadou mentions Ecthesis Chroniki, Historia Politica, Historia Patriarchica, and the BiblionHistorikon of Pseudo-Dorotheos as sixteenth-century chronicles, and says that they are based onanother text, The Chronicle of 1391-1514, repeating more or less the same text with variations andadditions. Zachariadou,Deka Tourkika, pp. 42-44.31 Dean Sakel, Three Tales for a Sultan? Three Tales on Mehmed the Conqueror and PatriarchGennadius, British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 35/2, 2008, pp. 227-238. Sakel refers to K.Amantos, Treis Agnostoi Kodikes tou Khronografou, Hellenika, 1, 1928, pp. 45-70 for informationon the manuscript.32For a discussion views on the authenticity of this bertand the second earliest so far published, seepp. 26-27.33 For a thorough discussion of historiography on the problem of the attempt to confiscate the
churches in the sixteenth century, see olak, Co-Existence and Conflict Between Muslims and Non-Muslims in the 16th Century Ottoman stanbul. Christos G. Patrinelis, The Exact Time of the FirstAttempt of the Turks to Seize the Churches and Convert the Christian People of Constantinople to
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Melissenos, mentioned above, fabricated a fifteenth-century text in the sixteenth
century to produce argumentation against encroachment on supposed privileges.34
Philippides also comments that the reason for the compilations of Patriarchal
histories in the sixteenth century is related to the Patriarchates attempt to stop the
conversion of Christian churches in Constantinople to mosques.35The conversion of
churches into mosques is one of the central issues related to the privileges of the
Church.
By the eighteenth century, the myths related to the appointment of
Gennadios had already been standardized, as the account of James Dallaway, written
at the end of the century, testifies:
After the taking of Constantinople by Mohammed II, he continued, to thefirst patriarch, the same present which the Greek Emperors had beenaccustomed to make, a pastoral staff, a white horse, and four hundredducats in gold. He left ample revenues to the Greek church, and themaintenance of its clergy [].36
By the nineteenth century, the idea that the rights and privileges of
Patriarchs were rooted in the period of Mehmed II found followers in the Porte, as is
expressed in the Islahat Fermanof 1856.37The Islahat Fermanstipulated that the
Islam,Actes du 1er Congres International des Etudes Balkaniques et Sud-Est Europennes, Vol. III,Sophia: 1969, pp. 567-574.34See fn. 24.35Philippides (ed.),Emperors, Patriarchs and Sultans, p. 17.36James Dallaway, Constantinople Ancient and Modern, with Excursions to the Shores and Islands of
the Archipelago and to the Troad, London: 1797, p. 100; olak, Co-Existence and Conflict, pp. 58-59.37 Bb- lmizin nezreti tahtnda olarak mahssan patrikhanelerde tekil olunacak meclislermarifetiyle bil-mzakere cnib-i Bb-lmize arz ve ifade eylemeye mecbur olarak CennetmekanEbul-feth Sultan Mehmed Hn- Sni Hazretleri ve gerek ahlf- izmlar tarafndan patrikler ileHristiyan piskoposlarna t buyurulmu olan ruhsat ve iktidar niyt- ftvvet-karne-iPadihnemden n ibu cemaatlere temin olunmuolan hl ve mevki-i cedd ile tevfk olunup vepatriklerin el-hlet hzih cr olan usl-i intihbiyeleri slh olunduktan sonra patriklik berat-lsinin ahkmna tatbikan kayd-hayat ile nasb ve tayin olunmalaruslnn tamamen ve sahhanicr ve Bb-lmizle cemat-muhtelifenin res-yruhnyesi beyninde karar-gr olacak bir sretetatbikan patrik ve metropolit ve murahhasa [sic] ve piskopos ve hahamlarn hn-i nasbnda usl-itahlifiyenin f klnmasve her ne sret ve nm ile olursa olsun rahiplere verilmekte olan ceviz veavidt cmleten men olunarak yerine patriklere ve cemat balarna varidt-muayyene tahss ve
ruhbn-sirenin dah rtbe ve mansblarnn ehemmiyetine ve bundan sonra verilecek karara grekendilerine ber-veh-i hakkniyet maalar tayin olunup fakat Hristiyan rahiplerinin emvl-i menkleve gayr-i menklelerine bir gna sekte irs olunmayarak, Hristiyan ve sir tebaa-i gayr-i mslime
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privileges and rights of Patriarchs would be adapted to the newstatus quo. In 1862, a
new regulation the Rum Patrikhanesi Nizmnamesi was prepared by a
commission of seven metropolitans and twenty-one laymen, presented to the Porte
and accepted.38The stipulations of the Rum Patrikhanesi Nizmnamesi, regulating
the extended rights and privileges, demonstrate the extent of Patriarchal jurisdiction
by 1862.39
At the end of the nineteenth century, the question of the privileges of the
Patriarchate [pronomiako zitimata] arose. Arnakis notes that the legal reforms of the
late nineteenth century and the novelties in the bertof 1882 were disturbing for the
Patriarchate. Further interferences in judiciary and educational privileges resulted
in the resignation of Patriarch Ioachim III in 1884. Although the Porte declared that it
did not intend to change the privileges of the Patriarch, further problems arose in
1890, and this time Patriarch Dionysios V resigned. Negotiations were held in
1891.40
In fact, the core of the problem was centered around the stipulations of
berts, as Konortas notes in his article on the ecclesiastical berts.41 In the
negotiations between the Porte and the Patriarchate on matters relating to
ecclesiastical rights and privileges, the Porte expressed that the bases of the legal
status of churches and ecclesiastical privileges were the berts, theHatt-Hmyn
cemaatlerinin millete olan maslahtlarnn idaresi her bir cemaatin ruhbn ve vm beynindemntehab zdan mrekkeb bir meclisin hsn-i muhfazasna havle klnmas. Gazi Erdem,Osmanl mparatorluunda Hristiyanlarn Sosyal ve Dini Hayatlar (1856-1876), PhD diss.,Ankara University, 2005, p. 132.38Yorgo Benlisoy and Elin Macar, Fener Patrikhanesi, Ankara: Ayra Yaynevi, 1996, pp. 42-44.The Greek text was published as Geniki kannismoi peri dieuthetiseos ton ekklisiastikon kai ethnikonpragmaton ton yp tn oikoumenikn thrnn diatelounton rthdxon Christianon, Ypikon tis A.Megalitits tou Soultanou, Constantinople: 1862.39 For the stipulations, see Erdem, Osmanl mparatorluunda Hristiyanlarn Sosyal ve DiniHayatlar, pp. 232-252.40Arnakis, The Greek Church of Constantinople, pp. 249-250. For a detailed discussion of the issue,see Basileis K. Stefanidis, Ekklisiastiki Istria: Ap'archis Mechri Simern, 4th ed., Athens: Astir,
1978, p. 692 onwards.41Paraskevas Knrtas, I Exelixi ton Ekklisiastikon Beration kai t Prnmiakon Zitima , TaIstrika9, 1988, pp. 259-286.
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of 1856 and the regulations of 1862 [Rum Patrikhanesi Nizmnamesi]. Upon this
basis, the Patriarchate initiated a process of collecting and recording berts. Konortas
compares ecclesiastical berts and proposes that common expressions in earlier and
later berts suggest that earlier ones might be inauthentic. He proposes that the bert
of the metropolitan of Larissa dated 1604 may not have been composed until the
1850s.42In this process, finding old berts was imperative. Interestingly, the oldest
bert found in the Patriarchal archive was dated to 1835. As Konortas notes, G.A.
Mavrokordatos in 1853 and the Metropolitan Anthimos in 1868 voiced the opinion
that the privileges had not changed since the fifteenth century, the official position of
the Patriarchate. This was repeated by other ecclesiastics, e.g.Manuel Gedeon,43and
by the metropolitan of Ilioupoli Gennadios in 1938. Papadopoulos accepted this
opinion in 1952.44The final phase of the problem of privileges was related to the
Patriarchates defense against the policies of Committee of Union and Progress.45
Finally, books were printed in order to defend ecclesiastical rights. Gedeons books
printed in the Patriarchal printing house relates to the later phase of the problem of
privileges. Other books were published by Karavokyros, Delikanis and others. The
problem was not unique to the Rum Orthodox Patriarchate, as similar printing efforts
were undertaken by Armenians as well. Konortas notes, for instance, that Malahia
OrmaniansLEglise Armniennewas published in 1910.46It seems that the practical
concerns of Christian subjects during the Ottoman period and the ideological
42Konortas discusses this in his article Exelixi.43 For Gedeons life and works see Stavros Th. Anestidis, I Ethnarchiki Paradosi tis MegalisEkklisias kai o Manuil Gedeon, PhD Diss, University of Athens, 1993. To mention some of hisworks; Manuel I. Gedeon, Patriarchiki Pinakes: Eidisis Istrikai Bigrafikai peri ton PatriarchonKonstantinoupoleos apo Andreou tou Protklitou mechris Ioakeim Gtou apo Thessalnikis, 36-1884,Athens: Syllgs prs diadsin Ofelimon Biblion, (reprinted) 1996, 2003; Manuel Gedeon,Patriarchiki Efimerides: Eidisis ek tis Imeteras Ekklisiastikis Istrias 1500- 1912, Athens: Typ.Sergiadis, 1938; Manuel Gedeon, Tetraksietiris Patriarchikis Doreas 1538-1937, Athens: 1957.44
Konortas, Exelixi, p. 262.45Konortas, Exelixi, p. 283.46Konortas, Exelixi, pp. 281-286.
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concerns of modern historians urged them to construct an image of an autonomous
Patriarch.
Apart from historical contingencies, such as Abdlhamid II and the
Committee of Union and Progresss effort to restrain unlimited patriarchal
jurisdiction, the role of the Patriarchate in the Ottoman era became central in early
twentieth-century Balkan historiography.47 In writing the history of the Greek
Revolution in 1821 and the formation of the modern Greek state, the attitude of the
Patriarchate vis--visthe actors of the Greek Revolution was questioned. To address
accusations against the clergys role during the Greek Revolution, the Patriarchate
was given the role of protector of the Orthodox subjects under Ottoman rule.
Runciman proposes that credit for keeping the light [of Hellenism] alive should be
given to the Church above all, apart from Gennadios, Mehmed II, the Phanariots and
even Koras.48In this picture, the patriarch is considered the ethnarchand the ruler of
the millet.49Clogg questions this role attributed to the Patriarchate by demonstrating
that hostility against the clergy prior to the Greek Revolution existed not only among
intellectuals, but also on the popular level.50 Kitromilides also challenges the
assumptions of twentieth-century Balkan historiography by attributing to the
Orthodox Church and Orthodox Christianity the major role in the construction of a
47
The attitude of the Patriarchate towards the Greek Enlightenment induced by the FrenchRevolution was not favorable. The Paternal Exhortation (Dhidaskalia Patriki) of Anthimos, Patriarchof Jerusalem attributed to Patriarch of Constantinople Grigorios V by Sergios Makraios was in ashort time answered by the Brotherly Exhortation (Adelfiki Didaskalia) of Adamantios Korais in1798. The rift between the two ideologies revealed itself in the language problem ( diglossia). In thisprocess, the Patriarchate was accused of serving the Ottomans. For the authorship of DhidaskaliaPatriki, see Richard Clogg, The Dhidaskalia Patriki (1798): An Orthodox Reaction to FrenchRevolutionary Propaganda,Middle Eastern Studies5/2, 1969, pp. 87-115.48 Steven Runciman, Rum Milleti: The Orthodox Communities under the Ottoman Sultans, in TheByzantine Tradition After the Fall, John James Yiannias (ed.), Charlottesville: University of VirginiaPress, 1991, pp. 13-14.49Runciman, The Great Church in Captivity, pp. 165-185.50See Clogg, Richard. "Anti-Clericalism in Pre-Independence Greece c. 1750-1821" in The Orthodox
Churches and the West, Studies in Church History 13, Derek Baker (ed.), Oxford: Blackwell, 1976,pp. 257-276. Also in Richard Clogg, Anatolica: Studies in the Greek East in the 18th and 19thCenturies, Part VIII, Aldershot: Variorum, 1996.
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national identity under the Ottomans, and he points out the antinomy existing
between Orthodoxy and nationalism in the nineteenth century.51
1.2. Approach
The aim of this dissertation is, first of all, to contextualize the history of the
Patriarchate within its Ottoman background, and to demonstrate its gradual
transformation in the eighteenth century. The patriarch was both the spiritual leader
of the Orthodox Christian subjects of the Empire, and an Ottoman administrator.
Apart from the patriarch as a mltezimand as a religious leader, the nature of his role
in the changing conditions of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Ottoman society
will also be explored.
Distinct social boundaries between Christians and Muslims only began to
emerge from the end of the eighteenth century onwards, not before.52In explaining
the role of the Patriarchate during the Ottoman period, a more important distinction
that should be taken into account is the distinction between the administrators of the
Porte (in which the Patriarchate is included) and the tax-paying rey. This will be
one of the key perspectives of this study.
In Orthodox Christianity, monasteries are symbols of isolation founded
primarily on high hills at a distance from residential areas. Contrary to this, churches,
51Paschalis Kitromilides, Imagined Communities and the Origins of the National question in theBalkans inEnlightenment, Nationalism and Orthodoxy, XI, pp. 149-192. In order to bridge the gapbetween the ancient world and the modern era by reinterpreting medieval Byzantium as amanifestation of Hellenism during the Middle Ages, Konstantinos Paparrhigopoulos wrote the firsthistory of Greece as an unbroken continuity (Herkl Milas, Yunan Ulusunun Douu, Istanbul:letiim, 1994, pp. 54-55.) Tourkokratiadoes not occupy a favored place in the course of nationalistBalkan historiography. Only recently has the Ottoman period begun to be explored by a new
generation of historians using Ottoman sources.52 See Chapter 3.1.5, A remark on non-Muslims and Muslims before the end of the eighteenthcentury.
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as administrative centers, were located in more central positions.53The Patriarchate,
situated in Fener [Phanari] since the beginning of the seventeenth century, should
thus be considered as a part of the urban structure of Istanbul, influencing and being
influenced by that citys networks of people and communication.54Far from being a
static institution, the Patriarchate should be considered as an entity encompassing
laypeople and clergy, as well as forming a part of various social networks. Not just
an object of Ottoman administration, or an apparatus of the tax-collection system, the
Patriarchate should be considered an active subject in the urban setting of the
imperial City.
The history of the Patriarchate during the Ottoman period did not simply
follow a straight line of growth or decadence, but rather experienced various ups and
downs. What is crucial is to determine the factors behind these ups and downs. For
this purpose, different dynamics in the making of Ottoman policies regarding the
Patriarchate of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries will be examined.
Investigation of Ottoman policies towards the Patriarchate is not meant to
in any way imply that the Patriarchate was not a part of the Ottoman administration.
On the contrary, one of the major results of this thesis comes from research on
Patriarchal documents regarding the Patriarchal berts, which demonstrate that the
Ottoman administration considered the Patriarchate to be a part of its administrative
53For the issue of ascetic renunciation and monasteries versus churches as administrative buildings,see Caroline T. Schroeder, A Suitable Abode for Christ: The Church Building as Symbol of AsceticRenunciation in Early Monasticism, Church History73/3, 2004, pp. 472-521.54 The first Patriarchal Church during the Ottoman period was the Church of the Holy Apostles[Havariyyun Kilisesi], allotted to Gennadios. When the Sultan wanted to build his mosque andcomplex of Fatih on this spot, a new Church, the Church of Panagia Pammakaristos, was given to thePatriarchate in 1456. Pammakaristos was turned into a mosque [Fethiye Camii] in 1586, and theChurch of the Virgin Mary of Vlahsaray in Fener became the new Patriarchal center. Afterwards, theChurch of St. Dimitrios in Xyloporta [Ayvansaray] was used by the Patriarchate from 1597 on.
Finally, the Church of St. George in Fener became the Patriarchal Church at the beginning of theseventeenth century and is still in use today. Aristeidis Pasadaios, O Patriachikos Oikos touOikomenikou Thronou, Salonica: Institute of Balkan Studies, 1976.
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body; for example, the berts secured the rights of the Patriarchs vis--vis the
Christian clergy and subjects.
Finally, a note on the terms defining the Patriarchate is necessary. In this
dissertation, I will refer to the Patriarchate as the Rum Orthodox Patriarchate of
Istanbul, as a translation of stanbul Rum Patrikhanesi, which was the usage of
Ottoman documents of the eighteenth century. The translation of Rumas Greek is
not free from problems inasmuch as the terms Greek and Turk (for the Rum
Orthodox and Ottomans, respectively) are embedded with a nineteenth-century
Western viewpoint. The term Ecumenical, on the other hand, was used in
documents written in the Greek language among the internal correspondence of the
Patriarchate.55The official seals of the Patriarchs had inscriptions in both Ottoman
and Greek. For example, on Kyrillos V Karakalloss seal is found bende patrik-i
Rum Kirilos Kostantiniyye, surrounded by the Greek inscription Kyrillos eleo
theou Archipiskopos Konstantinoupoleos Neas Romis Oikoumenikos Patriarchis
[Kyrillos, by the grace of God Archbishop of Constantinople, New Rome,
Ecumenical Patriarch].56
1.3. Structure
After the introductory chapter, the second chapter will look at the early
period of the Patriarchate until the seventeenth century. I will examine the rights and
55For example, in a Patriarchalsigillionof 1681 of Patriarch Iakovos, the Patriarchs title is Iakovoseleo theou archiepiskopos Konstantinoupoleos Neas Romis kai oikoumenikos Patriarchis (NikolaosB. Tomadakis, Istoria tis Ekklisias Kritis epi Tourkokratias (1645-1898), Athens: TypografeionIordanou Myrtidi, 1974, p. 288). In another sigillion dated 1706, it is Gabriel eleo theou
archiepiskopos Konstantinoupoleos Neas Romis kai oikoumenikos Patriarchis (Tomadakis, Istoria,p. 291).56See Appendix B.
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privileges of the Patriarchs in this period based on Greek contemporary sources and a
number of published documents, with a discussion on the authenticity of the
documents. Subsequently, the fiscal obligations of the Patriarchate to the Imperial
Treasury and the revenues of the Patriarchate and the local clergy at this period will
be discussed. The second section of Chapter II will deal with the actors who were
influential in events concerning the Patriarchate prior to the eighteenth century.
These are the archons, the Catholics and the Protestants, and finally the northern
Orthodox, i.e.the Russians and the Cossacks. This is because the relationships of the
Patriarchs to these actors were determinant in the events of the turbulent first half of
the seventeenth century. Subsequently, based on the account of Galland, the events
of 1672-3 will be mentioned as a convenient case showing the interaction between
these actors and the Patriarchs. The following section, narrating events from 1638 to
1657, i.e.the execution of three Patriarchs and an ex-Patriarch, is mainly based on
contemporary Greek accounts, and less on Ottoman chronicles. The reason for this is
that chronicles and Ottoman archives are silent on these events, which can be found
only in Western secondary sources and primary Greek accounts, except for one
particular case.
In order to contextualize the transformation of the Patriarchate in the
eighteenth century within its Ottoman background, I will open Chapter III with an
overview of certain Ottoman realities of the eighteenth century, e.g. the
transformation of the military and fiscal system of the Empire beginning from the
earlier period, the rise of the Portes bureaucracy and the socially mobile atmosphere
of the period. As petitions are one of the main sources of this study, I will look at the
nature of petitioning in this period. Subsequently, based on recent studies, I will
present some remarks on the nature of the relationship between Muslims and non-
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Muslims in Ottoman society before the end of the eighteenth century. In the second
section of Chapter III, the actors of the eighteenth century will be presented. The first
part of this section will reveal the Patriarchate as part of a financial and social
network in Ottoman society. Subsequently, the place of the Phanariots in the
Ottoman taxation system and their position as intermediaries will be examined.
Finally, the situation of the Catholics, who were active in the Empire beginning in
the seventeenth century, and the change in attitude of the Patriarchate and the Porte
towards Catholics in the eighteenth century will be presented. In the third section of
Chapter III, I will present the transformation of the rights and privileges of the
Patriarchs, based on a detailed study of the stipulations of nineteen Patriarchal berts
dating from 1714 to 1769. This section aims to present the changing role of the
patriarch in eighteenth-century Ottoman society. The fourth section of Chapter III
deals with changes in the finances of the Patriarchate from 1686 to the 1760s, based
on thus far unused Ottoman documents.
Chapter IV is a case study presenting a portrait of one rather interesting
Patriarch, Kyrillos Karakallos. In this chapter, I will attempt to uncover what the
story of Karakallos a story which has so far attracted the attention of theologians
signifies in terms of Ottoman conditions. I will look at how the patriarch dealt with
his rival metropolitans, with financial problems, with the guilds of the capital, and
with the Portes administration.
In Chapter V, a major transformation in the structure of the Patriarchate
from the 1740s to the 1760s will be examined: the Reform of the Synod, i.e.the
establishment of the Gerondismos. This was an important development on behalf of
the Patriarchate, at the end of which the corporate identity of the Patriarchate vis--
visthe Porte was ultimately recognized.
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Finally, Chapter VII is an attempt to re-examine the annexations of the
Patriarchates of Peand Ohrid to the Rum Orthodox Patriarchate of Istanbul in 1766
and 1767. In this chapter, as in the previous chapter on the Gerondismos, I will
question the role thus far attributed by historiography to the Phanariots, primarily in
the light of new documentation.
1.4. Sources
Thepiskopos muktaasregisters of the Prime Ministry Ottoman Archive
provides the basic archival source for this study. Thepiskoposlukkalemiwas a part
of theEvmir-i Mliye Kalemi. These are available in three classifications: theKamil
Kepeci Tasnificontains approximately 35, while the Bb-Defter Defter Katalou
(1169-1250 / 1756-1834) contains ten defters. The third classification (D.PSK)
contains 31 folders of documents dating from 1016 to 1207 (1607-1792).57 The
documents concern not only the Rum Orthodox Patriarchate of Istanbul but also the
Armenian Patriarchate, the Orthodox Patriarchates of Jerusalem, Alexandria,
Antioch, Pe and Ohrid. In his seminal articles Ottoman Archival Materials on
Millets and The Status of the Orthodox Patriarch, nalck mentions and refers to
the piskopos muktaas registers.58 Apart from the piskopos muktaas registers,
various ahkm,ikyet, mhimmeand kalebendregisters have also been used for this
study. The berts of Patriarchs and metropolitans, as well as the petitions of not only
57Although the first document in the D.PSK collection was catalogued as 1015/1606, it seems thatthis date is wrong, as the document is a petition signed by Kallinikos the Patriarch (Kallinikos II:1688, 1689-1693, 1694-1702). The second document is dated 1016/1607, and the followingdocuments start from 1046/1636 onwards. Cezar notes that the piskopos kalemi was a part of themaden kalemi during the period of Grand Vizier Ali Paas reforms, which were reverted. Yavuz
Cezar, XVIII. yyda Bab-Defteri,Dn ve Bugnyle Toplum ve Ekonomi IV, 1993, p. 152.58 Halil nalck, Ottoman Archival Materials on Millets, in Christians and Jews in the OttomanEmpire, ed. Braude and Lewis, Vol. I, Holmes and Meier, New York and London: 1982, pp. 437-449.
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in the first half of the twentieth century, relying on Patriarchal archives. These
sources were produced at a time of conflict between the Porte and the Patriarchate on
ecclesiastical privileges, as was explained above. In spite of this, Gedeon and
Arabatzoglous research has been invaluable for this study. Apart from works based
on these official documents, various Greek chronicles and contemporary testimonies
have also been used,61the major one being Hypsilantiss Ta meta tin Alosin, regarded
as the peak of Phanariot historiography.62
Chronicles in the Ottoman and Greek languages, reports of ambassadors,
and Ottoman archival documents present completely different facets of the same
stories. In matters concerning the stance of the Patriarchate towards theological
issues, such as the issue of anabaptism, the Patriarchate has generally been
considered an entity existing in a vacuum. In order to situate the history of the
Patriarchate in the Ottoman context, the major tool in this study will be the
multiplicity of sources complementing each other.
One difficulty of chronicles and manuscripts is that they sometimes tend to
present relationships in terms of bribery and the venality of offices. While
intermediaries did play a role in accession to thrones, they were not the sole factors
in this regard.63
61
Athanasios Komnenos Hypsilantis, Ta meta tin Alosin (1453-1789), ed. Archim. G. Afthonidos,1870 (reprinted in Athens: 1972). The major contemporary source for the period of Karakallos was theanonymous Planosparaktis published in Papadopoullos, Studies and Documents, pp. 275-364.Another source is Sergios Makraioss Ypomnimata Ekklisiastikis Istorias (1750-1800) in KontsantinosSathas (ed),Mesaioniki Bibliothiki, Vol. III, Venice: Typois tou Chronou, 1872, including KaisariosDapontes Chronografos (1648-1707)and his Istorikos Katalogos (1700-1784). (For Chronografos,Paizi-Apostolopoulou writes that Dapontes was aware of an unpublished manuscript by DimitriosRamadanis. See Machi Paizi-Apostolopoulou, Dimitrios Ramadanis: Enas Istoriografos tou 18ouAiona se Afaneia, O Eranistis 20, 1995, pp. 20-35). The ecclesiastical history of Meletios, themetropolitan of Athens, Georgios Ventotis (ed.),Ekklesiastiki Istria Meletiou, 4 Vols, Vienna: 1783,1784, 1795. It was edited and increased in content by Ventotis. See Chapter IV, fn.6. Another accountuseful for ecclesiastical history is that of K.M. Koumas, Istriai ton Anthropinon Praxeon, Vol. 10,Vienna: 1831.62
Johann Strauss, The Rise of Non-Muslim Historiography in the Eighteenth Century, in OrientoModerno, The Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century, Kate Fleet (ed.), p. 226.63On ascending to the throne, it was not only the Rums who paidpeke, nor was it only the Porte to
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In contemporary accounts, the position of the author, and consequently the
source of information, have influenced the tone of the accounts. Western travelers
whether Catholic or Protestant recording their observations on Eastern Christians
under Turkish rule have a contemptuous point of view towards the Orthodox
Church. In search of the remnants of ancient Greek civilization, they were
disappointed by Greek-speaking subjects eastern modes of behavior, which they
scorned. In this sense, they perceived it as a sacred duty to unite the Orthodox
Church to their own Church.64 As a result of this position, the typical attitude of
western observers as well as Greek historians towards the office of the patriarch was
to consider it an object of simony. Greek ecclesiastical histories provide
chronological information on the biographies and deeds of Patriarchs. They
frequently mention bribes and money as the reason for the change in the throne. If a
contemporary author was from inside the Ottoman Porte, such as Hypsilantis,65the
explanation for this is based on complex personal relationships. Hypsilantis reveals
the personal links of Patriarchs as a way to access the Patriarchal throne. On the
other hand, Ottoman chronicles very rarely provide us with direct information
whom money was paid. The high clergy paid the Patriarchate as well. On March 15, 1681,Athanasios, the metropolitan of Christianoupolis in Peloponessos, borrowed money from thedikaiophylaxRhales 420 aslaniato pay for his gift of ordination to the Patriarchate. The promissorynote was signed by the Patriarch Iakovos I and the other metropolitans. Nomikos Michael Vaporis,Some Aspects of the History of the Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople in the Seventeenth and
Eighteenth Centuries: A Study of the Ziskind MS No.22 of the Yale University Library, USA: 1969,pp. 53-54.64For example, Tournefort, who visited the Aegean islands and Istanbul around 1700, notes on manyoccasions that Greek priests were illiterate and that Greeks devoid of missionary education wereignorant and superstitious (Stefanos Yerasimos (ed.), Tournefort Seyahatnamesi, stanbul: KitapYaynevi, 2005, p. 122, p. 177). From the commission of the French ambassador Nointel, theillustrator William Joseph Grelot recorded his personal observations of the Ottoman Empire. Hisaccount also has a scornful point of view towards Orthodox subjects, as well as towards the Muslimsof the Empire. (Joseph Grelot,A Late Voyage to Constantinople, London: 1683.)65Athanasios Komninos Hypsilantis (1696-1789) claimed that he descended from Emperor ManuelKomnenos. He studied in Iasi from 1724 to 1727, went to Venice in 1734, and became a medicaldoctor in Padua in 1738. He was the doctor of Gregory Ghica at Iasi until 1744, and from 1744onwards he was the doctor of Grand Vizier Ragb Paa. He was also the Grand Skevophylax of the
Patriarchate. Nicolae Iorga, Byzantium after Byzantium, Iasi, Portland: Center for Romanian Studiesand Romanian Institute of International Studies, 2000, pp. 227-230. Strauss, The Rise of Non-Muslim Historiography, pp. 226-229.
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concerning the Patriarchs. They have been used in this study as points of reference,
especially to verify the accounts of travelers, memoir writers and other chroniclers.66
66Mehmet pirli (ed.), Tarih-i Naima (1000-1070/ 1592-1660), 4 Vols, Ankara: TTK, 2007; ZiyaYlmazer (ed.), Topular Katibi Abdlkadir (Kadri) Efendi Tarihi (1000-1054 / 1592-1644), Ankara:TTK, 2003; Vahid ubuk (ed.), Solakzade Tarihi (Mehmet Hemdemi elebi Solakzade), Ankara:Kltr Bakanl Yaynlar, 1989; Mesut Aydner (ed.), Subhi Tarihi, stanbul: Kitabevi, 2008;Abdlkadir zcan, Zbde-i Vekayit: Tahlil ve Metin (1066-1116/1656-1704) / Defterdar SarMehmed Paa, Ankara: TTK, 1995; Fezleke-i Katip elebi, stanbul: Ceride-i Havadis Matbaas
1286-1287 (1869-1871); FndkllSilahdar Mehmed Aa, Silahdar Tarihi, stanbul: Devlet Matbaas,1928; Sleyman zzi, Tarih-i zzi, (1157-1165, 1744-1752), stanbul: Mteferrika Matbaas,1199/1784; Tarih-i Raid, stanbul: Matbaa-i Amire, 1282.
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CHAPTER II
THE PATRIARCHATE UP TO 1700
2.1. THE INSTITUTION
2.1.1. Jurisdiction
Mehmed II initiated a new period of the Patriarchate of Istanbul by
appointing Gennadios as the first patriarch in 1454. As was mentioned in the
introduction, the scope of the privileges of Gennadios granted in the fifteenth century
were intensely discussed in the following centuries, as the privileges of patriarchs
were perceived as the basis of the rights of Ottoman Orthodox laypeople and clergy.1
The rights and privileges of a patriarch or a metropolitan as is true for
other owners of bert like an imam, a mltezim or a vezir is recorded in their
berts, given upon accession to office. These are documents of authorization granted
1For the historiographical discussion on the privileges of patriarchs and the motivations behind thesediscussions see the Chapter 1.1, Literary Review.
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by the dvn- hmyn kalemi.2 Upon arrival in office and in the case of cls-
hmyn [accession of a new sultan to the throne], the berts of patriarchs and
metropolitans, like those of all other officials, were renewed.3nalck underlines the
importance of berts as a sign of the Ottoman official appointment of non-Muslim
clergymen and a pre-requisite to exercise authority.4 Konortas also stresses that
berts granted administrative rights to Christian clergymen.5The patriarch needed a
bertin order to validate his office in the eyes of Ottoman officials. It is crucial to
study patriarchs berts in order to be able to make a full comment on the status of
the Christian high clergy in the Ottoman Empire.
Thus far, very few patriarchal berts covering the period from the fifteenth
to the eighteenth century have been published.6These are the berts of Symeon I
(1483, published in Ottoman and in Greek translation)7, Ieremias I (1525, published
in Ottoman and in Greek translation),8 Dionysios III9 (1662, exists only in Greek
translation), Dionysios IV10 (date not clear, and only in French and a Greek
translation of the French), Kyrillos V (1755, in Greek translation)11, Serafeim II
2Mehmet Zeki Pakaln, OsmanlTarih Deyimleri ve Terimleri Szl, (3rd ed.), Vol. I, stanbul: MilliEitim Basmevi, 1983, p. 205, Lajos Fekete, Bert,EI 2, Vol I, pp. 1170-1171.3For example, upon the clsof Sultan Mahmud I in 1143/1730, the berts of the metropolitans ofMarmara, Kayseriye, Sofya, Brusa and Gemlik, Girid, Midilli, zi, Sakz, Kapda, skee andKavala, Drama, Selanik and others were renewed. See D. PSK 9.4nalck, The Status, pp. 206-207; Halil nalck, The Appointment Procedure of a Guild Warden(Ketkhud), in Wiener Zeitschrift fr die Kunde Des Morgenlandes76, Festschrift Andreas Tietze,
1986, pp. 138-139.5Konortas, Exelixi, p. 261.6Paraskevas Konortas, Othomanikes Theoriseis gia to Oikoumeniko Patriarcheio: 17os- arches 20ouAiona, Athens: Ekdoseis Alexandreia, 1998, pp. 57-58. Konortas lists 14 patriarch berts, 7 of thembeing prior to the 19th century.7Zachariadou,Deka Tourkika, pp. 160-162.8Zachariadou,Deka Tourkika, pp. 177-178.9 Konortas, Othomanikes Theoriseis, p. 57. The bert is published in Manuel Gedeon, EpisimaGrammata Tourkika, Konstantinoupoli: Patriarchikou Typografeiou, 1910, pp. 9-14 (only in Greek).10 The French text is in Jean Aymon, Monumens authentiques de la religion des Grecs, et de lafausset de plusieurs confessions de foi des Chrtiens orientaux, La Haye: 1708, pp. 486. The Greektranslation of Aymon is in Gedeon, Episima Grammata, pp. 98-99. The bertof Dionysios IV waspublished first by Aymon in French and in Greek by Gedeon, and therefore the translation misses
many points.11This was referred to as the bertof 1754 by Konortas due to the date of the clsof 1754. Thebertwas issued in 1755. A Greek translation of the text is in Gedeon,EpisimaGrammata, pp. 76-86.
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(1757 in Ottoman and in Greek translation)12, and Neofytos VII13(1789, in French
translation).14
Kenanolu, in order to provide evidence for the forgery of the two
patriarchal berts of Symeon and Ieremias published by Zachariadou, proposes that,
in earlier berts, places under the jurisdiction of the patriarchs were not r