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Islam and Christianity in Uganda
(1840’s – 1900’s)
Democratic and Popular Republic of Algeria
Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research
University of Oran
Faculty of Letters, Languages and Arts
Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages
English Section
Magister Thesis
In African Civilisation
Presented by: Supervised by:
TEGUIA Cherif Pr. LAHOUEL B.
Members of the Jury:
- Dr. B. Belmekki – President
- Dr. A. Bahous – Examiner
- Dr. L. Moulfi – Examiner
Academic Year 2010/2011
i
On this special day, I wish you were here with us sharing this important moment
of my life.
On this special day, I wish you were here with us to thank you for encouraging
me.
On this special day, I wish you were here with us so that my mother’s happiness
would be complete.
On this special day I wish you were here with us to show you that all the
sacrifices you made for us; your nephews and nieces, paid off.
Unfortunately, this can never happen.
Your sudden departure left us with a deep void impossible to fill. Since that horrible
day, life became tasteless. You were more than an uncle, you were like a father to us
and now you are gone forever.
Dear uncle,
On this special day I raise my hands to God and hope He would grant you His
mercy and give us the courage to carry on life without you by our sides.
To God we belong and to Him we return.
ii
First of all, I would like to dedicate this work to my family for their warm
support. To my beloved parents who have always been there for me with their love and
encouragement. To my sister who has always given me unequivocal support, and to my
brothers who have always encouraged me. I also dedicate this work to my aunt and her
husband who have the cutest kids one can have; the greedy Younes, the cunning Ayoub
and Raouda the little princess.
To my friends Ziri Saïd (Réda), Touta Rezzoug Houari and Osamnia Adbelkrim.
To Djellabet Mohammed, Beloud Yacine, Mesbah Dahou and Naib Amina.
To Bousboua Mohammed and Fillali Aboubaker, may God grant them his mercy.
To all my students.
A special dedication to Serir Hadj Mohammed who has been of great help and who I am
deeply indebted to.
And Finally, I would like to dedicate this work to a special person who has been
of great help too, and who always brings happiness wherever she goes. Madjid Fadéla, I
dedicate this work to you.
ISLAM AND CHRISTIANITY IN UGANDA
(1840s – 1900s)
CONTENTS
In Memory
Dedication
Acknowledgements
List of maps
List of Acronyms
INTRODUCTION.............................................................................................................. 1
CHAPTER ONE: Road to Uganda (1844 - 1879).............................................................. 5
1) An Overview of 19th
century East Africa................................................................. 6
2) Arabs’ venture and settlement in Uganda................................................................ 9
3) Explorers and the search for the Nile source............................................................ 14
4) Christian Missionaries.............................................................................................. 26
a- The Christian Missionary Society...................................................................... 26
b- The White Fathers.............................................................................................. 30
CHAPTER TWO: Religion and Politics (1879 – 1880s)................................................... 35
1) Traditional Religion.................................................................................................. 36
2) Pre-colonial Political System.................................................................................... 38
3) Indigenous Education............................................................................................... 42
4) Muslim and Christian Interference........................................................................... 47
a- The Muslims........................................................................................................ 48
b- The Christians..................................................................................................... 52
5) Trouble at the Court.................................................................................................. 56
6) Politico-religious Groupings..................................................................................... 59
7) Threat to the Kabaka’s Power.................................................................................. 61
a- The Muslim Martyrdom (1874-1876)................................................................. 62
b- Mutesa and The White Fathers........................................................................... 64
c- The Christian martyrdom (1885-1887)............................................................... 65
CHAPTER THREE: The Beginning of the End (1790s – 1900s)...................................... 72
1) Muslim-Christian Coup-d’état.................................................................................. 73
2) Catholic / Protestant Alliance.................................................................................... 75
3) The Anglo-German Rivalry in East Africa............................................................... 79
4) Captain Lugard in Uganda........................................................................................ 85
5) Muslim Rebellion and the British Protectorate......................................................... 96
6) Colonial Rule and Missionaries................................................................................. 102
a- The Mill Hill Fathers........................................................................................... 103
b- The Muslim Rebellion, 1897............................................................................... 108
7) The Uganda Agreement............................................................................................ 114
CONCLUSION................................................................................................................... 118
APPENDICES.................................................................................................................... 120
BIBLIGRAPHY................................................................................................................. 140
GLOSSARY........................................................................................................................ 146
I
It would not have been possible to write this thesis without the help and support
of the kind people around me, to only some of whom it is possible to give particular
mention here.
Above all, I am heartily thankful to my supervisor, Professor B. Lahouel, whose
encouragement, guidance and support from the initial to the final level enabled me to
develop an understanding of the subject. Her advice and valuable information have been
of great help and for that I am deeply grateful to her.
My deepest gratitude is sent to Dr. R. Yacine for giving us the chance to pursue
academic studies. And I am most grateful Dr. Moulfi as well as Dr. Mostefa and Dr.
Chami for their help and support.
I am also deeply grateful to Father Pierre Federlay from the White Fathers’
Church in Paris for giving me the opportunity to consult their library, and for clarifying
some elements from the history of the White Fathers in Uganda.
Last, but by no means least, I would like thank the members of the jury who had
devoted time examining the present work.
II
LIST OF MAPS
- Map 1: Buganda and Bunyoro...................................................... 8
- Map 2: Trade circuits of the Great Lakes region.......................... 10
- Map 3: Quest for the Nile Source................................................. 16
- Map 4: The Nile Headwaters........................................................ 22
- Map 5: The White Fathers from Zanzibar to Uganda................... 32
- Map 6: The British and German spheres of interest in East
Africa (1884-1885) ......................................................... 80
- Map 7: Anglo-German Agreements of 1886 and 1890................. 84
III
LIST OF ACRONYMS
- CMS: Christian Missionary Society
- IBEAC: British East Africa Company
- LMS: London Missionary Society
- MHF: Mill Hill Fathers
- RGS: Royal Geographical Society
- UMCA: Universities' Mission to Central Africa
جهخـــــص
إن جغش ياصـ ٩١نقذ أد احشبس الإسلاو انسذة ثذنة أغذا خلال انصف انثبـ ي انقش
قجم قذو انعشة الأسث كبث انهكة جعش . انق صعضعة الأسس انح ثث عهب سبسة انذكى
دخهث أغذا يشدهة دبسة ف جبسخب إر يع يجء انعشة. جذث دكى انهك انز كبث سهطح يطهقة
ض انطجقة الإسلاوأد انحعب انضدج ث انطشف الأغذ انعشثـ إن جئة الأسضة لاحشبس
نك يع قذو انشجب . انذـبكة انح ثذسب سبعذت ف شش انذـ انجذذ ض انذبشة انشعـت
جذ انسه يبفسب قب لا سحب ث، ثى جلا يجء فشقة ي ٩١قش الاجهض ف انعقذ انسبثع ي ان
ة انعشة أججبعى. انفشس .زا يب صعت ي
اشغهث كم يجـعة ف شش دب ف صسع ثزس انذقذ انكشاة ججب اخش ف أقم ي
عشش سة أصجذث أغذا يسشدب نضاعـبت دة نح الأيش إن دشة أهة ساح ضذحب آلاف
ذ أ أغذا يع جذخم انسهطبت انجشطبة نذبة يصبنذب ف انطقة أصجخ ي انج. اناط
ف ضم انسبع ٩١ ثبنفعم يع ـبة انقش . أصجذث ض قبئة انذل انح جت الاسحذار عهب
انجشطبة ي أجم جسة أيس انجهذ كجخ احشبس انة انفشسة فشض اجفبق يع دبكى أغذا أ أقش
٩١١١انجشطب سة الاحذاةثسقط يهكح جذث .
INTRODUCTION
1
INTRODUCTION
The history of present-day Uganda has always been subjected to crises and
turmoil. Long before the arrival of the first foreign groups into the country in the 19th
century, and the beginning of religious race for political, social and economic power,
Uganda had already been the scene of fierce rivalry and competition between its four
main kingdoms namely Bunyoro, Buganda, Ankole and Toro. These latter were in
constant disputes and often raided each other for more cattle and territory. As a result,
kingdoms such as Buganda, Ankole and Toro expanded and became more powerful
while others like the kingdom of Bunyoro-Kitara shrank and became weaker. This led
to the growth of the feeling of competition and lack of trust between the kingdoms.
The 19th century also saw the arrival of different groups of foreigners; they were
the Arab traders in 1844 and the Europeans in 1862. Looking for ivory, slaves, markets
and converts, these groups found a place where they could do business and bring new
faiths. However, due to previous conflicts and each group's desire to lay hands on the
fertile kingdom, Uganda saw the beginning of a race that would soon bring the country
into gradually losing its freedom and falling under colonial rule.
One of the major causes of such tragedy is religion. According to some
philosophers and thinkers, religion plays an important part in politics. In his book “The
INTRODUCTION
2
Social Contract”, Jean Jacques Rousseau1 was the first to coin the word civil religion.
For him the power of state stems from religious bases. As stated by Marcela Cristi:
Rousseau claims that the power of the state derives not from force but from moral
grounds that legitimize it, and that “no State has ever been founded without a religious
basis.2
The French philosopher believed that there exist three types of religion that
were: the religion of the citizen, the religion of the priest, and that of man. The religion
of the citizen, from his standpoint, is focused on the state and how to make good
citizens. Respect for state and its laws become then sacred: Religion of the citizen
teaches them [citizens] that service done to the State is service done to its tutelary god.3
The second type of religion which deals with this research is the religion of the
priest. For Rousseau, this kind of faith installs two types of codes: allegiance to the
church and allegiance to the state. Such separation of powers is confusing and
dangerous for it brings people to a dead end; on one side they have to be loyal to
church, and on the other side they have to bear allegiance to the state. It is as if one had
two rulers, two legislations and two countries.4 Therefore, it is quite impossible to be
faithful to both of them. For Rousseau, religion of to the priest is harmful because it
leads to social disunity and contradiction.5 It also gives the priest the opportunity to take
over temporal authority for themselves; this will be further discussed in chapters two
and three.
Finally, Rousseau claimed that there existed an eternal and universal faith, which
he called the religion of man. This latter stems from Christianity, but it is much purer
and less corrupted. In his mind, this type of religion is meant to unite people under one
power that is of God. But it also depoliticizes people.
1 Jean-Jacques Rousseau (Geneva, 28 June 1712 – Ermenonville, 2 July 1778) was a major philosopher,
writer, and composer of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment, whose political philosophy influenced
the French Revolution and the development of modern political and educational thought.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jean-Jacques_Rousseau (09/06/2009) 2 M. Cristi, From Civil to Political Religion: The Intersection of Culture, Religion and Politics, (Canada:
Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 2001), p.17 3 Ibid, p.18
4 Ibid, p.19
5 Ibid
INTRODUCTION
3
Therefore, in the light of what has been said and in order to better understand the
influence of religion in politics, particularly in weakening the close ties Baganda6 had,
light should be cast on various questions:
- Why and how did these foreign groups manage to settle and spread their faiths
in this region?
- To what extent did the new faiths affect the Ganda society?
- How did they interfere in the political life of Uganda?
- Why were they considered as a threat to the monarchy?
- How did external influence lead to the tragedy of the kingdom of Buganda?
The aim of this study is to cast the light on the influence of foreign religions on
Uganda society. Efforts are made to clarify how competition between Muslims and
Christians destroyed social ties among the population and led the country to its loss.
Uganda was selected as the field of this research because of its importance in the area.
In addition, it was from there that Europeans would begin their endeavour to bring
‘religious salvation’ in the area. Evidence will be brought on how both religious creeds
proceeded to infiltrate in the kingdom, convert the population, bring positive as well as
negative changes, and lead to political and social rupture.
This work is divided into three chapters. The first one is devoted to the intrusion
and contribution of foreign groups in the eastern shores of Africa. Then, foreign
infiltration to the hinterland will be dealt with. In this chapter, clarification will be
brought on the factors that led Arabs, French and British to settle in the region.
The second chapter is dedicated to the various means used by foreigners to
establish their faiths. Education will be mostly dealt with for it was the most important
element of conversion. More will be added on the outcomes of such changes, especially
on the political class.
6 Ganda, Ba-Ganda or Wa-Ganda are the people of Uganda (Bu-Ganda). They speak Lu-Ganda (Ki-
Ganda), a Bantu language. R. N. Cust, A Sketch of the Modern Languages of Africa; Volume II,
(London: Trübner & Co Ltd, 1883), p.374
INTRODUCTION
4
Finally, in chapter three, emphasis will be put on the demise of the powers of the
kabaka7. The contribution of clergymen in bringing foreign authority in the kingdom
will also be discussed. Later on, it will be attempted to study how colonial power took
hold of the kingdom, and its reaction towards the involvement of religion in the political
life of Uganda.
7 Kabaka means king in Luganda
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
______________________________________________________________________
5
CHAPTER ONE
ROAD TO UGANDA
(1844 - 1879)
Though it was one of the last parts of the continent to be reached by outsiders,
Uganda1 attracted much interest during the 19th century for it provided great
opportunity of wealth and prosperity. According to historians, the Arabs were the first
to reach Uganda. Then, they were followed by the Europeans. As every faction brought
novelties in the kingdom, radical changes took place. The kingdom, then, witnessed a
period of prosperity and progress. However, this was short-lived. Hatred between old
rivals came on the surface and spread among the population. As a result, social ties
disintegrated leading to chaos.
Therefore, in order to understand how these foreigners turned a unified society
into a shattered set of alienated groups, investigations should be made to find out how
these foreign factions reached the kingdom of Buganda. Then, it is important to figure
1 The name Uganda, the Swahili term for Buganda, was adopted by British officials in 1894 when they
established the Uganda Protectorate, centred in Buganda. Uganda: Webster‟s Quotations, Facts and
Phrases, (California: Icon Group International, Inc, 2008), p.363
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
______________________________________________________________________
6
out if these factions had similar aims when reaching the area. Finally, one has to know
if it was easy for the Arabs, British and French to be accepted in the kingdom.
1) An Overview of 19th century East Africa
In the nineteenth century, the eastern part of Africa was subjected to crucial
changes that affected the political, economic and cultural lives of every society be it on
the coast or in the interior. These changes were mainly the results of alterations brought
by the Arabs while settling in the region. The consequence was the assimilation of new
doctrines and a new lifestyle into the indigenous cultures of the host societies.
In the Coast, Islam was mainly brought from Arabia and Egypt. First, it was
carried by the Arab traders who came to the African coast to settle and do business.
When they arrived there, they noticed that there was little unity between states. J.F.Ade
Ajayl in General History of Africa stated that at that time: “Politically, the coastal
communities were disunited, each one virtually independent of the other and each with
its rulers.” 2
This made it easy for the Arabs to settle there and win allies. Shortly after,
they were helped by some local rulers 3
and they were able to exercise power over some
states such as Mombassa, Zanzibar and Kilwa. The Arabs, who were coming from
Zanzibar, were mainly interested in having the monopoly over slave and ivory trade. At
first, the Arabs had to deal with African merchants who often ventured in the hinterland
to bring merchandise for sale or to be exchanged. Soon, they decided to deal directly
with the source of slaves and raw material. But to be able to control the market without
trouble, it was necessary to control the routes that led to the hinterland. This was
possible with the accession of the Omani Sultan Seyyid Said (1790-1856) to the throne
of Zanzibar. This ambitious ruler took advantage of African disunity to interfere in
disputes between neighbouring rivals, and he was soon able to stretch his power from
Mogadishu to Southern Tanzania. To reach his goals, the Omani ruler was eager to use
any means be it political or military. As stated in the following:
2 J.F. Ade Ajayl, (eds.), General History of Africa, VI Africa in the Nineteenth Century until the 1880s,
Abridged Edition, (Oxford, California, Paris: James Currey Ltd, Univ. of California Press, UNESCO,
1998), p.79 3 Some of them were of Omani origins like the Mazrui, ibid
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
______________________________________________________________________
7
Said used military and naval expeditions, diplomatic scheming, and the
personal appointment of governors to exploit local dynastic disputes
among the East African Mazrui rulers; thus by 1841 the establishment of
his authority over all main coastal towns made him the first ruler ever to
control the coast from Mogadishu (Somalia) to southern Tanzania.4
Seyyid Said succeeded in imposing his political supremacy over the vast land he
was controlling. Thus, he was able to control commerce and impose his economic
policy. By doing so, he succeeded in increasing his power. This had a positive impact
on the spread of Islam which in a short period became the religion of many coastal
states, especially with the increase of intermarriages between the Arabs and peoples of
the coast. As a result, local cultures were affected and indigenous religions were being
replaced by Islam while Arabic was inserted in some local languages. This gave birth to
the Swahili5 culture and the Kiswahili language; it was through the latter that Islam was
introduced on the coast and in the interior. Islamic lifestyle became widespread along
the shoreline while paganism lost many of its adherents.6
Deeper inland, in the Great Lakes region where present day Uganda is located,
political and economic instability were prevailing. According to J.F. Ade Ajayl:
In the nineteenth century, the political situation in the region was
affected by two related developments. The first had to do with the rise
and growing power of some states… The second development was the
remarkable expansion of four of the older states in the region, namely,
Buganda, Rwanda, Burundi and Bunyoro.7
This could be explained by the fact that back at the end of the 18th century, when the
kingdom of Buganda was under the reign of Kabaka Junju (c. 1780-1897), the ruler
undertook many wars with the neighbouring regions and swallowed many lands. Such
policy of expansion made the kingdom feared by many.
4 C. L. Geshekter, The McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of World Biography, Vol. 9, (New York: McGraw-
Hill Book Company, 1973), p.358 5 The name Swahili comes from the Arabic word sawãhil, meaning coasts, and the language contains a
number of words of Arabic origin. M. Swan, B. Smith, Learner English: a Teacher‟s Guide to
Interference and Other Problems, 2nd edition, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p.260 6 Sayyid Said was an important element in the spread of Islam across the area. In The McGraw-Hill
Encyclopedia of World Biography, it is stated that the sultan helped in “the increase in the Islamic faith
and the spread of Swahili as the lingua franca of the coast and interior”. C. L. Geshekter, op.cit., p.358 7 J.F. Ade Ajayl, op.cit., p.102
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
______________________________________________________________________
8
After Junju‟s death and the crowning of Kabaka Semakokiro (c. 1797-1814), the
kingdom expanded commercially. The new ruler developed trade with Karagwe; a
country where various goods were brought from the coast and traded to the mainland
states for gold, ivory and slaves. To pay for their sales, Ganda relied on barkcloth8 and
ivory. The former was produced in the kingdom and the latter was available there, too,
as huge herds of elephants lived in the neighbourhood. Thus, it was easy to acquire their
tusks and trade them in Kagawe. As a result, commerce flourished between both
countries. Unfortunately, ivory and barkcolth were not the only products Baganda used
to trade in Karagwe, slaves were brought there, too. As previously mentioned, the kings
of Uganda used to battle neighbouring regions and plunder cattle and slaves. This had
devastating results on many tribes whose population shrank. This was the case between
the kingdom of Buganda and Bunyoro where the former constantly raided the latter
depriving the state from its cattle, people and territory. Later, when Uganda had to face
the Egyptian menace in the 1870s, the kingdom had also to deal with the other threat
coming from Bunyoro (See map 1).
Map 1: Kingdoms of Buganda and Bunyoro
Source: C. Pulford, Eating Uganda, (Northants: Ituri Publications, 1999), p.24
8 Barkcloth is a kind of textile that comes primarily from trees.
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
______________________________________________________________________
9
Therefore, on the whole 19th century East Africa was characterised by two
different regions. The first one was the coastal region open to the world due to
commerce with the Arab and Indian traders. The second one was the hinterland isolated
from the rest of the world. This region had to rely on the coastal part where trading
posts were established in order to barter goods. This was the only means for the
hinterland to communicate with the outside world, and the situation remained
unchanged for years until the end of the first half of the century when the first Arab
caravan‟s began their venture in the interior.
2) Arabs’ venture and settlement in Uganda
Arabs‟ first journey to the east African hinterland dates back in the first half of
the 19th century when the demand for slaves and raw materials increased. At that time
in Zanzibar, clove production brought by Sayyid Said flourished and was exported
everywhere. This needed much labour. At the same time, the British territory expanded
to India, and regular communication between colonies developed. This facilitated the
Indian merchants‟ flood to Zanzibar. There, as Arye Oded pointed out, deals were made
between the merchants and Arab traders according to which the latter would be granted
money in the form of a long-term credit and also merchandise to barter.
9 In Zanzibar,
the need for cheap labour to work in plantations, there as well as in America and Asia,
and the demand for ivory overseas increased. With capitals and goods provided by the
Indians, journeys were then possible to the interior. This was the best way for the Arab
merchants to increase their wealth as they would deal directly with the source of raw
materials and slaves. In addition, this would open the road to the interior and give them
the opportunity to open markets there. Therefore, determined to enrich his African
domain, the Sultan of Zanzibar sent caravans in the interior by the 1820s and 1830s. At
that time, there were many African merchants and porters who used to bring ivory and
slaves to the coast after trading with countries in the interior. They were the
Wanyamwezi who lived to the south of Lake Victoria, the Yao tribe around Lake
Nyasa, and the Kamba tribe in the area now known as Kenya. Each of these tribes used
a different route to reach the coast (See map 2).
9 A. Oded, Islam in Uganda: Islamization through a Centralized State in Pre-colonial Africa, (New York:
John Wiley & Sons, 1974), p.26
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
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10
Map 2: Trade circuits of the Great Lakes region
Source: J.F. Ade Ajayl, op.cit., p.108 (After)
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
______________________________________________________________________
11
The Arabs chose to reach the hinterland from the Unyanyembe region (Map 1, route 1,
p. 10), south of Lake Victoria. Thus, they chose the route frequently used by the
Wanyamwezi who offered their services. Gradually, the Mohammedans opened their
way to the interior. Along the trade route, Arab commercial centres and large
merchandise depots had been established; this enabled them to store goods and establish
business in the area. However, ivory became scarce on the coast because of massive
killing of elephants. In addition, areas near the shoreline became overstuffed with goods
to be exchanged for ivory. This affected the ivory price which increased and exceeded
the cost of its transport. Consequently, the Arabs had to go deeper to find more ivory at
low prices.
In 1842, caravans arrived at Kigandu, west of Lake Victoria, where they
established a permanent trading centre. Two years later, their progression led them to
Buganda. The first Arab convoy was led by the Arab merchant Sheikh Ahmad-bin-
Ibrahim from Zanzibar and comprised Arabs and Swahilis. Their route started from the
coast, to Tabora then north around the western shore of Lake Victoria (Map 1, route 1,
p. 10). Once in the kingdom, the visitors were welcomed by Kabaka Ssuuna II Kalema
who received his guests at Banda, near Kyambogo, in Kampala. The king was cautious
to keep his guests in his kingdom and not let trade expand to neighbouring rivals,
especially Bunyoro and Rwanda.10
Therefore, the kabaka provided them with much
ivory and a huge number of slaves,11
while they brought him various goods such as
beads, cowrie shells, cloth, glass ornaments, mirrors, clocks, musical instruments,
swords ... etc. The Arabs also brought weapons and used them in the battle of Bigo in
Busoga. Equipped with four guns and helped by the Ganda who had nothing but spears,
the Arabs and Ssuuna‟s army crushed the people of Busoga.12
When the kabaka saw
how devastating the Muslims‟ weapons were, he decided to obtain them.
10
According to Arye Oded, Rwanda had more ivory than Uganda. This would have affected the Arabs‟
destination to Uganda, but because the road leading to Rwanda was closed, the traders headed to Uganda.
A. Oded, op. cit., pp.38-39 11
Most slaves were women. Before Arabs came, Ssuuna used to raid other tribes and women were kept as
slaves. Many of them became the property of the king or they were distributed to the chiefs or other
members of the royal family. Ibid, p.47 12
Ibid, p.48
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
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12
Weapons and goods were not the only novelties Mohammedans brought to
Uganda; they introduced their religion too, a topic which will be dealt with in details in
the next chapter. However, one has to point out that Ssuuna‟s interest in trade with the
Arabs raised his interest in Islam and made him ask his guests to teach him. This was
undertaken by Ahmad Ibn Ibrahim who taught the king various religious concepts.
Nevertheless, Arabs‟ attempts to convert the king failed, and because commerce was
their first priority, they cared less to make efforts to change his creed. And despite the
freedom Arabs were granted, they only used it to travel across the kingdom looking for
places rich with ivory and slaves. In addition, the social structure of the kingdom made
it difficult for the Arabs to spread their faith. Indeed, Buganda comprised several clans;
each of them had close ties with his tradition and religion. As D. Robinson illustrated:
“It [Buganda] was a society based on about twenty clans, “super
lineages,” with strong identities maintained by particular religious cults
and shrines. Collectively the gods and shrines were known as the
Lubare.”13
Thus, in order to convert the Ganda, confrontation had to be made with the strong chiefs
of the clans. This also hampered the spread of Islam, and that is why the teaching of the
new faith remained a secondary issue.
Despite all these facts, the Arab merchants were granted freedom to come to the
kingdom as long as they provided Ssuuna with weapons and goods. But with the king‟s
non-conversion to Islam, differences between him and the Mohammedans arose,
especially when the newcomers denounced his inhumane behaviour with his people.
Consequently, the kabaka decided to put an end to his friendship with his guests and
chased them away from his territory. As Arabs were not allowed to enter in the territory,
their influence over the society was hindered. But with Ssuuna‟s death in 1856 and
Mutesa on the throne, friendship was renewed between both sides.
13
D. Robinson, Muslim Societies in African History, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004),
p.154
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
______________________________________________________________________
13
Although Kabaka Ssuuna II did not embrace Islam, his successor Mukaabya14
Walugembe Mutesa I welcomed it and used it to acquire more social power, especially
his power over religion. At that time, the king was looking for a way to change the
system of power in the kingdom. Though his authority was absolute, he somehow had
to refer to the clan chiefs when it came to crucial decisions such as war. Besides, the
kabaka was tied by the priests and oracles who were the spokesmen of deities and the
interpreters of their messages.15
And though Mutesa was the embodiment of supreme
power in the kingdom, his authority was threatened by the priests, for politics went hand
in hand with religion. Besides, the menace coming from potential kings and their
followers added more pressure on the ruler. For that, he underwent a strategy to weaken
the power of the Ugandan indigenous faiths and increase his. First, he started preventing
princes from having any political power, then he turned to the priests.16
Mutesa even got
rid of the Queen Mother who shared power with him, and according to some sources,
offered her to the Arab merchants. Mario Cisternino takes important notice of this
in Passion for Africa: Missionary and Imperial Papers on the Evangelisation of Uganda
and Sudan, 1848-1923, in which he states:
By the late 70s he grew weary of his Prime Minister and changed him.
He dismissed even the Queen Mother – some say he got rid of her by
handing her over to the Arabs – and started eliminating other relatives,
particularly his own brothers.17
Through Islam, therefore, the monarchy acquired much power and authority
than it ever had. Hence, the kabaka‟s power was freed from all constraints, especially
the ones related to indigenous religions and cults. This had positive consequences on the
spread of Islam in Uganda and it would have expanded even more had the Arabs made
efforts to protect it from internal and external threats. But because trade was put in the
14
The name Mukabyia was given to Mutesa to mean 'the bringer of tears', for having executed many of
his chiefs when they threatened his authority. J. A. Rowe, “The Purge of Christians at Mwanga's Court: A
Reassessment of this Episode in Buganda History”, The Journal of African History, Vol. 5, No. 1(1964),
p.68 15
Chima J. Korieh and Raphael Chijioke Njoku (eds), Missions, States and European Expansion in
Africa, (New York: Routledge, 2007), p.56 16
Ibid, p 57 17
M. Cisternino, Passion for Africa: Missionary and Imperial Papers on the Evangelisation of Uganda
and Sudan, 1848-1923, (Kampala: Fountain Publishers Ltd, 2004), p.151
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
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14
first position, the Arabs gave the Europeans the opportunity to bring new faiths to
Buganda and challenge Islam.
3) Explorers and the search for the Nile source
In 1488 the gate to the Indian Ocean was opened when Bartholomew Dias
(c.1451-1500) rounded the Cape of Good Hope. Later, Portuguese explorer and
navigator Vasco Da Gama (c.1460-1524) sailed to India. On his way, the explorer
stopped in Mozambique then in Mombasa and Malindi in Kenya. From there he headed
east to reach Calcut on May 20, 1498. Da Gama found the maritime route that would
lead Portuguese ships to the spice market. In a second expedition to India, the explorer
established trading posts in Mozambique. Since then, with the Portuguese laying hand
on the eastern coast of Africa, no other European country dared venture in the area. It
was not until the mid 19th century that European superpowers showed their interest in
East Africa with the coming of David Livingstone, John Hanning Speke, John Grant
and Henry Morton Stanley.
For centuries, the Nile River had been a source of mystery and threat, especially
for the British. These latter, were constantly afraid that the Nile would be used as a way
to put pressure on the empire, especially with the Suez Canal. Besides, it was an
excellent route to use in order to transport materials and slaves. Thus it was necessary to
find the source of the river and to control all the areas where it flowed. At that time, the
most reliable people to perform the task of discovery were the explorers who besides
mapping the areas they went to18
, saw the discovery of the Nile headwaters as a source
of fame and glory. Martin Dugard in Into Africa: The Epic Adventures of Stanley &
Livingstone quoted:
... finding the source became the new grail of international discovery.
There was no pot of gold, no fountain of eternal youth at the source, just
glory which, for most, was enough. Between 1798 and 1856 an eclectic
collection of loners, thrill seekers, and adventurous aristocrats trekked
upriver from Cairo, chasing the source. Most were British. A handful
18
Areas were mapped for expansion, railway construction, and spotting locations of natural resources and
rivers.
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15
were female. Most died from disease, parasites, animal attack, or
murder. None found the source. None came close …19
Many undertook journeys deeper inland but never returned due to diseases or
attacks, even women took part in the search as claimed by Dugard. The discovery of the
Nile Source became the Grail of every explorer, and with every expedition heading to
the Nile, there was an opportunity to reveal the secret of the river and become famous. It
was for that reason that Livingstone, Burton, Speke, Grant, Baker, Stanley and
Thompson undertook journeys in East Africa.
19
M. Dugard, Into Africa: The Epic Adventure of Stanley & Livingstone, (USA: Doubleday, 2003), p.18
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16
Map 3: Quest for the Nile Source
Source: Marsh, Zoë A. and Kingsnorth, George, William, An Introduction to the
History of East Africa, (London: The Syndics of the Cambridge University Press,
1957), p.64
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17
It was in 1855 that Richard Francis Burton organized his expedition to find the
source of the Nile River. He convinced his comrade John Hanning Speke to be part of
the expedition. Sponsored by the Royal Geographical Society (RGS)20
, their journey
was planned to be through Somaliland. However, it was aborted when the convoy was
attacked by the local people. So, they all returned home but did not cancel their plans.
The following year, they undertook the same venture but from Zanzibar.
In June 1857, they left Zanzibar and went along the coast trying to find the right
route to take. Six months later, they found the best course that would lead them to their
final destination. The second expedition comprised Burton, Speke and some porters.
Burton decided to change their starting point from Somalia to an area farther south
where people were less hostile and where the Arabs had made their way deeper inland
and were accustomed to the region. After a hazardous journey, the expedition reached
Lake Tanganyika which both, Burton and Speke claimed to be the source of the Nile
River. After three months stay in the area, the link between the lake and the river was
never found. On their way back home, Speke heard of another lake to the north. In July
1858, he and some porters began the investigations. Incapable of leaving bed due to
sickness, Burton had to give up going with his friend. Six weeks later, Speke came back
with a different view. The British explorer changed his convictions about Lake
Tanganyika being the headwaters of the Nile River. Speke believed that the new lake he
had found, which he named Victoria Nyansa (Lake Victoria) after Queen Victoria, was
actually the real source of the river. However, he did not bring any evidence to prove his
assertions. Back in Britain, the discovery of the source of the Nile River was quickly
published on the British newspapers, making Speke the one who really found the source
of the Nile River, for Burton was sick to investigate with him, and also he was not quite
satisfied with Speke‟s assumptions.
20
The Royal Geographical Society is a British learned society founded in 1830 with the name
Geographical Society of London for the advancement of geographical sciences, under the patronage
of King William IV. It absorbed the 'Association for Promoting the Discovery of the Interior Parts of
Africa' also known as the African Association (founded by Sir Joseph Banks in 1788), the Raleigh
Club and the Palestine Association. It was given a Royal charter by Queen Victoria in 1859. 26 April
2009 <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Royal_Geographical_Society>.
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18
The feuds between Speke and Burton did not end, and Speke was losing
credibility. For that, in 1860 he went in a second expedition to prove his presumptions.
This time he did not go with Richard Burton, instead he chose a former army friend
named James Augustus Grant. The voyage was financed again by the RGS. When the
expedition reached Lake Victoria, Speke began investigating and collecting information
from the local people. According to his findings, the British explorer became more
convinced he was right about the origin of the Nile River. On his way, he had the
opportunity to be the first European to visit the kingdom of Uganda in 1862. Speke was
impressed by the kingdom‟s organization as well as the king‟s strong hold of the
kingdom. This made him realize how important Uganda was in the area and suggested it
would be a base for missionary endeavours21
. Meanwhile, his efforts to send
missionaries there were fruitless due to the British fear from any attacks on the
missionaries or hostility from the kabaka. S.R. Karugire brings this out with great
clarity in his work A Political History of Uganda when he quotes:
A missionary post in Buganda would be completely isolated and
vulnerable to attack should the Buganda and their rulers change their
minds about the presence of missionaries in their country. In such a
contingency there would be no secure line of retreat and hardly any
means of rescue… At the same time there was no question of sending
missionaries to or through Bunyoro in the 1870s since that country was
locked in conflict with Egyptian expansionist agents…22
With Speke claiming that Lake Victoria was the real source of the Nile River
and Burton believing that the river originated from Lake Tanganyika, a long dispute
broke out between both explorers putting their reputation at risk. The media called it the
“Nile Duel”. For five years, the debate between former friends lasted, and it would have
ended had Speke brought any proof of his discovery. Instead he relied on local people‟s
descriptions to draw a map of the area. On September 15, 1864 in a tragic hunting
accident23
, Speke lost his life on the day where he was supposed to meet Burton in
public to settle once for all their disputes. The death of the explorer came when
21
S.R. Karugire, A Political History of Uganda, (Nairobi: Heinemann Educational Books, 1980), p.60 22
ibid, p.61 23
According to some sources, Speke killed himself for fear to lose his reputation. W.B. Carnochan, The
Sad Story of Burton, Speke, and the Nile; or, was John Hanning Speke a Cad?, (California: Stanford
University Press 2006), p.100
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19
everyone was questioning the truthfulness of his assumptions. And without any proofs,
it was hard to distinguish who was right and who was wrong. To guarantee the success
of the next expedition, British missionary and explorer David Livingstone was assigned
by the RGS to go to Africa and bring evidence about the real source of the Nile River.
David Livingstone was a Scottish explorer who gained fame due to his journeys
all across the African continent. According to some, he was actually the one who
opened the gate to the African interior, 24
for during the process of colonization, most
colonial powers could not venture in the hinterland lest they would be attacked by
“savage”25
people or animals or catch deadly diseases such as malaria.
Livingstone was a unique explorer as not only did he discover new lands, but
also spread Christianity26
wherever he went to.27
All along his voyages, he met Arab
caravans with merchandise and more importantly with slaves. The sight of men, women
and even children being chained and taken to various places to be shipped to plantations
or elsewhere outraged him to such an extent that he urged the British government to
interfere. He was also favourable for missionary endeavour in the continent to help the
local population and show them the path to God. His actions won him the name of the
“missionary explorer” for it was the first time that an explorer devoted his efforts to
missionary actions “Livingstone became convinced of his mission to reach new peoples
24
04 May 2009 <http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/livingstone_david.shtml>. 25
Europeans often referred to Africans as savage people. For instance, John Hanning Speke in a book he
wrote about the discovery of the Nile River, reported what Colonel Outram, a political resident in Aden,
thought about Africans: “The Somali, he said, were the most savage of all African savages…”. John
Hanning Speke, What Led to the Discovery of the Source of the Nile, (Edinburgh: William Blackwood
and sons, 1864), p.6
26 Previously, the Christian Church was one body of believers, but in the eleventh century, it witnessed its
first major break because of political and doctrinal tensions between the Western Christian Church, based
in Rome under the pope, and some of the Eastern Churches, which were loyal to the patriarch of
Constantinople. This led to the creation of the Roman and the Orthodox Churches in 1054. Later,
Protestantism emerged from the various reform movements that sprang up against the abuses prevalent in
the Roman Church in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. By the beginning of the seventeenth century,
Protestantism gained ground in northern Europe while in the southern and some portions of the eastern
parts of the continent, Catholicism was the dominant faith. Later, more divisions took place in the
Catholic Church. P. Lazowski, Understanding Your Neighbour's Faith: What Christians and Jews Should
Know about Each Other, (KTAV Publishing House: Jersey City, 2004), pp.146-147 27
He worked for the London Missionary Society (L.M.S). A. Hastings, The Church in Africa, 1450-1950,
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), p.250
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20
in the interior of Africa and introduce them to Christianity, as well as freeing them from
slavery”,28
wrote Dugard.
In his 50s, David Livingstone had accomplished great discoveries and converted
many people to Christianity, yet he needed a bigger opportunity to be the jewel of all his
discoveries. The death of Speke left Britain and the world in confusion: was Lake
Victoria the source of the Nile River or not? An answer had to be given and a journey
had to be undertaken. Such an important task had to be given to only one person who
was not afraid of taking risks even if it cost him his life29
.
In 1844, the Scotsman began his search. After buying food and other
merchandise to be traded for access to prohibited areas, he left Zanzibar to reach Ujiji,
near Lake Tanganyika. What was supposed to be a journey of two years lasted more
than was expected. Livingstone had a hard time finding his way to the river. Moreover,
his age and health made it difficult for him to carry on the travel. Many thought that the
missionary explorer died. Thus it was necessary to send another expedition to find him.
As a consequence, two expeditions were organized. The first one was British, and the
second one was financed by the American newspaper, the New York Herald and under
the command of a British journalist who later became one of the most famous explorers
in the world, namely John Stanley.
For many, David Livingstone was a key element in the rise of a new tide of
explorers, and though he never found the source of the Nile River, the commitment to
his missionary endeavour and his call to end slave trade in the continent widened the
scope of travellers and gave them more reasons to open the gate to East Africa.
The discovery of the source of the Nile River enticed many explorers who
decided to face all dangers to be the first to spot the headwaters of the river. Before
being an explorer, Stanley30
was a reporter working for the New York Herald, and like
28
A. Hastings, op. cit., p.250 29
David Livingstone had once been attacked by a lion and his left arm was bitten but not lost. M. Dugard,
op.cit.p.4 30
17 November 2009 <http://www.bbc.co.uk/wales/northeast/guides/halloffame/historical/henry_morton
_stanley.shtml >. Stanley was actually Welsh whose real name was John Rowlands.
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
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21
most journalists, he was looking for a scoop that would make him well-known. David
Livingstone‟s disappearance in the African continent was on the cover of most
newspapers. This was an opportunity which he seized with the consent of the newspaper
editor. In March 1871, the expedition under his command was ready and left Zanzibar
to Ujiji where Livingstone was supposed to be waiting for British support. In the
meantime, another expedition was heading to the same direction looking for the same
person. This time it was a British mission competing with the American one. Not
willing to give up, Stanley carried his journey that lasted seven months. On October 27,
the journalist at last found the Scottish explorer. Back in England, the good news was
spread and when Stanley reached the country he was already famous. Livingstone, on
the other hand, could not come with the journalist because of his health. Eighteen
months later, he died leaving a legacy to Stanley. Indeed, the journalist was impressed
by Livingstone‟s missionary work in Africa and his love for adventure. This led him to
carry on the search for the source of the Nile River. And in 1865, he led an expedition to
east Africa and finally proved that Speke was right about the origin of Victoria Nyansa
by bringing cartographic evidence of the headwaters of the Nile River. (Map 4, p.22)
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
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22
Map 4: The Nile Headwaters
Source: (After) www.see.leeds.ac.uk/ebi/studentship-nile.htm
CHAPTER ONE: ROAD TO UGANDA (1844 - 1879)
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23
Stanley‟s expedition in East Africa coincided with the rise of the Egyptian threat
in the region. During that period, Mutesa I became seriously concerned about what was
happening at the borders between his country and Sudan. Egyptian Imperialism was
stretching southward and thus became a serious threat to the safety and freedom of the
kingdom. This made it hard for any newcomer who wanted to go to Buganda because
coming from the north, to Ganda, meant that the foreigner was an enemy or a spy
working for the Egyptians. So, in order to avoid being captured and even killed, it was
necessary to come from the south or at least to avoid the north and the east. At that time,
Khedive Ismail (1830-1895) Pacha of Egypt and Sudan, was trying to annex many
neighbouring lands into the Egyptian territory, and taking possession of most of
Equatoria including Buganda and the water sources was part of the plan. In his Khedive
Ismail’s Army, John P. Dunn stressed that:
Gordon’s overly ambitious plans called for pacification, of existing
territory, and expansion. This was in keeping with plans drawn up by
Stone who convinced Ismail to support:
1- Pacification of Equatoria
2- Conquest of Buganda
3- Occupation of all major lake shores
4- Establishment of a naval flotilla to dominate the lakes
5- Improved communications to Cairo and Khartoum
6- Occupation of the mountains between Lake Victoria and the Indian
Ocean31
Moreover, the Bunyoro ruler was still holding a grudge against the Baganda for the
territory they took from him in war times and for the human and material casualties.
This added pressure on Mutesa who, besides the Bunyoro menace, became seriously
sick.32
The arrival of Stanley was a blessing in the short and long run. The white man
gave the kabaka firearms which reinforced his military forces; this helped him raid the
Islands of Buvuma in 1875. Stanley did not only bring weapons to Buganda, he brought
31
J.P. Dunn, Khedive Ismail‟s Army, (New York: Routledge, 2005), p. 90 32
According to some sources, Mutesa had syphilis; others say he was infected with gonorrhoea. Richard
Reid, "Images of an African Ruler: Kabaka Mutesa of Buganda, ca. 1857- 1884", History in Africa, Vol.
26 (1999), p.293
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24
religion, too. It was during his stay in the kingdom that the explorer decided to convert
the king. In his diary, Stanley wrote:
In this man I see the possible fruition of Livingstone’s hopes... Mutesa
was the light that should lighten the darkness of this benighted region... I
should make a convert of him [Mutesa], and make him useful to Africa...
I shall destroy his faith in Islam, and teach him the doctrines of Jesus and
Nazareth33
From Stanley‟s words, it is clear to see that the man decided to convert Mutesa
to Christianity and destroy his faith in Islam. Then he would use the kabaka as a means
to spread the new religion in Africa. Following Livingstone‟s footsteps, the explorer
introduced the kabaka to Christianity. This impressed the king who had Stanley write a
letter that was published in the Daily Telegraph on November 15th, 1875. In his letter,
Mutesa showed his eagerness to receive missionaries in his land to help his fellow
people.34
This convinced the British who decided to accept the king‟s invitation.
When inquiring about the real motives of such an open invitation for missionary
endeavour, knowing that the kabaka had already encouraged the spread of Islam in his
kingdom, many agree that Mutesa wanted foreign groups in Buganda for various
reasons. First, with Britain‟s presence in the kingdom, the Egyptian threat would be
stopped. As expressed in the words of Roland Oliver and Anthony Atmore:
As a statesman, he [Mutesa] realized that if Buganda was really
threatened by the Egyptian advance from the north, it would be wise to
increase the number of his other foreign contacts, so as to be able to play
them off against the Egyptians.35
On the same topic Karugire quoted:
We may, for example, refer to Mutesa’s letter to Colonel Gordon of 24th
March 1876 in which he reiterated his desire to be a friend of the white
men, and in which he made a number of requests which included a priest
33
C. Pulford, op. cit., pp.23-25 34
See appendix n:°1 35
R. Oliver and A. Atmore, Africa Since 1800, 5th ed., (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005),
p.98
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25
to teach the way of God to his people, clothing for himself and for his
people and excellent guns and good cannons and so on. When one bears
in mind that this was the period when the Egyptian government was still
sending military expeditions to annex Bunyoro and Buganda, a threat to
which Mutesa was very much alive, one would be justified to conclude
that Mutesa wanted supplies with which to defend his kingdom rather
than aliens to protect his country.36
Besides, Mutesa had an expansionist mind and in order to fulfil his goals he had
to increase his power by acquiring more weapons. The Arabs were the first to provide
the king with firearms and gunpowder, yet despite the fact that the arms were brought
by the Arabs, they were actually manufactured by the Europeans and Stanley did not
miss to mention that to the kabaka. Moreover, the British explorer brought out a new
type of rifles37
much better and quicker than the ones the Arabs had. This had an
important impact on the ruler. The explorer offered to deal directly with him because
after all, the Europeans were the real source of weaponry. By doing so, Stanley was
aiming at weakening the close link the Arabs had with Mutesa. To reach his goal, the
explorer took advantage of the Egyptian threat and played the king by putting the
emphasis on the fact that the Egyptians and Arabs were both Muslims, and since the
former had their eyes of Uganda, then the Arab traders would do the same thing.38
This
helped Stanley obtain the Kabaka‟s consent to bring missionaries and spread
Christianity into the kingdom of Buganda, and to counterbalance the Muslim power in
the kingdom. And whether it was for religious or personal purposes, Stanley was
satisfied with Mutesa's good intentions.
The influence Livingstone had over Stanley was an important element which led
to the discovery of the Kingdom of Buganda and the beginning of missionary endeavour
in the 1870‟s with the arrival of the first religious group of Protestants from England
and later the second group from France namely the Catholic White Fathers. With
36
S.R. Karugire, op.cit., p.52 37
Rifles used at that time took a long time to be reloaded. The new ones, though they had to be loaded
again when used, they took less time than the old rifles. O.F. Xavier, The Beginning of Evangilization in
Eastern Uganda (1895 – 1924): An Effort Undertaken by the Missionaries of St. Joseph‟s Society,
London – The Mill Hill Missionaries, (Rome: Pontificia Universit A Gregoriana, Facolta A Di Storia
Ecclesiastica, 2007), p.16 38
J. Rowe in, Christian Missionaries & the State in the Third World, Ed. H. B. Hansen, M. Twaddle,
(Oxford: James Currey, 2002), p.52
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26
Stanley‟s help, the kingdom of Buganda knew political stability, for with the arrival of
foreign groups especially the British, the Egyptian imperialism was stopped.
4) Christian Missionaries
Both David Livingstone and Henry Morton Stanley played an important role in
the arrival of missionaries in Africa. After the publication of his letter, Stanley
succeeded in attracting the London Missionary and sending the first religious group to
the kingdom of Buganda. But on their arrival in 1877, they found that their task was not
as easy as they thought. First, they had to win the kabaka on their side, then they had
face the traditionalists. In addition, there was the Muslim threat and later another danger
came from France. They were the White Fathers who came in Uganda in 1879 with the
same aim as the Anglicans. This led to the breakout of a fierce competition for converts.
a- The Christian Missionary Society
It was after the publication of Mutesa's letter in 1875 that the British interest in
the area became obvious. The famous letter was written by Stanley under the kabaka‟s
request and immediately after its publication, the impact was visible as donations started
to flow reaching £24,000. 39
This was of great help to the Christian missionaries who in
1875 decided to accept Stanley‟s challenge and go to Buganda to start a work of
evangelization.
On April 27, 1876, the first European missionary group left their homeland,
Britain, and sailed on the “Pashawar” to Uganda. They were eight Protestants from the
Christian Missionary Society under the leadership of an ex-Lieutenant of the Royal
Navy George Shergold-Smith. The seven others were Alexander Mackay an engineer
from Scotland, the Rev. C.T Wilson a curate from Manchester, T. O‟Neill an architect,
Dr. John Smith from Edinburgh, G. J. Clark a second engineer, W. M. Robertson an
artisan and James Robertson who was a builder from Newcastle. In June, their ship
landed in Zanzibar. There, the missionaries lost James Robertson because of health
39
A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, “Christianity in Uganda” Journal of the Royal African Society, Vol. 2, No. 7
(April 1903), p.276
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27
problems. Not able to carry on the journey, Clark and W. M. Robertson had to return to
Britain, and Mackay had to stay in Zanzibar because of fever. The rest of the team, then,
headed to Uganda without Mackay. After a perilous journey, they reached the southern
shores of Lake Victoria. Unfortunately, the group lost another member, namely doctor
John Smith because of malaria. As soon as the king had heard of their arrival, he
quickly asked a Christian companion of Stanley whose name was Mufta40
to write them
a letter urging the group to attain the kingdom. In order to cross the lake, the
missionaries used a small steam-launch named “Daisy” which they brought from
England in sections. From the members, only two sailed to Uganda; they were Rev. C.T
Wilson and George Shergold-Smith. O‟Neill, the eighth comrade remained, to watch
out for their luggage and material. On Tuesday, June 26, 1877 the first Christian
mission reached Buganda and four days later they arrived in the capital, Rubaga.
Finally, on Monday, July 2, 1877 the two Anglicans met Kabaka Mutesa I.
The first meeting between Mutesa and the missionaries was bitter, and instead of
being warmly welcomed, it was with a rather cold welcome that the missionaries were
received. One of the reasons that led to such reaction from the kabaka‟s side is the news
he heard before about Captain Gordon being a spy working for Britain. Therefore,
anyone who came from such country was regarded as a spy.41
British members of the
C.M.S felt Mutesa‟s suspicion when he started questioning them about Gordon. In a
letter, Shergold-Smith wrote:
“This was our reception. I could not see42
, so my report is that of ear ...
Calling one of our guides, I heard his animated report. Then the Sultan
of Zanzibar’s letter was read, after which the C.M.S’s. It was read in
Swahili by a young fellow named Mufta, one of the boys Stanley had
brought with him, and left with the king, at his request, to teach him to
read the Bible... The following day, we went twice... he seemed
40
Dallington Mufta or Mafta was an African servant, a UMCA pupil who had been brought from
Zanzibar by Stanley. This young man became his interpreter and virtually an assistant catechist. B.
Sundkler, C. Steed, A History of The Church in Africa, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004),
p.570 41
F.X. Okello, op.cit., p.27 42
On his way to Buganda, Shergold-Smith was hit in the eye by a stone in an attack while landing on an
unknown island. Smith was also hit in his arm by an Arrow. W.G. Berry, Bishop Hannington: The Life
and Adventures of a Missionary Hero, (Religious Tract Society, London 1910?, p.37
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28
suspicious of us, and questioned us about Gordon43
, and rather wanted to
bully us into making powder and shot... We said we came to do as the
letter told him, not to make powder and shot; and if he wished it, we
would not stay. He paused for some time, and then said, “What have you
come for - to teach my people to read and write?”, we said, “Yes, and
whatever useful arts we and those coming may know.” Then he said,
“Now my heart is good: England is my friend.” He asked after Queen
Victoria, and asked to know which was greatest, she or the Khedive of
Egypt. The relative size of their dominions was explained to him...44
Mutesa‟s lack of enthusiasm grew even more when he realized that the weapons he was
hoping the British missionaries would bring to reinforce his army were not brought. He
openly asked them to make him arms but they refused. This annoyed the king who
became less friendly.45
Seeing that he had nothing to do but to accept some of their
requests, not because he was obliged to but because he had other plans, Mutesa gave the
missionaries a house to stay in on condition that they would teach his people how to
read and write. With such behaviour, the kabaka thought that this might bring other
missionaries who would not mind fabricating weapons for him, or at least this would
convince Shergold-Smith and Rev. C. T. Wilson of the kabaka‟s good intentions and
make them change their minds by making him weapons.46
With the kabaka‟s consent to settle in the kingdom, Shergold-Smith went to the
south of Lake Victoria in July 1877 to fetch supplies and O‟Neill. Unfortunately, both
were murdered on December 7, 1877 by the natives of Ukerewe one of the islands of
Lake Victoria. According to some sources, the missionaries were killed for sheltering an
Arab named Songoro who was sentenced to death by the king of the Island,
Lukongeh.47
Alone in Buganda, Wilson decided to go back and bring his last friend
43
Major-General Charles George Gordon (1833-1885), known as Chinese Gordon, Gordon Pasha,
and Gordon of Khartoum, was a British army officer and administrator. He is remembered for his
campaigns in China and northern Africa. 29 August 2009 <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Charles_George_
Gordon>. 44
C. Puldorf, op.cit., p.42 45
J. Currey, op.cit., p.53 46
Ibid 47
Songoro was an Arab slave-dealer who had been put to death because he dealt with King Lukongeh
treacherously and owed him a debt. When he fled to the missionaries for protection, the king asked the
clergymen to give him back. However, they refused and according to the conversation the king had with
Mackay, it was after the missionaries had used their weapons against his warriors that the murder of
Songoro and the missionaries was committed. A. Melrose, Alexander Mackay: Missionary Hero of
Uganda, (London: The Sunday School Union, 1893), p.44
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Alexander Mackay. After he had obtained the kabaka‟s permission, Wilson sailed to the
southern shores of Lake Nyanza. He was disappointed to see that Mackay could not
reach the area because of the rain. However, the trip was not a total disaster for he
brought mail with him from the C.M.S in London and also from the consul of Zanzibar,
John Kirk. Mutesa was happy to read that the diplomat had asked Gordon to leave his
forts north of Buganda and to respect the freedom of the kingdom.48
With such good
news, Mutesa became friendly with Wilson; the Arabs on the other hand, became more
hostile to him. Despite the missionary‟s long stay in Uganda, Christian conversion of
Ganda did not occur; this was mainly due to the language barrier and character of the
European, who kept his distance from the Baganda and barely had contact with them.49
It was not until the arrival of Alexander Mackay who had recovered from his sickness
that Christianity knew revival. When Mackay reached Buganda in November, 1878,
Christianity had difficulty to be accepted in the area. But as the man was an engineer50
and less conventional, he did not mind repairing Mutesa‟s broken weapons. This way, it
was easy for the missionary to win the kabaka‟s favour and trust. As a consequence,
people were allowed to embrace the new faith which was being taught in the court. The
result was that chiefs and pages showed interest in Christianity:
Mackay quickly set up a printing press and printed reading sheets and
portions of Scripture in Swahili, the coastal language introduced by the
Arabs, using existing Scripture translations. But Mackay also spent time
in repairing guns for Mutesa and in other tasks demanded of him.51
Mackay‟s arrival in the kingdom brought hope for the Anglicans who found the
opportunity to reach the aim they set on leaving Europe, that was to convert the
kingdom to Christianity. However, as the kingdom saw the arrival of another rival
48
According to Karugire: “One might also observe in passing that the British government’s decision to
discourage Egyptian expansion southwards did not stem from any desire to maintain, less still to
enhance, the independence of either Bunyoro or Buganda but rather to save the region from the spread of
Islam.” S.R. Karugire, op.cit., p.62 49
J. Currey, op.cit., p.53 50
Mackay‟s skills as an engineer brought him and his brethren Ganda‟s respect and admiration. This was
reported by Andrew Melrose whose argument read as follows: The chief secret of Mackay’s influence lay
in his mechanical skill, for which they had great admiration, not unmixed with fear. All kinds of iron
implements were brought to him to repair; and when they saw him burnishing metal until it shone, their
astonishment and admiration knew no bounds. A. Melrose, op.cit., p.51 51
02 December 2008 <http://www.dacb.org/stories/uganda/mackay_alexanderm.html>.
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mission called the White Fathers, it had become clear that clashes were about to shake
the kingdom of Buganda.
b- The White Fathers
In order to know the reasons that led the White Fathers to move to Uganda, one
has to come back to September 1876, when the Belgian king Leopold II held the
Brussels Geographic Conference. In the meeting, the ruler invited many explorers and
scientists. His aim was to find ways for European implementation in unknown African
regions.52
Thus, the conference was an opportunity for all attendants to gather as much
information as possible on Africa. This gave birth to the African International
Association whose duty was to make scientific expeditions in the interlacustrine region
easier. However, for Charles Martial Allemand Lavigerie (31 October 1825-26
November 1892), this organization was a threat to Catholicism. For him, the African
International Association was meant to promote Protestantism in the area, and for that,
Catholic missionaries had to be sent there to counter attack the Protestants. His fear
sprang from the fact that most of the association‟s members were Protestants. This was
reflected in a document he sent on January 2, 1878 to Cardinal Franchi entitled
“Mémoire Secret Adressé au Cardinal Franchi sur l’Association Internationale
Africaine de Bruxelles et l’Evangélisation de l’Afrique Equatoriale”, in which he wrote:
... en dehors des Italiens et des Français, presque tous les explorateurs…
sont protestants, plusieurs d’entre eux ministres et missionnaires du
protestantisme… presque tous également envoyés et subventionnés par
des sociétés protestantes ou libre-penseuses (sic) de l’Allemagne, de
l’Angleterre et de l’Amérique… Il ne faut pas le dissimuler ; l’origine de
la conférence de Bruxelles est protestante, ses sympathies secrètes sont
protestantes, et par conséquent le cours naturel des choses l’amène à
favoriser l’action protestante… le protestantisme… annonce hautement
le projet d’envahir l’Afrique Equatoriale… L’Association Internationale
de Bruxelles va créer dans l’Afrique équatoriale des centres d’influences
et d’action dont veulent profiter le protestantisme et la libre-pensé. 53
52
Jean-Claude Ceillier, Histoire des Missionnaires d'Afrique (Pères Blancs): de la Fondation par Mgr.
Lavigerie à la Mort du Fondateur 1868 – 1892, (Paris: Karthala, 2008), p.122 53
C. Ferlay, Les Pères Blancs et les "Anglais" au Bugunda de 1879 à 1929, unpublished doctorate thesis,
(Paris: Univ Paris I: CEMAF, 2007), p.41
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In a research thesis entitled Les Pères Blancs et les "Anglais" au Bugunda de 1879 à
1929, Christine Ferlay adds that Lavigerie saw that the conference was meant to
promote Protestantism in the African Centre. She carries on stating that the French
clergyman feared that the Europeans‟ interest in Catholicism would lessen in Africa
under the influence of Protestantism. For that reason Lavigerie advised Pope Pie IX to
send missionaries there and chose to entrust the White Fathers with such mission.
Nevertheless, a country had to be selected to be the starting point in evangelizing the
region. This had not to be done at random. The missionaries needed a place with dense
population so that their teaching would have a wider impact. Moreover, the country had
to be politically and socially organized. At that time, according to Marinus Rooijackers,
Uganda was fit for such criteria.54
After consent was given to the White Fathers55
by the new pope Léon XIII on 24
February 1878, the missionaries began their journey from Algiers. Their aim was to
evangelize the Great Lakes region as well as Tanganyika. From Algiers, members of the
mission sailed to Marseilles on April 17, 1878 where they met other members of the
White Fathers. Four days later, all sailed on the “Yang-Tsé” to East Africa. Two
missionary groups were heading to the area; the first one comprised fathers Livinhac,
Girault, Lourdel, Barbot and brother Amans, they had to spread their faith in the Nyanza
region. The second group who had to evangelize Tanganyika consisted of fathers
Pascal, Delaunay, Dromaux and Augier. On May 30, the group landed in Zanzibar
where they spent a few days. Then on June 17, they left for Bagamoyo. Later, they
travelled to Tabora. From there, they headed to Lake Victoria, sailed northwards and
finally arrived in Uganda on 17 February 1879 (See map 5, p.32).
54
Marinus Rooijackers, Les débuts de la Mission des Pères Blancs au sud de l‟Ouganda et l‟organisation
de son catéchuménat 1879-1914, (Rome: Société des Missionnaires d'Afrique, 2008), p.13 55
White Fathers: The Society of the Missionaries of Africa was founded by C.-M. A.- Lavigerie, at
Algiers in 1868. It is composed of secular priests and coadjutor brothers living in community without
vows, but bound by solemn oath to lifelong work in the African mission and obedience to their superiors.
They wear a white tunic and a cloak or burnous with rosary round the neck. Their constitutions were
approved by the Holy See in 1885 and confirmed in 1908. The White Fathers devote themselves to a
thorough four years‟ preparation of the Africans for the baptism and to the subsequent training of
converts for trades, agriculture, missionary work, and for the priesthood. E. A. Livingstone (ed), The
Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd ed, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), p.1748
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Map 5: The White Fathers from Zanzibar to Uganda
Source: Marinus Rooijackers, op.cit., p.10
At first, they found it difficult to meet the king since Mackay did his best to set the
kabaka against them. But with the help of a Muslim from Madagascar, Mutesa agreed to
meet the new missionaries.56
The arrival of the White Fathers coincided with the coming of a second group of
the C.M.S who left England in May 1878. They were called „The Nile Party
Missionary‟ and its members were: Dr. Felkin, Pearson and Litchfield. The group chose
to head to Uganda from Egypt then Sudan with the help of General Gordon. This
outraged the king who was still doubtful about the trustworthiness of the Anglicans. For
the king, Governor General Gordon of the Sudan was British and Christian, the same as
the missionaries. The ruler feared that the enemy would secretly work with the C.M.S to
dethrone him and annex his kingdom to the empire. In the meantime, Mutesa received a
letter from the British agent in Zanzibar telling him that the British missionaries were
not the representatives of the queen. The consul informed the kabaka that he was the
sole diplomat of Queen Victoria. On receiving such news, Mutesa‟s fear increased and
became more suspicious about the missionaries. In a letter Mackay confessed:
56
J. Currey, op.cit., p.55.
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Then came two men from the Consul - at least they said the Consul sent
them. Kacheche was the head man. Kirk’s letter then undid all the good
we had done, and nearly cost us our lives. He said that we had got no
connexion with the British government whatever. That may be true
enough, but the Arabs and king interpret that to mean that we are
runaways... 57
According to Mackay, the truth told by Kirk destroyed everything they did to win the
kabaka in their side. But despite that the king did not take action against the British
missionaries because he knew that any violence towards the Protestants would lead to
the British reaction.
Meanwhile, the presence of a third religious power in the kingdom revealed to
be an important element in strengthening the king‟s power. Seeing that the Protestants
were unenthusiastic about the Catholics in Buganda, the kabaka saw an opportunity to
play the Anglicans. Mackay and his friends did all their best to set the king against the
French and said they were willing to leave the kingdom if the White Fathers were
allowed to remain there:
“A peine arrivés, nous apprîmes une nouvelle qui nous causa d’assez
grandes inquiétudes. On nous dit que, peu de temps avant nous, cinq
missionnaires anglais étaient arrivés auprès de Mtésa par la voie du Nil
et qu’ayant su notre approche, ils avaient conseillé à ce monarque de ne
pas nous recevoir. A la vérité, on ajoutait que Mtésa avait témoigné, au
contraire, une très grande joie de notre arrivée et le désir de nous voir…
Il nous a fait donner un logement, nous a entretenus durant tout le temps
de notre séjour, qui a été de plus d’un mois, et enfin m’a donné vingt
barques pour aller chercher nos confrères et les rapporter avec leurs
bagages… 58
The White Fathers, then, knew that the C.M.S did not want them to be in Uganda.
Mutesa; not listening to them, offered his help to his guests. The Arabs, on their side,
encouraged the ruler to accept the foreigners. As a keen politician, Mutesa knew that in
accepting a new sect in the kingdom, he would take advantage from the rivalry that
would soon break out between the three religious groups. This way, he could play them
off, reinforce his military force and save Buganda from the Egyptian threat. Thus, the
57
C. Ferlay, op.cit., p.46 58
Ibid
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34
White Fathers had received an agreement from the king and a promise to fetch more
missionaries who were near Lake Victoria. He also offered them shelter and other
services, but the monarch was suspicious about the French, too. Thus, Mutesa confined
the missionaries at the court, like the Anglicans. This made it easy for the foreign
groups to get closer to the chiefs and future chiefs and start teaching them their
religions, and build their army of adherents.
Immediately after their settlement in Uganda, both Anglicans and Roman
Catholics began their work of evangelization at the court of the king, but soon did they
begin conflicting with each other. In order to gain ground through the conversion of
chiefs and pages, the White Fathers focused their work on chiefs because at that time,
chiefs had many fellows, and the conversion of these statesmen meant the conversion of
their people. Subsequently, clashes arose among the C.M.S who saw the White Fathers
as dangerous as the Arabs. Thus, it was of great importance to get rid of them,
especially when they noticed that many pages, who would be later chiefs and statesmen,
were following the French teaching. The situation became even worse when news
reached the British missionaries about the baptism of some pages by the White Fathers.
Since then, animosity between all factions escalated leading to a fierce competition
focussed on the political class, and later on the population. Seeds of hatred were then
sown within the Ganda leading to internal strife and alienation. This was mainly
conducted through education. As a result, the social fabric of the kingdom was about to
split up leading to internal strife and alienation.
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CHAPTER TWO
RELIGION AND POLITICS
(1879 – 1880s)
The coming of foreign groups in the kingdom of Buganda brought social and
political upheavals. With the kabaka‟s consent to spread and evangelize Ganda, French
and English missions undertook their task seriously. For them, converting the kingdom
to Christianity meant the conversion of the interlacustrine region. Nevertheless,
changing a society deeply tied to their customs and traditions could not happen
overnight. This needed much time and patience. The Christians knew that the best way
to reach Ganda was through education. Mutesa‟s encouragements to learn the new faiths
saved both factions the pain to convince Baganda to attend Christian teaching. The
Arabs, who had already undertaken the task of prosbytizing the society a few years
before the arrival of the Europeans found themselves in competition with strong rivals
supported by strong nations. As a result, a new type of educated and religious people
arose. This had an important impact on the monarchy and the traditional political
institutions of the kingdom whose power diminished. On the ground of this, light should
be cast on the importance of education in the spread of the new faiths in Uganda. How
did Islamic and Western educations gain ground in Uganda? Was it because Baganda
did not have an educational system or was it because they had a weak one? Which fields
CHAPTER TWO: RELIGION AND POLITICS (1879 – 1880s)
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36
did foreign educations affect? How did they contribute in the rise of a group of faithful
converts? And more importantly, how could these adherents constitute a threat to the
monarchy?
1) Traditional Religion
Before Islam and Christianity, indigenous religion in Buganda took a great part
in the lives of Ganda. According to Thomas P. Ofcansky, in his book Uganda:
Tarnished Pearl of Africa, religion was involved in politics as well as in social standing
and employment.1 A view shared by Okello Francis Xavier, author of the book The
Beginning of Evangelization in Eastern Uganda (1895 – 1924), who states that: “In
Ugandan traditional society, religion was closely linked with other aspects of society.
There is no way of separating religion from the social, political and cultural life of the
people”.2 However, just like the new faiths traditional religion was involved in politics
as a means of empowerment to control the society. Religion was an instrument coveted
by most people, especially the clan chiefs.
Previously, faith in Uganda was related to four topics: gods (Balubare), fetiches
(Mayembe), amulets (Nsiriba) and ghosts (Mizimu).3 They believed that there existed
two worlds linked together; the physical and the spiritual; a concept similar to most
other religions. Ganda also believed in heaven and hell. Gods were ranked national and
private. The former were worshipped by the whole society and were thought to have
been humans who, because of their bravery and skill, people venerated them and
ascribed them with supernatural powers. In addition to human deities, some animals
such as reptiles were sacred, and so were some trees and rocks. Like in the Greek
mythology where Zeus was the absolute god, in Uganda Katonda was considered as the
supreme creator and father of all gods. He had three shrines built in Kyaggwe and
according to an article4 his priests originated from the elephant clan named Njovu. Long
1 T. P. Ofcansky, Uganda: Tarnished Pearl of Africa, (USA: Westview Press, 1996), p.74
2 F. X. Okello, op.cit., p.20
3 John Roscoe, The Baganda: An Account of their Native Customs and Beliefs, (London: Macmillan &
Co, 1911), p.271 4 24 July 2009 <http://www.buganda.com/culture.htm>.
CHAPTER TWO: RELIGION AND POLITICS (1879 – 1880s)
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37
ago, it is said that Baganda were monotheistic5 and Katonda (the creator) was the only
god they believed in. Other names were related to this divinity such as Mukama or
Seggulu.6 Later with the insertion of other clans into the kingdom, new gods and cults
became part of the Buganda culture.
Besides Katonda, other gods had an important role in the society, but unlike
Mukama who did not interfere in people‟s lives, the other gods were active. They were
called saints by the British or guardians by others. In everyday life, Ganda remembered
them, and in war periods the king and his people asked them for help. These gods were
respected and even the kabakas could not ignore them. In fact, they had the duty to
punish all who disrespected them. This included Mutesa who later tried to break the
strong bond his fellow people had with the gods. Among these strong gods Mukasa was
the most important, he was the protector of the lake and his temples were built
everywhere in the kingdom. Besides this deity, other divinities were regarded with great
respect. For example, Wanda was the god who according to Baganda fixed the sun and
the moon in the sky. If the earth shook, it was because of Musisi. Walumbe was
remembered in sickness or death, and Namlere brought good health. In marriages or
during harvest, Nagaddya was evoked and Kiwanuka and Nakayaga granted fertility to
their followers. Many other spirits were respected and as the others they had special
powers.
In order to pray and offer human or animal sacrifices and other presents to gods,
temples and shrines were built on hills. These religious places were represented by
priests and mediums. Priests were appointed by the kabaka and their duty was to be in
charge with the temples and the offerings. They were helped by virgin girls who had the
duty to keep the fire burning in the holly place whether it was daytime or night. The
mediums, on the other hand, were selected by divinities. They were possessed people
who had been blessed by gods and became their spokesmen. Women were also chosen
by deities to be their mouthpieces.
5 J.F. Faupel, African Holocaust, The Story of the Uganda Martyrs, (New York: P.J. Kennedy & Sons,
1962), p.3 6 He was also called Opedorikere or Rubanga (The Almighty), Kazooba (The Great Sun), Ruhanga (The
Creator). F.X. Okello, op.cit., p.20
CHAPTER TWO: RELIGION AND POLITICS (1879 – 1880s)
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In addition to divinities, kings were raised to the status of gods, too and had
temples built as burial places. According to traditions, when a king died his jawbone
and umbilical cord were extracted from his body and kept there. The body was then
buried in a mausoleum. Ganda erected a temple for each ruler because it was believed
that they were equal to gods. However, people could not keep many spirits in the same
room. That is why they built a temple for each dead king. Frequently, these places were
visited by the new kabaka or the Baganda looking for help and assistance from the late
kings. For the widows, they were sent to their husbands‟ temples where they remained
with the medium who held the king‟s spirit. The widows had either a house in the
neighbourhood or stayed inside the temple. John Roscoe mentions that offices were held
in the temple by the kabaka‟s principal wife and some others. This was never stopped
even if she died or married another man. As a replacement, the wife‟s clan used to
choose a girl to take her place and hold offices.7
Fetishes and amulets were also symbols of faith in Uganda. The former were
more important than the latter, they even had temples, priests and mediums. Fetishes
were out of various materials, and believed to protect from evil and bring good while
amulets were made of wood, and thought to have medical virtues. Ganda used them for
protection from various diseases.
When studying the religious basis of the Ugandan society, one notices that belief
was prevailing. Religion was actually the cement that kept the population tied together.
And despite the fact that Baganda believed this was faith, for the new religions this was
absolute paganism.
2) Pre-colonial Political System
Being a monarchy, the political powers of Buganda revolved around the king
whose authority was unprecedented to an extent that he could allow himself to do
whatever he wanted to do, even loot a temple if he was not satisfied with a deity.
However, when examining the social structure of the country one notices that the state
7 J. Roscoe, op.cit., p.283
CHAPTER TWO: RELIGION AND POLITICS (1879 – 1880s)
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39
had a very composite ethnic structure which could have been a serious threat to the
stability of the political and social well-being of Uganda. Indeed, long before the
kingdom became that influential, Uganda was a small powerless state, but with the
assimilation of various neighbouring tribes its territory and power expanded. The
incorporation of new lands led the king to share his authority with the clan chiefs. These
latter had a very strong hold over the people of their clans. Thus power in the area was
twofold, on one side the kabaka exercised his supremacy over the state, and on the other
the clan chiefs had a strong control over their tribes.
In Uganda, kingship was hereditary, but unlike many kingdoms the ruler was
chosen according to his mother. Knowing that the king had several wives, any child was
a potential leader. That is why clan chiefs used to offer girls from their tribes to be the
king‟s wives. This way, according to Ofcansky, power was shifting from one tribe to
another giving opportunity to every group to take part in the decision making of the
kingdom.8 The kabaka had his palace built in the capital which comprised 585 houses
for him, his many wives and concubines. It is stated that the ruler could have as many
wives and concubines as he wanted; some of them were from the various clans
comprising the kingdom, and others were war slaves.9 The prime minister, the county
chiefs, the army and servants had their houses there, too. In Uganda, the king was by no
means the supreme authority on land; he was the one chosen by deities to rule his
people. He was also the one free to select pages for higher political ranks or remove
them. This was very important as before the arrival of foreign faiths, most chiefs and
pages competed for the king‟s favour. Later, when the three factions settled in the
kingdom, the same chiefs and pages became elements of pressure in the hands of
Muslims and Christians.
Alongside the kabaka, the clan chiefs exercised political power over the
members of their clans (Bataka); they were both administrators and judges.10
Many had
speculated about the exact number of these clans and views differed; some said they
8 T. P. Ofcansky, op.cit., p.15
9 For instance, it is reported that Kabaka Suna had 148 wives while Mutesa had 84. Stanley testified that
out of 5,000 women owned by Mutesa, 500 were his concubines. L. D. Schiller, “The Royal Women of
Buganda”, The International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 23, No. 3 (1990), p.469 10
C.J. Korieh, R.C. Njoku, op. cit., p.55
CHAPTER TWO: RELIGION AND POLITICS (1879 – 1880s)
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40
were thirty,11
others said they were forty.12
This was mainly because the kingdom was
constantly swallowing areas with their populations. Clans were divided into „masiga‟
referring to the major segments, while the minor ones were called „mituba‟. Such
division was not the only political and social classification Ganda relied on; the
kingdom was also divided into counties (Ssaza) whose chiefs comprised the parliament
(Lukiiko). For David E. Apter, author of the book The Political Kingdom in Uganda: A
study in Bureaucratic Nationalism, there existed two types of chiefs in Uganda: the
Bakungu and the Batongole. Much importance was given to the Bakungu chiefs because
it was from these latter that the prime minister (Katikiro), the governors of the counties,
the general of the armies (Mujasi), the admiral (Gabunga), the umbilical cord keeper
(Kimbugwe) ... etc were chosen. Audrey Isabel Richards, Ford Gibson Sturrock and
Jean M. Fortt in Subsistence to commercial farming in present-day Africa: an economic
and anthropological survey report that the king‟s administrative chiefs (Bakungu) were
first twelve and comprised two chief ministers and ten territorial governors of the
counties. 13
The aforementioned authors stated that the number of Ssazas extended by
conquest, sub-division or transfer made by the Protectorate Government to finally reach
twenty counties. They also added that according to the hierarchy, there existed sub-
governors, district heads and village heads, and that all chiefs had representatives who
replaced them whenever they (chiefs) were absent. They had subordinates, clients and
client kinsmen, too. Chiefs were of great importance for they were in charge of
executing orders emanating from the king and collecting taxes. Therefore the king was
careful to win the chiefs‟ loyalty granting them many favours:
Apart from the portion of tax remitted to them (chiefs), they were entitled
to a share of war booty, mainly in cattle, rights to sell ivory from their
territory when Arab traders arrived in Buganda, and a large part of the
court fines... Some chiefs had also small personal estates to which they
had established permanent rights...14
11
C.J. Korieh, R.C. Njoku, op. cit., p.55 12
A.I. Richards, F.G. Sturrock, J.M. Fortt, Subsistence to Commercial Farming in Present-Day Africa: an
Economic and Anthropological Survey, (London: Cambridge University Press, 1973), p.52 13
A.I. Richards, F.G. Sturrock, J.M. Fortt, op.cit., p.50 14
Ibid, p.51
CHAPTER TWO: RELIGION AND POLITICS (1879 – 1880s)
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41
The Batongole chiefs on the other hand were not as important as the Bakungu; in
fact they were under the orders of the king‟s administrative chiefs. For Audrey Isabel
Richards, Ford Gibson Sturrock, and Jean M. Fortt they:
... were men who were given fiefs within a county as rewards for services
to the king. They might be his military captains, collectors of fire wood
for the capital, royal smiths or cooks, the holders of liturgical offices, or
personal favourites.15
Yet, being below the Bakungu chiefs did not deprive the Batongole from having the
same rights as their superiors for they held an important position in the political system
of the kingdom and provided the kabaka with more power.
In front of such an elaborate administrative system, Britain found itself
captivated. Considered as one of the best organized African states, Buganda had a
political system which suited the colonial administration. When in the late 1890s, the
kingdom fell under British rule, the system was barely changed. Instead, it was applied
in all the country. As stated by Karugire:
During this period (17th and 18th century) a succession of imaginative
kings ascended the throne of Buganda and as this kingdom expanded, its
rulers worked out and implemented a machinery of administrative
control which was to impress the British officials so much at the turn of
the 19th century that much of its features were made the model by which
to govern the whole of Uganda protectorate.16
Therefore, according to what has been said so far one cannot neglect the fact that
Uganda was an organized kingdom with a very elaborate political system. This denies
what colonial powers used to claim concerning the Africans being savage, backward
and unable to take care of themselves. The fallacy Britain and others tried to convince
the world to believe in was proven wrong, just as wrong as they claimed that the
Africans had no educational system on the basis that they could not read and write.
15
A.I. Richards, F.G. Sturrock, J.M. Fortt, op.cit., p.51 16
S.R. Karugire, op.cit, p.22
CHAPTER TWO: RELIGION AND POLITICS (1879 – 1880s)
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42
3) Indigenous Education
One of the most important key elements Arab and European teachers had to rely
on in the process of spreading their faiths was education. This latter was a major
weapon in their hands which revealed to be vital in increasing missionary power and
controlling the monarchy. For Europeans, bringing education in the kingdom was
included in their conception of „civilizing‟ these „primitives‟. By doing so, they
believed that they were the first to educate Ganda. But according to records, education
had existed in Uganda long before the white man came. This is brought out with clarity
in Ado K. Tiberondwa‟s book, when he quotes a traditional ruler of Lango District in
Northern Uganda:
... we have had teachers in this area for many centuries. We had our own
education long before the Europeans came here and we had teachers
who used to conduct traditional education wherever man lived. Even
animals, both domestic and wild, have education and have teachers
among themselves.17
For Tiberondwa and many other scholars, there is a fine line between bringing
education, and bringing Western education to Uganda. When referring broadly to the
former, any country can have one. This does not necessarily entail that all countries
must have similar educations. In some parts of the world, it starts with writing and
reading, whereas in others it is based on the teaching of competencies from childhood.
In countries, education is the teacher‟s duty, while in others it is the family and
community job. For European missionaries, Ganda did not have education because this
latter was not like theirs; it did not include reading, writing, mathematics, physics,
sciences, geography ...etc. But according to the various analyses performed by scholars,
Baganda had a system of education, and it included many subjects.
As every educational system is meant to form people useful to their
communities, the Ugandan one was created to perform the same task. For Baganda, a
member of the community had to be someone people can rely on to bring food, protect
17
A. K. Tiberondwa, Missionary Teachers as Agents of Colonialism in Uganda, 2nd ed., (Kampala:
Fountain Publishers Ltd, 1977, 1998), p.1
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43
them, know how to deal with climatic problems ... etc. For that, it was important to
teach him/her how to handle different situations at an early age which according to J. P.
Ocitti was between 8 and 12 years old.18
The whole process of teaching according to
many was carried out anywhere; this was due to the fact that at that time no schools
were built in the kingdom. Children used to follow their parents, siblings or members of
the family and according to the situation they were in, teaching was performed. For
example, at a certain age when boys were allowed to go with their fathers hunting
animals for food, they used to see how animals were captured. Later, it was their turn to
take part in the process, and eventually they would be capable of bringing food to the
community. Similarly, girls had to attend courses devoted to moral values, this reflects
how important it was to behave well in Uganda. In addition, they had subjects related to
cooking and cleaning. Girls had specific tasks which were mostly dealing with how to
take care of the family. For example, they had to accompany their mothers or other
siblings to fetch water, firewood or opuyu (black soil), clean the house, take food and
water to the field where their fathers and brothers might be digging, watch out for
younger children, especially during play time; scare birds from millet fields... etc. To be
able to fulfil these tasks, girls had to be taught from childhood so that when they grew
up, they would be useful to their families and community. And knowing that Ganda
were living in a dangerous area where wild beasts lived, food was scarce, the climate
was harsh and wars often broke out. Teaching children how to deal with difficult
situations was the priority of Uganda education.
Besides acquainting youngsters with the harshness of nature and teaching them
how to adapt to its changes, Baganda were careful to teach younger generations their
traditions and customs. This was meant to keep old traditions alive and preserve each
tribe‟s history. More than a set of moral values, traditions strengthened bonds between
people and installed discipline within the community. J. C. Ssekamwa‟s who wrote
History and Development of Education in Uganda, carried out research on traditional
education and found out that Ganda educational system was very developed. In his
study, he discovered that teaching was performed according to two methods and
18
A. K. Tiberondwa, op. cit., p.2
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44
included many subjects. For him, there existed two teaching methods that were: Mini
lecture and practical methods.
a. Mini lecture method combined with instant practice and further mini lecture:
This method was based on providing children directly with the knowledge to be
known and then, they were asked to learn it. Later, the learners had to repeat what they
had been taught. If they made no mistakes, they were encouraged by adults to carry on;
but if the children failed, they had to learn it again until they mastered it. When the
process of learning finished, an adult used to create a situation where the learners had to
use the knowledge they had acquired so far. Further teaching was given to them if they
succeeded, while if the kids failed they had to repeat till success was reached.
Subjects such as philosophy, psychology, sociology, economics, politics, history
and culture were conveyed through games, songs, plays, rhymes and storytelling, and
later through idioms, proverbs and riddles, too.
b. Practical method
This method puts the emphasis on teaching young boys and girls how to do or
make useful things such as hunting, using weapons, cooking ...etc. It is up to the adults
to show the learners how to make things right. This could take a long time even years
until the boys or girls grew up. All along the years, learners were constantly practising
in front of their fathers, mothers or any grown member of the family. This gave them
the opportunity to produce while training. When becoming gown-ups, the former kids
had to pass a test to prove that they mastered the skills they had been taught. Later,
these adults would have to be teachers to young boys and girls.
The difference between both methods is that the former focussed on preparing
youngsters for important positions such as in politics. It focussed on helping learners
reach a level of wisdom. The latter put the emphasis on teaching how to do or make
things. This was meant to prepare learners for jobs where physical effort was needed.
CHAPTER TWO: RELIGION AND POLITICS (1879 – 1880s)
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45
J.C. Ssekamwa's study revealed that these two methods were particularly developed in
order to suit the kids‟ understanding of the various lessons learnt within a variety of
subjects that were:
- The environment: Basically, children were taught how to deal with nature and
the environment in order to be able to take full advantage of them. This proved
to be useful during dry seasons or when food was scarce.
- Cooperation: Children were taught how to work in groups. This was meant to
teach them the importance of team work and urge the learners to create bonds
with the others.
- Belonging to a group: As Uganda was made up of various clans, it was
important for the kids to know their origins and the history of their ancestors.
This would provide them with a secure environment.
- Discipline: In every society, order is important. Thus discipline was taught to
kids from childhood. They were taught to obey the regulations, to respect the
elders and to behave well.
- Culture: Children were told about their clans and tribes‟ cultures, their
traditions and ceremonies. Religion was included as a part of any culture. There
were other topics included in the teaching of such topic; they were philosophy,
psychology, sociology, economics, politics, history and sciences. Like in the
mini lecture method these were conveyed through idioms, proverbs, folk stories,
riddles and rhymes.
- Skills: Technical skills were taught to young boys and girls in order to show
them the way to make things.
- Religion and medical knowledge and practice: Youngsters were told about
their religions and Gods. They were also taught about medical healing through
religion. New words were introduced in the kids‟ vocabulary such as priest,
oracle, ceremony, God ...etc.
- Desirable behaviour and good manners: Parents taught their offspring how to
behave well, like greeting, helping, asking for forgiveness ...etc, and if they
behaved in a bad manner, the learners were punishment by their parents. Such
action was not only restricted to parents; in fact anyone who came across a child
CHAPTER TWO: RELIGION AND POLITICS (1879 – 1880s)
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46
behaving badly, one was allowed to scold the kid. This was a part of tradition in
the kingdom.
Such facts were corroborated by Tiberondwa‟s study which revealed that besides
learning these subjects, kids attended classes held by professional tutors. They were
clan chiefs, blacksmiths, traditional doctors, herbalists, potters, carpenters ...etc, and
their task was to pass on their skills to the young apprentices. Their aim was to form
future politicians and specialists in medicine herbs and handicraft. Back then, teachers
and kids used to meet at workshops, homes of chiefs or even the royal palace where
lessons were given. Depending on the age and level of understanding, the courses were
designed to suit the learners. Then progressively, difficulty increased as the kids grew.
In the end, a ceremony was held in the name of the graduates who became as skilled as
their masters. From then on, the former students became active members of the society
and were able to practise what they had learnt from their teachers.19
Later, their turn
would come to teach and guide other kids.
Therefore, on the basis of what has been said so far one cannot deny the fact that
Baganda had had an education before foreigners came. However, it did not last long in
front of the Arab and Western educations. Why? In reference to Tiberondwa‟s research,
this was due to many reasons. Firstly, Ganda knew nothing about reading and writing;
this made it hard to keep records of the different topics to be taught to the young
children. Education relied more on orality and memory than on literacy. Secondly,
because Uganda was made up of various tribes, movement from one tribal area to
another was limited. The result was that communication between clans was hampered,
and as many tribes spoke different languages, having a common language uniting the
country was quite impossible.20
Thirdly, Tiberondwa claims that “traditional education
was suitable and relevant to the mode of life of the people who received it”,21
a fact
which proved to be true in pre-colonial Uganda. At that time, traditional education
provided Ganda with useful knowledge to help them survive. In fact, it was suitable to
Ganda because it fit their needs. But when Arab and Western educations were brought,
19
A. K. Tiberondwa, op.cit., p.4 20
Ibid, p.12 21
Ibid
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47
traditional educational became outdated because of the novelties foreign educations
brought in the community. As a consequence, it became unfit for the Baganda‟s new
way of life. Finally, Tiberondwa claims that indigenous education lost ground as an
outcome to the missionaries‟ attempts to indoctrinate Ganda against their forefathers‟
traditions, a true fact considering the fact that Europeans often described African
traditions as primitive, inefficient and sinful.
Traditional education was targeted by foreigners because they knew that the best
way to win adherents was by erasing all that linked them to their traditions. By so
doing, indigenous education no longer attracted people leaving the field open for the
Arab and Western educations.
4) Muslim and Christian Interference
In order to spread their faiths, Muslims and Christians started giving lectures to
the local population in various places. And with the encouragement of the kabakas,
conversion to these religions was quick. However, as hatred and distrust were looming
among the three groups (Muslims, Protestants, and Catholics) competition increased.
For each faction, it was essential to gain political power through religion to prosper in
the kingdom. Stemming from such feelings and beliefs, politico-religious ideologies
were formed. This was in a period of the history of Uganda where traditional religion
was losing ground, and both Mutesa and his people were ready to welcome either
religion. As argued by Bengt Sundkler and Christopher Steed
Before the coming of the missionaries, there were unmistakable signs of
a loss of confidence in traditional religion. People were disillusioned
with the old gods and were therefore, like the king himself, prepared to
turn to one of the two new Book religions.22
Yet, before reaching political power, the foreigners had to win the kabaka and many
adherents in their sides. This was stressed by Marinus Rooijackers:
22
B. Sundkler and C. Steed, op. cit, p.567
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... Lavigerie hoped - and he gave his missionaries instructions in this
sense - that the king would be one of the first converts, for Stanley had
said that he was interested in Christianity. Lavigerie thought of him as a
new Clovis, whose conversion would bring about that of all his
people...23
He further added:
In his instructions to the missionaries, he stressed the importance of
winning Kabaka Mutesa to their cause. When, in 1881, Lavigerie judged
that Lourdel had been too severe with Mutesa, he reproached him:
„Father Lourdel thinks he has been clever in replying as he did to
Mutesa, that he could not become a Christian unless he abandoned all
save one of his wives.‟ „Mutesa is the fortress to be taken.‟ For
Lavigerie, the conversion of Mutesa was the key to their success: „By
winning over the chief, you will do more for the progress of the mission
than if you won over one-by-one hundreds of poor blacks.‟
Their stay, thus, depended on the king, and any false move meant eviction or death.
Such goals urged the missionaries to focus on education knowing that it was the best
means to overcome traditional religion as well as their rivals. But the first obstacle to
overcome was the Muslims who had already began teaching the Baganda.
a- The Muslims
The Arabs who were the first to “teach” the local people introduced reading and
writing through the teaching of the Koran. Reportedly, it was under the reign of Kabaka
Suuna II that the Arabs undertook their task. Initiation to Islam was undertaken by
merchants Ahmad Ben Ibrahim and Medi Ibulaimu who acquainted the kabaka and
some of his fellow people with new doctrines such as God‟s uniqueness, resurrection
and the Djinn. In addition, Sourats from the Holly Book were taught. It is not exactly
known what the king was taught but Noel King, Abdu Kasozi and Arye Oded suggest
that he might have been taught the Besmala24
, the Fatiha and the last Sourats from the
Koran.25
Suuna was satisfied with his guests for not only did they contribute to his
23
M. Rooijackers, op.cit., pp.13-14 24
Opening of almost all the Sourats of the Koran. 25
N. King, A. Kasozi, A. Oded, Islam and the Confluence or Religions in Uganda 1840-1966, (Florida:
AAR Studies in Religion, 1973), p.3
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49
country‟s economic and military welfare, but they also participated in enlightening his
people. However, this did not convince the ruler to embrace the new faith and soon
afterwards the Muslims were not given permission to enter Uganda because the kabaka
realised how dangerous it was to accept a foreign power in the kingdom. Therefore,
Islamic intervention in the kingdom was held back until Mutesa became kabaka in 1856
and allowed them to come back to the country. For some reasons, the king gave
permission to the Muslims to proselytizing. Accordingly, the Arabs began teaching the
Koran to the king, the political class and later the rest of the population. Mutesa took
this seriously and he was soon able to read the Koran, translate some portions into
Luganda the local language, and speak Swahili.26
The influence Islam had on the king
was obvious and he wanted to share it with his people. That is why he called his chiefs
to follow him. As reported by Ham Mukasa27
:
Having learned Islam, he [Mutesa I] called his chiefs and told them how
good this religion was; that there is only one God, called the Great, God
the omnipotent, Hakibalu, who is greater than all the spirits. “I want you
all to study this religion, ” he told them, and tried to teach them what he
had learned, explaining to them the meaning of what he read from the
Bible of the Muslims, called the Qur‟an... Then the kabaka ordered all
the people to pray regularly..., and dogs used for hunting were
henceforth disliked because of the religion which does not like them...
Orders were given out to be kept by all; whoever transgressed them
would be convicted or could be put to death. These were the orders:
1. Everybody had to pray during the hours of prayer.
2. Everybody had to fast during the period of fasting.
3. No one was allowed to eat unlawful meat, that is, meat not killed by
one recognized as a true Muslim.
Thus many came to be circumcised without being forced at all... the
kabaka sent out his messengers to inspect who were observing the
religious laws and who were not... Then, because the kabaka favoured
this religion so much and liked to please its adherents too, he made it a
law that whoever did not read (did not belong to the religion) would not
succeed his father and those who did not read should be arrested and put
to death.28
26
N. King, A. Kasozi, A. Oded., op.cit., p.4 27
Mukasa was born in about 1872-73. He was a Muslim, whose father was an influential elephant clan
chief, and whose sister-in-law was one of the king‟s many wives. After attending Christian teachings, he
converted to Protestantism and was baptized „Ham'. John A. Rowe, “Eyewitness Accounts of Buganda
History: The Memoirs of Ham Mukasa and His Generation”, Ethnohistory and Africa, Vol. 36, No. 1,
(Winter, 1989), pp.67-68 28
N. King, A. Kasozi and A. Oded, op.cit., p.4
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From what Mukasa witnessed as a Muslim, Mutesa became very active in spreading the
Mohammedan faith in his kingdom. Mukasa, who embraced Islam at the age of nine
when his father put him in the kabaka‟s palace as a page, reported that the monarchy
and society were subjected to radical changes due to the king‟s commitment to Islam.
The eyewitness stated that Mutesa‟s involvement in the spread of the Mohammedan
faith developed to an alarming extent, especially when pagans were subjected to death
penalty for refusing conversion.29
Seeing what would occur to those who were not
Muslims, many Ganda adhered to the new faith. But, not all of them accepted it out of
fear; there were some who wanted to please the king, others had to follow their customs
which stated that the king‟s decisions were unquestionable, and others became converts
out of conviction. In view of that, mosques with different sizes were built all across the
country, and the five prayers were respected and performed under the supervision of the
Imam who was Mutesa himself. 30
These mosques were also places for learning the
Koran. To check the cleanness of the holy places and the tidiness of the water for
ablution, the ruler hired Mukasa as the head of the Department of the Mosque. He also
appointed a caretaker and caller to prayer. This was an important step in the conversion
of the kingdom. In addition, royal burial customs in which kabakas‟ jawbones were
removed from the body changed, and all the kings who had been subjected to such
practice were buried with their missing organs. Besides, new features were introduced
into the local customs such as the Arabic clothing and the Islamic greeting. Once, the
kabaka even executed twelve of his subjects for failing to greet him in the Muslim
manner.31
Animals were slaughtered according to Islamic law by circumcised people,
and alcohol was forbidden. The king went further in his faith when he observed
Ramadhan between 1867 and 1876. To supervise whether the people were fasting or not
he appointed another Religious Enforcement Officer named Kakoloboto to be the
Ramadhan overseer. Islamic teaching also introduced the Islamic calendar and made
Ganda accustomed with the concept of day, week, month, year ...etc. It was only a
matter of time before the kabaka ordered Islam to be the state religion in 1875, and
whoever refused the new faith was bound to be arrested.
29
Mukasa reported that the king used to send some of his soldiers across the country to capture pagan
Ganda who were burnt, stabbed with spears or drown. N. King, A. Kasozi and A. Oded, op.cit., p.5 30
A. B. K. Kasozi, “The Impact of Islam on Ganda Culture, 1844-1894”, Journal of Religion in Africa,
Vol. 12, Fasc. 2 (1981), p.129 31
R. C. Njoku, op.cit., p 58
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Therefore, the belief in the Islamization of Uganda came as a result of the radical
changes the country had gone through. This made many believe in the conversion of the
king to Islam, especially with the massive adherence of the chiefs and citizens. In
addition, Kabaka Mutesa sent his emissaries to some neighbouring countries like
Bunyoro in order to convince them to accept Islam as their religion. 32
Considering the
fact that both kingdoms had been fighting each other for years, it is not clear why he did
so. This might be explained by the fact that Mutesa had been a very keen politician, and
converting Bunyoro to Islam would have saved him the pain to fight them. Instead, they
would be a strong ally in case of wars. The kabaka kept on spreading Islam across his
kingdom to such an extent that many foreigners believed he had become a
Mohammedan. As asserted by British explorer Samuel Baker (1821-1893) who claimed
that:
This powerful ruler had been much improved by his personal
communication with the traders of Zanzibar. He had become a
Mohammedan, and had built a mosque... If he cut the throat of either
man or beast, it was now done in the name of God, and the King had
become quite civilized, according to the report of the Arab envoys. He
kept clerks who could correspond, by letters, in Arabic, and he had a
regiment armed with a thousand guns, in addition to the numerous forces
at his command … 33
For Samuel Baker and according to what he had seen in Uganda, there was no doubt
that Mutesa was a Muslim. However, some scholars have a different standpoint. For
them, Mutesa was never a fully convert to Islam or Christianity. They consider that the
king used both faiths as part of his master plan to acquire much power to control his
kingdom. 34
This was proved by his refusal to circumcision, baptism or giving up
polygamy. According to views, Mutesa I used Islam as an instrument to strengthen his
power and get rid of rivals and some old rites such as the ones linked to the body
mutilation when a kabaka died. His concern for military and commercial expansion
32
It is reported that Mutesa sent emissaries to Bunyoro to convert its king to Islam. He even sent him
shoes suitable for taking off on entering the mosque as a gift. However, the attempt was unsuccessful. P.
M. Holt, A. K. S. Lambton, B. Lewis, The Cambridge History of Islam, Volume 2, (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1970), p.393. See also N. King, A. Kasozi, A.Oded, op.cit., p.6 33
R. Reid, “Images of an African Ruler: Kabaka Mutesa of Buganda, ca. 1857-1884”, History in Africa,
Vol. 26 (1999), p.280 34
R. C. Njoku, op.cit., p 58
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made him accept the new faith to be in his kingdom for what the Arabs offered in
weapons as well as merchandise.35
Whether he was Muslim or not, Kabaka Mutesa I accepted the new faith and
spread it in his kingdom. By doing so, he installed a new regime of law and order which
granted him absolute power, even greater than he had before.
b- The Christians
Besides Islamic teaching, the British and the French spread their faiths through
the means of education. When Mutesa invited the Europeans into his kingdom in 1875,
he wanted to open his state to the world. Through Western education, he knew that
Britain and France would offer him the opportunity to elevate his people, and develop
their skills and knowledge. In addition, the king needed allies to protect his country
from foreign threats. As clarified by J.C. Ssekamwa:
He [Mutesa I] wanted them to teach Ugandans new knowledge and new
skill which would help them and himself cope with that new situation. He
also wanted those European teachers to connect him with the
governments of Britain and France so that he could defend his country of
Buganda more effectively against foreign invasion and annexation,
especially by the Egyptians. Mutesa I also wanted to use their new
knowledge to fight more effectively against his neighbours and thereby
control them.36
Mutesa had already had a glimpse of what Christian education was in the hands of
Stanley, then Mufta37
. The former taught Mutesa when he first came to Uganda, and
when he left, the task was relegated to Mufta. The new teacher remained in the kingdom
for five years working as Mutesa‟s interpreter of the Christian religion.38
Then, he
decided to expand his work and teach other Ganda. Alone in the kingdom with little
material, Mufta had a hard time teaching the ruler and his fellow people. Therefore, on
35
D. Robinson, op. cit., p.158 36
J. C. Ssekamwa, History and Development of Education in Uganda, (Kampala: Fountain Publishers
Ltd, 1997), p.25 37
Okello Francis Xavier reported that Mufta was in fact a spy working for Stanley and Colonel Gordon.
O.F. Xavier, op.cit., p.16 38
B. Sundkler, C. Steed, op.cit., p.568
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23rd April 1876, he sent mail to Bishop Steere at Zanzibar and asked for help. In his
letter, Mufta requested someone to help him teach Ganda, slates, a Board chalk and a
Bible:
My dear Bishop,
Let thy heart be turned to thy servant, send me Swahili prayers, and send
me the big black Bible. I want slates, board, chalk, that I may teach the
Waganda the way of God. I been teach them already, but I want you to
send me Litala Sundi, that he may help me in the work of God. Oh! my
Lord pray for me.
Oh! ye boys, pray for me . . .
Your honour to the Queen, and my honour to you.
J. Scopion
alias Darllington Maftaa.39
From the reading of the letter, one notices that the list Mufta asked for suggests they
were for a class. But no records have been found so far stating that there was a school or
a class in Uganda at that time.
A few years later, Mufta was replaced by more efficient teachers. The tutors
were well-versed in Christianity, better equipped and well-supported financially. In
1877, when the Anglicans came to Uganda, they had in mind to „civilize‟ Ganda
through the Western education. They were followed in 1879 by the Roman Catholics
who had the same goal and advantages. Like Islam, Western education began at the
palace, where the king could keep an eye on the British and French actions. Soon, they
were granted permission to spread their knowledge in the country. In the process of
teaching Baganda, both factions used no books other than the Bible and the Prayer
Book.40
In order to make it easy for Ganda, the missionaries translated the Bible in
Kiswahili. This clever action facilitated learning and it was not long before the learners
became literate. But unlike the Muslims, the Christians did not only teach their religions
to the people; subjects such as numeracy, agriculture, technical skills41
and Christian
music were included, too. Printing was also introduced by the Europeans. This was of
39
B. Sundkler, C. Steed, op.cit., p.568 40
R.H. Walker, “A History of Education in Uganda”, Journal of the Royal African Society, Vol. 16, No.
64 (July 1917), p.283 41
Mackay also initiated the Baganda to the arts of building and designing. A. Melrose, op. cit., p.81
CHAPTER TWO: RELIGION AND POLITICS (1879 – 1880s)
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54
great help in providing copies from the Bible.42
With the growing number of learners,
faiths extended. This gave rise to the catechumenate practice in which converts had to
attend religious lectures for at least four years to be considered as Christians and
baptised. The first converts to be baptised, according to some sources were five: they
were called “Basomesa” i.e. those who can read. To increase the number of their
Basomesa, the French established an orphanage and bought some slaves whom they
freed and taught Catholicism.43
The teaching, i.e. catechism, consisted in telling learners about religion and its
doctrines. But because of the language barrier, it was hard for the tutors to better explain
their religions. Thus, words were borrowed from Arabic, Kiswahili and Luganda. This
facilitated the understanding of some religious principles. As a result, religion became
“DINI”, prayer and angels became respectively “SALA” and “MALAIKA”. Katonda was
chosen to refer to God because it was the most important and powerful of all the deities
known in traditional Buganda religion. Jesus Christ was called “AISA MASIYA”.
Accordingly, potential converts attended lectures undertaken by both European
groups. They were given European names and had been divided into three classes:
postulants, catechumens and faithful. The learners had to attend catechetical instructions
for four years: two in the first class and two others in the second one. However, due to
the need for immediate adherents or because of sickness, the period was shortened.
Marinus Rooijackers states that 250 students were attending religious courses with the
French by March 1879.44
A year later, four were baptised; they were Paolo Nlubanwa,
Petro Ddamulira, and the former slaves Yosefu Lwanga and Leon. A few months later,
four more adherents were added to the list. The reason why converts were few when
compared to their initial number was that in order to be baptised, one had to meet
conditions set by the Catholics. First, they had to have a good moral conduct and be
loyal to religion. In addition, it was required to know by heart and understand the first
catechism. And if necessary, future adherents had to be willing to offer their lives
42
B. Sundkler, C. Steed, op. cit., p.570 43
Ibid., p.565 44
M. Rooijackers, op.cit., p.20
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protecting their faith. As a result a new religious class arose; they were the „readers‟.45
The Anglicans, too, had their faithful students. March 18, 1882 was an important date
for the C.M.S who baptised their first five converts. They were: Mackay, Edwardo,
Filipo, Henry Wright and Yakobo. Alexander Mackay, the key member of the CMS
devoted a great deal of his days teaching the kabaka and his fellow people. This was
brought into light by Sundkler, C. Steed who claimed that:
… he was busy initiating the king into the mysteries of railways,
astronomy, electricity, and physiology. His magic lantern was a never-
failing source of amusement to the people; and Mackay used the
influence gained by his knowledge of the wonderful things they so much
delighted in, to speak to them from time to time about sin and Jesus
Christ the Saviour of men.46
Mackay‟s efforts were finally crowned with success when Mutesa, like with the
Muslims a few years before, made Sunday a day off. Such a big step was a good omen
for the Christians who saw that as a sign of future conversion of the king.
However, the type of teaching conducted by both European creeds brought
confusion among the population. As claimed by Karugire:
What had been a state of bemused curiosity in Buganda turned into
complete confusion because the arrival of yet another batch of “teachers
of religion” was not originally a source of enlightenment in Buganda-it
was a source of confusion.47
Even the kabaka who had direct contact with both missions was unable to differentiate
between them. Such confusion stemmed from the fact that both Europeans discredited
each other‟s faith while both of them believed in the same God and Christ.48
Later, this
was to be the cause of the crisis that split society into parts, alongside Islam and
traditional religion. In addition, Western education brought changes, not only within the
45
The term `Readers' was used for the groups of young Ganda catechumens which soon spread all over
Buganda and from there throughout central Africa in this most successful literacy campaign. These young
men were determined to acquire the art of reading in order to know the Holy Book. All the chronicles
indicate that these Readers had been taught by other young Baganda at the court. B. Sundkler, C. Steed,
op.cit., pp.572-573 46
A. Melrose, op.cit., p.52 47
S.R. Karugire, op.cit., pp.63-4. 48
A. Melrose, op.cit., p.54
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society on the whole, but within the nucleus of the society i.e., the family. Long before
Europeans‟ arrival, Ganda had a wider vision of the family. For them, society was „one
big family‟ where everyone was a father, a mother, a brother or a sister.49
For them
there were no words such as uncle or aunt. Instead, they were called young father or
young mother; cousins were part of the family, and so were the others. But with
Western education, boundaries were put and family shrank in size. This had a negative
effect on the society that turned from one solid body to a shattered group of people.
Therefore, as one can see, education played an important part in organizing life
in Uganda. In the pre-colonial era, it was the „cement‟ that kept the society tied
altogether. It was also the one that guided Baganda to survival. Yet, it was inefficient in
front of the world‟s challenges. This gave the opportunity to foreign educations to shine.
The new type of instruction brought changes but also division and trouble. And with the
rise of a new type of radical adherents, religion became a source of problems in Uganda,
and quickly rivalry among religious factions evolved to the extent of the formation of
politico-religious groupings.
5) Trouble at the Court
Besides the positive effects the new teaching had on the society, it also led to the
outbreak of trouble inside the court. In fact, it was easy to predict such consequences
with the constant quarrels between Muslims, Mackay and Lourdel in front of the
kabaka. Everyday Muslims and Christians would argue in front of the king in order to
prove that their religions were right. Quarrels did not only occur between Muslims and
Christians, Protestant and Catholics fought each other in front of the kabaka, too. This
was mainly due to their old rivalry and aversion which they brought from their countries
and injected in the society.50
For Mutesa and his fellow people quarrels between the
Muslims, Christians and traditionalists was comprehensible, but to see two European
groups teaching Christianity and fighting each other was confusing.51
49
Tiberondwa claims that “in pre-colonial Uganda, divisions into cousins, nieces, half-brothers, half-
sisters, uncles and aunts were unknown.” A. K. Tiberondwa, op.cit., p.8 50
S.R. Karugire, op.cit., p.65 51
S.R. Karugire, op.cit., pp.63-64
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The long hostile debates that took place in front of the king did not convince him
much to choose a creed, but they sure persuaded people at the palace to adhere to one of
the factions. Soon, the king court became the battle scene of four factions whose
influence started to expand beyond the palace. Everywhere, hatred was implanted
within people through teaching and isolation from rival groups. What imported
foreigners most were their personal goals and they forgot that they were leading a
society into crisis.
When analyzing the various means religious factions used to alienate the
population, light should be cast on the following important elements:
- The need for the foreigners to have their own followers. They insisted on them
to keep away from those who attended their rivals‟ teaching. In order to reach
that aim they invented anything to damage the reputation and the teaching of
their rivals. Ssekamwa wrote:
Each group of these teachers wanted to have its own Ugandan followers.
It did not want them to see that its followers mixed with those who
followed the teaching of another group of teachers. Each group of
teachers even created queer stories about the teaching of another group
of teachers. 52
The result of this discrimination was the growth of hatred and suspicion among
the people of Uganda. Constant quarrels broke out in which teachers as well as
students would argue with their rivals in front of the ruler.
- The type of religious teaching each group was conveying was different from the
other, though Protestantism and Catholicism were not much different one from
the other. Broadly, each group taught their students the bases of their faiths and
that the others were not in the right path, they were unbelievers doomed to go to
hell. For the Protestants, the blame was put on the fact that the Catholics put
much emphasis on Jesus‟ mother; Mary, and all the other Saints. As mentioned
by Chima J. Korieh and Raphael Chijioke Njoku:
52
J.C. Ssekamwa, op.cit., p.29
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… the Catholics claimed that they came to teach the Africans original
version of Christianity, the Protestants attacked Catholic theology for
making Mary, the mother of Jesus, and the Saints the centre of their
worship instead of the point of God. Meanwhile the Muslim chiefs at the
Kabaka‟s court have not given up on Islam. They responded to the
ideological struggle with a determined campaign to discredit their
Christian rivals.53
The Catholics, on their side, had their own conception of Christianity which they
claimed it was the right one when compared to Protestantism.
- The teaching of religious principles brought the teaching of what was forbidden
in every faith. This was a very important issue since it was later to be the straw
that broke the vase and led Kabaka Mutesa and a few years later his son
Mwanga to order the execution of hundreds of converts. The Arabs, for example
ordered their adherents to quit drinking alcohol and eating meat not slaughtered
according to Islamic law, while the Christians told their followers and especially
Mutesa to give up on polygamy and to have only one wife. These restrictions
imposed on Ganda in the name of religion split the population in two types of
adherents; tolerant and radical. It also led the kabaka to remain undecided which
religion to be devoted to, for each one attracted him but at the same time it
repulsed him. In Islam, the king hated circumcision and in Christianity he
disliked living with only one woman.
The policy that most factions relied on to gain ground happened to be the cause
that led the society to split into parts. In addition, the kabaka was unable to decide
which faith he was committed to; this left the population the liberty to choose their
religion. Such thing was unprecedented for Ganda were used to choosing the faith their
king believed in. The king‟s behaviour, then, added more to the tragedy of the society.
However, Mutesa‟s non conversion did not deter all factions from winning his people‟s
support. Thanks to their teachings, missionaries and Arabs‟ endeavour was successful
when they witnessed the rise of their devotees who began idolising God, putting the
kabaka in second position. Moreover, there grew a new tide of political converts who
became the power the three factions would strike the king with if any trouble was
53
R. C. Njoku, op.cit., p.61
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caused. It was from that moment that it became obvious that the monarchy was in
danger.
6) Politico-religious Groupings
The race for converts between Arabs, Catholics and Protestants reflected the
mutual hatred one had for the other. This feeling was not new; Muslims and Europeans
had been rivals long ago religiously and economically. The French and the British were
competitors too, and with their presence in Buganda, their feuds were to be reflected in
the kingdom:
There is religious competition between Catholics, Protestants and
Muslims. These conflicts have historic roots, especially in Buganda
where the first important consequence of missionary activity was the
outbreak of religious warfare which led to British hegemony and the
resultant drastic revision of the Buganda government. Such conflicts
have inhibited the growth of political parties (as has tribal parochialism)
and parties have become identified as characteristically Protestant or
Catholic in their membership.54
Similarly S.R. Karugire adds:
The C.M.S. were not only Protestants but Britons by nationality and the
Catholic White Fathers were French. Thus along with these new
doctrines there were imported into Uganda the national antipathies of
Britain and France which antipathies were themselves ancient and still
subsist in more subtle forms even today. This fact contributed
substantially to the rapid transformation of religious faiths into political
parties or factions …55
Thus, it was due to their old rivalry that political polarization emerged leading to
divisions. This division was based on religion since most converts had to take the side
of their religious party. Ssekamwa when referring to the political conflict that arose
because of the interference of religion in politics wrote:
54
D.E. Apter, The Political Kingdom in Uganda: A study in Burocratic Nationalism, (London: Frank
Cass, 1997), p.19 55
S.R. Karugire, op.cit, p.65
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Each group of these teachers wanted to get political influence at the
court of Mutesa I at the exclusion of the others. Each group of teachers
also wanted to see that its followers were the only servants and chiefs of
Mutesa I at the exclusion of the other groups.56
And though there were four factions quarrelling for the kabaka‟s favour, the fight was
much more ferocious between the Protestants and the Catholics. The debates that often
took place between those factions at the royal court had a positive impact on the pages
who were fascinated by the Europeans. A few years later, with Mwanga becoming
kabaka in 1884, the fruit of the missions‟ labour was the rise of a new power in the form
of chiefs, craftsmen and officers with a blind faith in the men of God; the Arabs and
Christian Missionaries:
Now the converts were drawn in the main from two classes: from the
professional craftsmen who were attached to the service of the king and
the great chiefs, and, much more importantly, from among the palace
pages and the young officers of the new royal regiments. Thus it came
about that the new weapons and the new ideologies were to a large
extent the property of the same small but formidable group.57
The growing number of converts meant a rising threat to the monarchy. This latter felt
the crawling menace and tried to get rid of the missionaries, yet it was too late as all
factions became strong and free enough to face the kabaka.
The change from a pure religious group to a strong political power was the
consequence of many events. First, it was due to the type of religious teaching the
converts had received from the Arabs and Europeans. Both Muslims and Christians
revealed to their students that the might of „Allah‟ or „God‟ was stronger than the
kabaka‟s. As a result, there grew a group of radical believers. The men were a source of
nuisance for they began questioning the political and religious authority of the king.
This latter saw in these people the end of his reign and decided to execute many of
them. Second, as Mutesa kept the Arabs and Europeans at his court, he gave them the
opportunity to be in touch with the chiefs, and thus gaining political supporters. But not
56
J.C. Ssekamwa, op.cit., pp.29-30 57
C. C. Wrigley, “The Christian Revolution in Buganda”, Comparative Studies in Society and History,
Vol. 2, No. 1 (October 1959), p.42
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only did these missionary groups affect the chiefs, they also had a direct contact with
the pages who were allowed to attend Arab and European teachings. These students
were of great importance as it was from them that the future political class of chiefs and
officials would be chosen. Third, when the missionaries built an orphanage where they
took care of orphans and former slaves, they won converts whom they taught
Christianity from childhood. Thus, they had under their command an army of faithful
converts ready to put their lives at the service of religion. Fourth, in 1882 French
missionaries had to leave Buganda for some time due to the menace that was looming
because of Mutesa‟s discontent with the missionary‟s influence over his servants and
the Mahdist threat in Sudan. The students were left without any spiritual leader to guide
them; however they kept their faith and practised it. When danger wore off and the
missionaries came back to the kingdom, they were amazed to see that their faith was not
lost. This experience taught the converts independence; it also tested their faith in
Christianity. Fifth, at the royal court Kabaka Mwanga; Mutesa‟s son and successor,
used to abuse his servants sexually, some Christian pages had the courage to stand
against the king. Such determination coming from the Christian and Muslim factions
speeded up the rise of a political authority which slowly gained momentum with the
growth of each group‟s adherents.
With the coming out of a political power under the control of religious groups,
the power of the king weakened and became menaced. Moreover, Ganda society who
had been united under the kabaka‟s rule had split into opposing groups.
7) Threat to the Kabakas’ Power
Before the arrival of Islam, traditional religion played an important role in the
lives of Ganda as it brought them all together as a united community. It also granted the
chiefs power which if united, they could threaten the kabaka. Later, with Islam and then
Christianity, power became more centralized in the hands of the king giving him the
right to life and death over his subjects. His strength grew more and more while his
chiefs‟ lessened more and more. However, as Ganda adhered to the new faiths the
balance of power shifted and the king became the centre of criticism and disdain.
Thanks to the new teachings Ganda learnt about monotheism and the almightiness of
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God. They also learnt about hell and paradise and resurrection. The impact of such
revelation brought the new converts around their new leaders who were God‟s
representatives. This led to the weakening of the king‟s political and social commending
and the breakup of the kingdom‟s clans. What once was a united nation turned into an
alienated group of converts, each conspiring against the other. Both Mutesa and
Mwanga witnessed the changes their kingdom was going through. Besides, they saw
their political power gradually declining and their position as monarchs was at risk. On
various occasions, both kings had to face threat coming from the Muslim and Christian
parts. In order to counter their threat, drastic measures were taken.
a- The Muslim Martyrdom (1874-1876)
In the period prior to the Christian missionaries‟ arrival in the kingdom of
Buganda, Mutesa was going under pressure. According to historians, the kingdom was
facing threats from inside and outside. With the growth of danger, the king was forced
to perform one of the most inhumane acts during his reign by executing more than a
thousand of his Muslim people. To understand the reasons that led the kabaka to take
such decision, one has to study the period before the murder of the Muslim converts.
Because Buganda comprised the source of the Nile River, Egypt tried many
times to annex the kingdom peacefully or through power. Even though, Ganda defended
their country and kept the Egyptian threat away, Egypt never gave up its plan. And with
the Bunyoro menace more pressure was put on the king‟s shoulders. In 1875, when
Stanley reached Uganda, Mutesa had high hopes. He wished that the explorer would
bring changes to his kingdom. This actually happened when Stanley and his troops
accepted to join the kabaka‟s army and fight the people of the Ruvuma Islands.
Unfortunately, the Baganda lost and the king became outraged. However, this was not a
total disaster for Mutesa had the opportunity to check Stanley‟s arsenal. He was amazed
by the weapons brought by the journalist and realized that the Arabs were not the only
source from which he could get weapons. This offered an alternative to the kabaka in
case he would attack the Arabs or Muslims.
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From inside, threat came mainly from radical Ganda Muslims. These latter with
the Arab visitors noticed some irregularity about the orientation of mosques in the
kingdom. They were also dissatisfied with the kabaka letting animals not slaughtered
according to the Islamic law.58
Such criticism came in a period when two types of
Islamic beliefs developed; the first was flexible and could cope with Mutesa‟s
behaviour while the second was more radical and placed „Allah‟ first before reverence
to the kabaka and tradition. This group often opposed the king‟s behaviour and refused
to participate in prayers conducted by the Kabaka who they believed was not a true
Muslim. They also rejected meat from the king's table saying it was uneatable because it
was not slain by a Muslim and fit for animals.59
Mutesa considered the Muslims‟ behaviour a sign of treason and this outraged
him.60
He feared this would have repercussions on his people, and his legitimacy as an
absolute monarch would be threatened. Therefore, he ordered these people to be
imprisoned in Bukeesa, near Nakulabye, then in Nansana and finally in Bukoto. For
four days, the prisoners were left without food, then they were offered a meal. By doing
so he wished that they would soon change their minds and accept the meat offered by
the king. Each time the Muslims ate everything but the meat and asked the king‟s
envoys to send them a cow and a goat which they would slaughter themselves.61
The
rebellious converts were then sentenced to be tortured to death. Some of them were
burnt while others were drowned and others were left to die of pain after their arms and
legs had been broken. Though the exact number of the Muslim martyrs is unknown, it is
estimated that more than a thousand were murdered by the king‟s officers.62
This sad story in the history of Islam in Uganda had a tremendous impact on the
local population, and the new faith lost much of its credibility in the court. However, it
was not forbidden in the kingdom. A few years later, Islam gained ground and won back
its reputation among the monarchy and the population.
58
N.King, A.Kasozi, A.Oded, op.cit., p.9 59
D. Robinson, op. cit., p.160. See also R. C. Njoku, op.cit., p.58 60
K.M. Otiso, Culture and Customs of Uganda, (USA: Greenwood Press, 2006), p.27 61
08 September 2009 <http://www.mail-archive.com/[email protected]/msg14166.html>. 62
J. A. Rowe , “The Purge of Christians at Mwanga's Court: A Reassessment of This Episode in Buganda
History”, The Journal of African History, Vol. 5, No. 1 (1964), p.68
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b- Mutesa and the White Fathers (1882)
Mutesa was known to have caught a serious illness which was hard to ease or
cure. At that time, the four competing factions were trying to rid the kabaka from his
long suffering for they knew that if they succeeded, they would definitely win the king
in their side and subsequently control the kingdom. The Muslims tried to heal Mutesa
but without success and so did the British. These latter had a doctor as a member of the
mission. Dr. Felkin tried to use his medicines but Mutesa remained sick. The White
Fathers had also tried to cure the king though they did not have any doctors among
them. Father Lordel made an effort to ease the king‟s pain and to the four factions‟
surprise, the French missionary succeeded in improving Mutesa‟s health condition. The
ruler; satisfied with Lourdel‟s good work, showed great respect to him and on many
occasions granted the French missionary favours. However, Mutesa‟s recovery did not
last long and Lourdel failed to relieve the ruler from his suffering. Taking advantage
from the situation, the traditionalists tried to revive their religions. Mutesa was willing
to try anything to be cured, thus he allowed his priests to perform witchcraft on him.63
According to their deities, the king had to sacrifice people in order to find relief. So
Mutesa did what his priests recommended and despite his authority, he wanted to make
things legal to avoid any speculation from all religious sides. Thus he ordered all who
wore their bark-cloth in a certain way to be arrested and executed, and even though the
kabaka did not recover, he kept the human carnage for quite some time.64
The Christians felt they failed to convert the king seeing that he was still tied to
the old traditions. The French were deeply affected, especially with all the problems
they were facing. First, they were suspected of being involved in the slave trade; this
was based on the fact that they bought some slaves whom they welcomed in their
orphanage. There, they were shocked to find out that some of their adherents sexually
abused others. And in 1882, the Mahdi‟s threat grew in Sudan while the British
supremacy over the area weakened. The Christians who felt the danger were worried
63
A. F. Mockler-Ferryman, “Christianity in Uganda”, Journal of the Royal African Society, Vol. 2, No. 7
(April 1903), p.278 64
Mutesa sacrificed many people as part of rituals. It is reported that he executed 2,000 people at Suna‟s
shrine after it was rebuilt. B.C. Ray, Myth, Ritual, and Kingship in Buganda , (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1991), p.169
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about their presence in the kingdom, especially when they knew that the kabaka
favoured the strong powers who were governing the interlacustrine area. The Arabs
took advantage of the situation to attempt to remove the Christian menace in Buganda
and rid themselves from the Catholics and Protestants. In the mean time, according to
J.F. Faupel, Mutesa showed hostility to the Frenchmen. This affected Ganda‟s attitude
towards the priests whose houses were frequently robbed by the local citizens.65
Faupel
suggests that such act could have been under the command of the ruler. It was during
that same period that a rumour was launched in which it was believed that Mutesa
would kill all Europeans. This was confirmed by the neophytes66
from the palace who
asserted that the plan was set.67
Fearing for their lives, the White Fathers finally decided to leave Buganda for
some time until the menace wore off. The Frenchmen left Rubaga on November 7, 1882
to settle in south Lake Victoria in Kakei where they remained for three years. Their
departure from Buganda was an important step in testing the commitment of the
Catholic converts who despite the absence of their leaders, carried on the Christian
teaching under Mukasa, Kaggwa and kalemba. Mackay on the other hand decided to
remain in the kingdom for he knew he was indispensable to the king due to his skills as
an engineer and a carpenter. After Mutesa‟s death, the White Fathers were invited to
return to Uganda on June 23, 1885.
c- The Christian martyrdom (1885-1887)
As history repeats itself, between 1885 and 1887 the Christian converts had to
face the same fate as the Muslims when Mutesa‟s son and successor Mwanga ordered
the execution of many Protestants and Catholics all across the kingdom. This tragedy
occurred when the kingdom was facing a crisis after losing its keen kabaka and the rise
of a strong political power at the service of Christianity and Islam.
65
J. F. Faupel, op.cit., p.44 66
Newly baptized Christians 67
J. F. Faupel, op.cit., p.45
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On October 10, 1884, Mutesa I died and Mwanga II succeeded his father. The
new kabaka had to rule the kingdom in a period when radical political, social and
cultural changes were taking place. The 18 year old king was nothing like his father; he
was inexperienced and had a weak personality. This made him easily influenced by his
close people especially his prime minister; Mukasa. In a letter written by Mackay in
which he tells about his first impression of the new kabaka he wrote:
It would be very hard to describe Mwanga‟s Character. I have perhaps
had more opportunity of knowing him than my brethren have had. He
knows how to behave with dignity and reserve when the occasion
requires that; but he soon throws off that assumed air, and chats
familiarly... But none fail to see that he is fitful and fickle, and, I fear,
revengeful. One vice to which he is addicted is the smoking of bhang
(hemp)... This being so cannot place so much confidence in Mwanga‟s
Stability... Under the influence of the narcotic he is capable of the wildest
unpremeditated actions. Recently I have had reason to find him guilty of
such. But generally the young fellow is amiable.68
Mackay‟s description of the king included both negative as well positive features of his
personality. Other Europeans such as Archdeacon Walker saw in Mwanga a very weak
king with no self-confidence. He confessed that the kabaka was:
A man with a weak-looking mouth, and a rather silly sort of laugh and
smile... He looked a young and frivolous sort of man, very weak and
easily led, passionate and, if provoked, petulant. He looked as if he would
be easily frightened, and possessed of very little courage or self-
control.69
Thus, for them Mwanga was not the right person to rule the kingdom. With all the
changes it was going through and the crises that arose, Uganda needed a strong king
who would be able to solve the conflicts that were on the verge of breaking out. This
was T. B. Fletcher‟s opinion who declared that:
To steer a straight course through a time when radical changes were
taking place needed a man of a strong character, a firm will and wide
vision. Those characteristics Mwanga did not possess... He was nervous,
68
J. F. Faupel, op.cit., p.67 69
Ibid
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suspicious, fickle, passionate – a man whose one desire and object was to
live his own life to the full.70
The void Mutesa left after his death was hard to fill and Mwanga was aware of
the difficult situation he was in. He knew that in order to win credibility as the ruler of
the kingdom, he had to win his people and the foreigner‟s respect. This appeared to be a
hard task as he noticed that most Europeans had low esteem for him. This had a direct
effect on the converts, and to worsen matters Mwanga was surrounded by pagan chiefs
whom he feared more than the Muslims or Christians for they had once tried to dethrone
him seeing that he showed leniency towards the foreign factions.71
The kabaka‟s lack of
trust towards Muslim and Christian groups was inappropriate for during the period of
his reign both religions had already established themselves as the leading faiths; and
many of the pages who had been taught by the three factions had already been
appointed to important political positions.
In the same year the partition of Africa began and the colonial powers met in
1884-1885 to scramble for Africa. The aim of such meeting was to end the clashes that
arose because of the African colonies. The conference ended with every power with its
own sphere of influence and new boundaries were imposed on the African countries and
kingdoms. When the news reached the king, he feared his kingdom would become a
colony. The Arabs took the opportunity to heighten Mwanga‟s fear and tried to set the
kabaka against the Protestants. The Muslims aimed at weakening the trust the king had
in the C.M.S by stressing on the fact that the Protestants were British. They also
questioned the exact causes that led the Nile Party to come to Buganda through Egypt.
Mwanga‟s worries increased even more when he heard that lands annexation was taking
place next to the kingdom by the Germans. In Fabrication of Empire: The British and
the Uganda Kingdoms 1890–1902, D.A. Low claimed that Mwanga‟s suspicions were
70
J. F. Faupel, op.cit., p.67 71
In February 1885, the katikiro and the pagan chiefs tried to dethrone Mwanga and put his brother;
Kalema, in his place. The coup was unsuccessful. Mwanga; who suspected his chiefs, ordered Muskasa to
find the source of the trouble. The research was not successful since the katikiro was a member of the
group who attempted the coup. Mukasa claimed that the kabaka‟s life was not at risk and that was only
rumours. Though nothing was proven Mwanga became very suspicious and lost his trust in his chiefs. C.
Ferlay, op.cit., p.99
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confirmed during the partition of Africa and that his country was to be invaded.72
To
face the Protestant threat, Mwanga asked the Roman Catholics to return to the kingdom,
and on July 14, 1885, Lourdel, Giraud and Amans joined their converts in Uganda. Like
his father, Mwanga called the French to counter the British influence in his kingdom
and to take advantage of the rivalry between the four factions.
In 1884, James Hannington (1847-1885) was appointed to be the first Anglican
Bishop of Eastern Equatorial Africa and was heading to the kingdom. This coincided
with the Germans trying to annex Bugamuyo and Usagara. According to some sources,
people prophesied that the kingdom would face danger coming from Busoga.73
When
Mwanga heard that Bishop James Hannington and a huge escort were on their way to
Buganda and that they were taking the exact route his priests warned him about, he
decided to take action and rid himself of the Christian. Under the influence of his pagan
katikiro; Mukasa and the other chiefs, the bishop was put under arrest then murdered on
Thursday, October 29, 1885. Such behaviour was actually not the first in which the ruler
executed Christians. On January 31, 1885 Mwanga had three Protestant adherents killed
at Busega Natete; they were Yusufu (Joseph) Lugarama, Makko (Mark) Kakumba, and
Nuwa (Noah) Serwanga.74
By doing so, the master of the kingdom aimed at threatening
the Christians and convincing them to obey him again, especially when he discovered
that many state secrets were leaking to the missionaries through the palace pages.
However, the murder of the first three Protestant martyrs and Bishop James Hannington
had a different result. One of the Catholic close friends and advisor of the kabaka;
Joseph Mukasa Balikuddembe, blamed the ruler for unfairly performing such barbarian
actions. The katikiro took the opportunity and convinced the king that insolence and
disrespect to the kabaka had to be punished.75
Mwanga, thus, had his friend killed on
72
D.A. Low, Fabrication of Empire: The British and the Uganda Kingdoms 1890–1902, (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2009), p.52 73
J. F. Faupel, op.cit., p.94 74
It is stated that in 1885, Mackay asked Mwanga to allow him to go to Zanzibar. The king did not mind
letting the missionary set for Zanzibar but he refused to let any Baganda accompany him. Instead, the
royal army was supposed to lead him to the country. Mackay declined the offer and preferred to take
Lugarama, Kakumba and Serwanga. This was regarded as a sign of disrespect to the kabaka and they
were executed. C. Ferlay, op.cit., p.100 75
According to J. A. Rowe, Katikiro Mukasa hated the Christians, especially the Catholics because they
were a threat to his position as a prime minister. Balikuddembe and Andrew Kaggwa were Mukasa‟s
political rivals and it was rumoured that Mwanga wanted to appoint Andrew Kaggwa as his prime
minister. J. A. Rowe, op.cit., p.67
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69
November 15, 1885 making him the first Catholic martyr. It is also reported that Father
Lourdel knew about a secret plan in which the kabaka was planning to kill Mackay and
two other members of the C.M.S.76
Mwanga‟s intention to execute the Protestant
missionary came from the fear that the C.M.S would avenge the death of the Bishop. On
hearing the bad news, both European groups felt the danger they had to face and were
ready to leave the kingdom if any trouble broke out. Their only concern was the
Christian converts and how to provide them with spiritual guidance when they had to
leave. Therefore a church council was set up by the C.M.S.
At the royal court more pressure was put on the kabaka when he realized that
most of his pages and chiefs were devout Christians. His actions were often questioned
and criticised especially with his pages.77
Besides, the kabaka was known for abusing
his pages sexually.78
Such behaviour was condemned and most Christian adherents
refused to be the king‟s partners. For a sovereign who grew in a realm where he was
considered as a deity, being turned down by his servants was disturbing and
unforgivable. For Mwanga, this was the consequence of the Christian teaching.
Therefore, he decided to rid himself of all the Christians; just like he did with James
Hannington. In 1885, the kabaka gathered his pages whom he ordered to give up
Christianity and embrace their forefather‟s traditional religions. Mwanga was outraged
to see that his servants disobeyed his order.79
The pages refused their traditional
religion which they considered was the work of Satan. The kabaka was shocked to see
that even royalties showed mutiny and revolt. This occurred when one of his father‟s
dedicated Christian daughters and the guardian of Kabaka Jjunju‟s tomb rebelled
against traditional practices.80
For the young and inexperienced king, it was time to put
an end to the Christian menace. In May 1886, the bloodshed began with the execution
of many Catholics and Protestants.81
Such behaviour lasted for three years in which it is
recorded that about 70 pages and chiefs were murdered. Mwanga expected that all
76
C. Ferlay, op.cit., p.101 77
S.R. Karugire, op.cit, p.67 78
N. Hoad, African Intimacies, (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2007), p.7 79
Ibid., p.1 80
It is reported that royal umbilical cords were considered as sacred. Princess Nalumansi took her birth
organ which was still preserved and cut it into pieces. Then she set fire in the shrine A. Hastings, op.cit.,
p.379 81
J. A. Rowe, op.cit.
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70
converts would lose their faith in Christianity and no more Ganda people would
embrace this religion. The result was that the converts were more resistant and more
people joined the group of believers.
To reach such success in a kingdom where traditional institutions were enrooted
from childhood, Muslims and Christians had to focus their labour on education. And
though traditional education succeeded in teaching Ganda competencies meant to build
them up to be useful to the community, it failed to acquaint them with the changes the
outside world was going through. Mutesa, when inviting the Arabs and Europeans knew
that Islamic and Western educations would offer Baganda the opportunity to be in touch
the outside world:
Traditional education concentrated on teaching oral traditions and
survival skills. However, traditional education, which was inward
looking, failed to take cognizance of the world beyond East Africa.82
It was then important to find a better education that would elevate Ganda to a better
status and open the gates to internationality. With three strong nations, Mutesa sure had
the opportunity to reach his goals:
Muslim education, even though it focused on religion, represented a link
to that greater global society. European educators also stressed the
importance of subjects such as science and issues such as the immortality
of man's soul, which were initially alien to many Ugandans.83
But with every change brought by the factions, came disorder and social breakdown.
The race for converts and political power disunited the society and weakened the
monarchy. It also created fanatics who refused all kinds of compromise and put their
lives and their brethren‟s lives in danger. In addition, many of them were appointed in
very important political positions. As the new faiths grew stronger, the king‟s power
diminished. This was a threat to the monarch and the traditional institutions of Buganda.
For that, in an attempt to reunite the country and restore their status as absolute
monarchs, Mutesa and Mwanga committed massacres. All across the kingdom Muslims
82
T. P. Ofcansky, op.cit., p.76 83
Ibid, pp.76-77
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and Christians were slaughtered for the sake of winning back the control over the
society. However, the murder of converts did nothing but increase the number of
converts. It also had a positive impact on the three factions who realized that it was
urgent to counter the kabakas‟ persecutions. Religion became then an instrument of
pressure in the hands of the factions.
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CHAPTER THREE
THE BEGINNING OF THE END
(1890s – 1900s)
The main impact Mutesa and Mwanga‟s persecutions had on the Muslim and
Christian factions, was that faith increased among the people. For them, it was a test
they had to overcome in order to be true adherents. Thanks to the teachings they had
received from the Arabs and Europeans, allegiance to the kabaka was diverted to a
higher power. The execution of the faithful Baganda was meant to break the converts‟
will power, yet the king‟s attempts were fruitless. Mwanga felt he was losing his control
over his people and decided to act quickly and rid himself of this threat. The danger
awaiting the three factions could not be faced individually, and in the first time of their
history in Uganda Muslims, Protestants and Catholics decided to bury the hatchet and
become allies to put an end to the kabaka‟s harassment.
Seeing how enemies who hated each other become friends, we cannot stop
wondering about the real motives of each group with such agreement. In addition, did
this friendship stem from a real desire to end feuds? Or was it just for their own benefit?
Was it positive for Ganda? Did it last long? If not, what led to the breakage and what
were its outcomes on the political class and the society?
CHAPTER THREE: THE BEGINNING OF THE END (1890s – 1900s)
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73
1) Muslim-Christian Coup-d’état
After the holocaust of the 1880s, Mwanga II found himself alone; on one side he
lost the old chiefs‟ trust and on the other he became the enemy of the Muslims and
Christians. Moreover, the king had doubts the Christians would avenge the torture and
killing of their brethren. An effort was then made by the kabaka to win the three
factions‟ friendship back. He thought that it would be wise to appoint the Christian and
Muslim converts in important posts. This way he would win allies and remove the
pagan chiefs‟ threat. Mwanga‟s new resolutions brought changes in the royal army and
chieftaincy; he appointed young adherents as chiefs while others became part of the
army. For example, the monarch appointed Apolo Kagwa who was a Protestant and the
Catholic Honorat Nyonyintono as commanders of the royal regiments. Such a big step
was meant to use the growing influence of all factions. In the meantime, Egypt was in
war with Bunyoro, and Germany was scrambling for the East African region. This
troubled Kabaka Mwanga who found himself cornered. On the one hand, foreign threats
were crawling from all directions, and on the other his power was declining in front of
the new rising power of the Muslim and Christian chiefs. To make matters worse,
Buganda became a fragmented society where constant clashes between all factions
inside the palace and outside made life unbearable. Add to this, the kabaka‟s loss of
command over his army, the pages‟ refusal to his advances and the katikiro‟s influence
made Mwanga realize that the best way to free himself from pressure was to expel the
three groups and their converts out of the kingdom.
The king needed his pagan chiefs to ensure success. With his katikiro and the old
chiefs, he secretly plotted to send all Muslims and Christians to an island in Lake
Victoria. His plan was to let them starve to death or be killed by savage animals. In
1888, the kabaka proceeded to put his plan into execution; this was his biggest mistake
for without knowing, he was about to drive all three factions to be united into a
powerful army. Indeed, news leaked out to the pages who quickly informed their
superiors about Mwanga‟s intentions. Due to their previous experience of martyrdom,
the Muslims, Catholics and Protestants were careful to provide protection for
themselves and their brethren. Therefore they acquired arms to be used in case of an
CHAPTER THREE: THE BEGINNING OF THE END (1890s – 1900s)
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74
attack, they also had members in the army who were faithful believers and who would
secure them protection. When Mwanga ordered his plan to be executed all factions
refused to board the canoes which would sail them to the island. Instead, a rebellion
broke out in the kingdom and the king found himself almost alone. In September 1888,
Mwanga was dethroned and fled south Lake Victoria to Ssese islands. The kingdom
was between the hands of Muslims and Christians who appointed a new Catholic
katikiro named Honorat Nyoni-entono and new chiefs. They also had to crown a new
kabaka, yet the question that arose was who could fit both factions‟ requirements?
According to René Lemarchand, author of the book African Kingships in
Perspective, he wrote: “Muslim, Catholic and Protestant sought to secure advantages
and security for their factions. Monarchy was the instrument of religion, and not, as
Mutesa I once had hoped.”1 The three factions knew that it was hard to get rid of the
monarchical system of Uganda because though Ganda were religiously separated, they
were deeply attached to their political system. Instead, the new leaders decided to use
the monarchy for their own advantage. Among all Mutesa‟s son, Kiwewa Mutebi was
chosen to be Uganda‟s new king in September 1888. But due to competition, the
alliance could not last more than a month. When sharing the kingdom‟s offices,
according to Semakula Kiwanuka, “the Muslims got the lion‟s share”2 while the
Christians had to take the minor offices. For them, this unfair distribution of power was
deliberately meant to enhance the political dominance of the Muslims. The grudge both
factions had towards the leading group grew stronger and brought trouble in the
kingdom. The Muslims who could not bear the Christian presence in the kingdom soon
felt the danger coming from their rivals. Kiwewa was also rebelling against both
religions by refusing to be circumcised and gathering the former katikiro Mukasa and
the old generation of pagan chiefs and officers around him. For Kiwanuka, this led the
Muslims to lose their confidence in the kabaka as he stated that:
1 R. Lemarchand, African Kingships in Perspective, (London: Frank Cass and Company Ltd, 1977), p.205
2 S. Kiwanuka, A History of Buganda, From the Foundation of the Kingdom to 1900, (London: Longman,
1971), p.209
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75
His [Kiwewa] vacillation towards convervatism, his daily postponement
of circumcision, his alleged drunkenness and his lack of dynamism as a
leader, led to a loss of confidence in him by the Muslims. 3
Therefore on October 12, 1888 with the help of the Arab merchants, the Mohammedans
organized a coup d‟état to expel the Europeans out of the country and murdered their
converts. Many Christians lost their lives and the survivors fled with the katikiro and
Apolo Kagwa to Ankole. The Europeans chose to escape to the South of Lake Victoria.
In addition, Kiwewa was murdered seventy-two days after his coronation for refusing to
be circumcised, constantly drinking alcohol, plotting against the Muslims and killing
many of them in his palace.4 Kalema, Kiwewa‟s half brother, who accepted Islam and
circumcision became then the new Muslim kabaka. With the European threat out of the
kingdom and a Muslim ruler, Mohammedans had the opportunity to rule the kingdom
and spread their faiths without any constraints. Everywhere people had to embrace
Islam and apply the Islamic law. However, the Christians were not willing to give up
the kingdom to their enemies. In their exile, they were separately planning to strike back
and regain the kingdom.
2) Catholic / Protestant Alliance
The loss of Buganda had a devastating consequence on the Catholics and
Protestants. Because of the Muslims, all their labour was about to be annihilated. And
despite the fact that both factions received assistance from some neighbouring tribes,
their situation was worsening because of food shortage. For that, they had to regain the
kingdom and remove the Mohammedans at all costs. However, both factions refused to
work together and failed to get hold of the kingdom in two attempts. Meanwhile,
Mwanga, who was still in exile and hoping to get his throne back, was ready to make a
move and invite the Christians to join him to strike back.
The Christians, seeing that working separately did not have any results, finally
decided to join hands and work together in order to win back the kingdom of Buganda.
3 S. Kiwanuka, op.cit., p.211
4 Ibid, p.212
CHAPTER THREE: THE BEGINNING OF THE END (1890s – 1900s)
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76
But before, they needed a king to ensure their presence in the area to avoid being
expelled again:
Both Christian parties realized their fundamental weakness in that they
did not have a prince of the blood to put on the throne should they
eventually succeed in ousting their recent allies and even more recent
enemies-the Muslims.5
Therefore, the Christians decided to go secretly to Buganda and steal a prince.6
Unfortunately they were caught with their potential king. This made Kabaka Kalema
commit one of the most atrocious acts by ordering the murder of all the princes and
princesses for he knew that as long as his siblings were alive, his position as a leader of
Uganda was constantly in danger. Such act reduced the name of leaders of the kingdom
to two who were Kalema and Mwanga. The latter found the opportunity to come back
to the scene by asking for the Christians‟ help. The old kabaka knew that his previous
acts would be taken into consideration and his request would be declined. To gain their
confidence, Mwanga wrote a letter in 1889 to Mackay in which he confessed his crimes
and begged the missionaries to assist him in his fight against the Muslims. The letter
read:
After compliments, I, Mwanga, beg of you to help me. Do not remember
bygone matters. We are now in a miserable plight, but if you, my fathers,
are willing to come and help to restore me to my kingdom, you will be at
liberty to do whatever you like.
Formerly I did not know God, but now I know the religion of Jesus
Christ. Consider how Kalema has killed all my brothers and sisters. He
has killed my children, too, and now there remains only we two princes
(Kalema and myself). Mr. Mackay, do help me. I have no strength, but if
you are with me I shall be strong. Sir, do not imagine that if you restore
Mwanga to Uganda he will become bad again. If you find me become
bad then you may drive me from the throne, but I have given up my
former ways and I only want now to follow your advice.7
With no alternative but to accept Mwanga‟s repentance, the Christians decided to make
an alliance with the old kabaka. Yet, the Muslims were not to let them control the
5 S.R. Karugire, op.cit, pp.69 - 70.
6 S. Kiwanuka, op.cit., p.213
7 Ibid, pp.235-236
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77
kingdom easily. Several battles broke out between both sides; most of them were won
by the Muslims causing heavy death tolls on the side of the Christians and Mwanga.
Kalema‟s power depended on the weapon supply from Zanzibar and the enemy knew
about that. Hence, helped by the sailors of the Ssesse Islands who pledged allegiance to
Mwanga, the Christians and their allies took the opportunity and attacked convoys
sailing on Lake Victoria. This left the kingdom with scarce weaponry while the
Catholics, the Protestants and Mwanga increased their arsenal. As a result, Lake
Victoria became in the hands of the Christians and the Muslims found themselves in a
difficult situation.
The growing power of the Christians and Mwanga in weapons and military
forces became important. And in 1889, the Christians successfully fought the Muslims
in Mengo and took back the kingdom. As they promised, Mwanga was put on the throne
but the success was short-lived. In Bunyoro, where the Muslims were gathering forces
to hit back succeeded to win the Kabarega‟s8 support and soon they outnumbered the
Christians in Buganda. On November 23, the Mohammedans succeeded to drive their
enemies out of the kingdom and regained their property. Mwanga was again deposed
and Kalema sat on the throne of Uganda for the second time. The loss of the kingdom
made the Catholic and Protestant factions realize how important it was to forget their
rivalry and join forces. In view of that, they decided to sign a non-aggression pact on
February 3rd, 1890 in which they both agreed to work together. A year after their
defeat, Catholics, Protestants and Mwanga joined hands again to fight back on February
10th. This time the Muslims were definitely beaten by the Christians, and Mwanga was
able to take back his throne. The defeated faction returned to Bunyoro where they found
shelter and where Kalema died of smallpox. The Muslims had to find a new kabaka
who would succeed the late king and ensure them credibility if they returned to Uganda.
Because Kalema had killed most of the royalty, the Muslims found no son of Mutesa‟s
to lead the group. It was Mukabaya‟s brother; Mbogo, who was selected to take
responsibility and be the Muslims‟ leader.
8 King of Bunyoro
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78
After the success of the Christians, it was time to share the kingdom. Due to
their big number, the Christians took the most important posts while the unimportant
ones were given to Mwanga‟s followers the pagans. It was the first time that both
Catholic and Protestant missionaries started exercising a political role besides the
religious one by advising and guiding their fellow readers and pages who had become
chiefs and statesmen. The lessons Catholics and Protestants learnt from their previous
mistakes taught them to be tolerant over each other and avoid clashes. For that, power
had to be divided equally and fairly. British and French missionaries knew that without
compromising their alliance would end, leading to a crisis in the kingdom and a possible
return of the Muslims. Therefore, the Protestants agreed to let Mwanga rule the
kingdom and suggested Apolo Kagwea to be the prime minister. For them, the kabaka
was a Catholic and having a prime minister from the same creed as the king would
reinforce the position of the Catholics as the leading party in Uganda. This would
eventually lead to trouble between the Protestants and the Catholics. Similarly, this was
applied when chieftaincy was shared between Christian converts. Traditionally the title
of chief was mainly given by the king. For that, the Protestants were cautious to check if
the ruler offered chieftaincy equitably between the Catholics and Protestants. But the
kabaka was not the only one who could grant such title, sometimes it was inherited. The
Christians knew about that and competed to win the future heirs in their parties.
Therefore power was somehow well-balanced between the Anglicans and Roman
Catholics but it could change any time depending on the chiefs‟ allegiance.
It was obvious for Mwanga who was nothing but a mere puppet in the hands of
the Christians that power no longer belonged to him. In addition, the Catholics were
constantly behind his back, lecturing him and watching his behaviour with his servants.
This did not stop him from sexually abusing them. As a result, these servants were
murdered by the Catholics.9 By doing so, the missionaries thought that the kabaka
would be scared and he would quickly give up his sinful behaviour. However, this made
the king feels he was constantly persecuted and therefore he decided to wait for the
moment to strike back and raise his own party.
9 C. Ferlay, op. cit., p.133
CHAPTER THREE: THE BEGINNING OF THE END (1890s – 1900s)
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79
With the split of powers, Britain and France thought that their investments in
Buganda were out of danger; yet another enemy much more dangerous than the Arabs
was creeping towards the kingdom. Germany, the new imperial power in the continent
began its infiltration in East Africa.10
This urged Britain to take action and protect its
properties. Therefore, a meeting was organized in 1884-1885 to settle the disputes and
divide the continent into spheres of interest. However, the truce could not last and
Britain had to enter again in rivalry with Germany.
3) The Anglo-German Rivalry in East Africa
One of the dangerous consequences of the Berlin Conference 1884-1885 was the
division of the African continent into spheres of influence. This was important for every
colonial power so as to prevent any other nation from threatening its territory. The
British who were anxious about the German infiltration in East Africa were relieved to
sign the treaty with Germany because they knew that the conference would prevent the
Germans from annexing lands. However, the English also knew that despite the treaty,
Germany would not lose its interest in the British sphere, especially around Lake
Victoria. At that time, the Zanzibari influence over the area had lessened and Britain,
Germany and France acknowledged the Sultan‟s authority only over the coastal strip
while the hinterland was free from the Arab influence and subsequently at hand.11
It was
then time for both „enemies‟ to take hold of the interior. To avoid clashes, Germany and
Britain agreed to share equitably by annexing the Northern part of the Great Lakes
region to the British sphere while the Southern one was given to the Germans (See map
6, p.80).
10
According to Robert O. Collins, first Britain welcomed the German actions in Africa as a part of
civilizing the continent. They even used their influence to convince the new Sultan of Zanzibar Barghash
to give way to German demands and recognize their protectorate in 1885. R.O. Collins, African History
in Documents: Eastern African History, (USA: Markus Wiener Publishers, 1997), p.20 11
In Reginald Ivan Lovell‟s work it is stated that “in an exchange of notes, October – November 1886,
the British and Germans agreed ... to limit the Sultan‟s sovereignty to the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba,
and a coastal strip on the mainland, averaging ten miles wide.” Such decision was accepted by the French
because they were given free hand in Madagascar. R.I Lovell, The Struggle for South Africa, 1875 –
1899, (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1934), p.250
CHAPTER THREE: THE BEGINNING OF THE END (1890s – 1900s)
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80
Map 6: The British and German spheres of interest in East Africa (1884-1885)
Source: www.ntz.info 05-12-2009 (after)
Britain hoped that with the agreement, the German threat would fade away or at
least diminish. Nevertheless, Germany was not ready to respect the agreement at a
hundred percent. Actually, the country leaders were still coveting the region around
Lake Victoria, and as the Berlin Conference left the western part of both rivals‟ spheres
of influence not demarcated, it was the opportunity to venture in the area and add more
lands. Britain had also to be careful of its old rivals namely France and Turkey who had
a grudge against England for the loss of Egypt to it. In addition, Britain had to face
other new rivals namely Italy and Belgium who took part in the process of colonization
of African territories.
In the process of annexing lands, Germany sent explorers to undertake journeys
in the East African region in order to map the area and discover its natural resources.
CHAPTER THREE: THE BEGINNING OF THE END (1890s – 1900s)
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81
The government also sent Karl Peters12
to make deals there and acquire more lands.
Britain found such manoeuvre doubtful and feared Buganda would be added to the
German sphere of influence. And despite an agreement13
signed between both sides on
November 1, 1886, the threat did not subside from the area. According to Lovell:
In the Anglo-German agreement the British sphere reached only as far
north as the Tana River. This left Witu independent, and the islands of
Manda, Patta, and Lamu in dispute between German and British
traders.14
Tension grew between the two colonial powers and it was Mwanga‟s chance to relieve
himself from the British menace and break up the ties between the leading religious
factions. Britain and Germany had their Imperial British East Africa15
and German East
Africa16
companies respectively making deals and adding lands to the countries. The
kabaka planned to use the tension that arose between the two colonial powers and win
12
Karl Peters made his first intrusion in Tanganyika in 1875 but it was in 1884 with the scramble for
African colonies that he created the Society for German Colonisation, later the German Colonisation
Company. A ruthless and opportunistic adventurer, he hastily journeyed up the Wami river on the
mainland: within less than six weeks he signed an impressive number of agreements with local sultans
(Arab or Swahili chiefs) who, not understanding the contents of the treaties and surrounded by armed
soldiers while interpreters gave a totally fake version of what was being said, unwittingly gave up their
territories to the German Company...With his valueless treaties he acquired immense territories and
Bismarck, who had professed not to be interested in colonies, declared the lands to be German
Protectorate by an Imperial Bill signed in March 1885. <http://www.ntz.info/gen/n00497.html> 30
December 2009. 13
In the agreement „the hinterland was divided into German and British spheres of influence; the British
sphere to the north and the German sphere to the south of a line running north-westwards from the mouth
of River Umba (present border with Kenya) to skirt the northern foothills of Kilimanjaro and to run hence
to the eastern shore of Lake Victoria at a point 1 degrees South latitude. A.Okot, A History of Africa;
African Societies and the Establishment of Colonial Rule, 1800-1915, (Kampala: East African Education
Publishers),p.128 14
R.I Lovell, op. cit., p.251 15
In 1886 Sir William Mackinnon, Chairman of British India Steamship Company, founded company the
British East Africa Company to exploit the trading opportunities offered by the declaration of a British
sphere of influence in East Africa and to protect its interests in Zanzibar against the threat of German
encroachments. He then offered to administer these territories on behalf of the British government, which
did not wish to be directly involved, and as a result his company was granted a Charter and renamed the
Imperial British East Africa Company. L. Pirouet, Historical Dictionary of Uganda, (London: Scarecrows
Press, 1995), pp.164-165 16
The German East Africa Company was an organisation founded by Karl Peters with imperial backing
from Otto von Bismarck) on April 2, 1885, to govern German East Africa (modern Tanzania). The
Company established the colony's first capital city at Bagamoyo, but soon moved the capital to Dar es
Salem. In 1888, the Company absorbed the bankrupt German Witu Society, which had been created to
trade in the German protectorate of Wituland only a year and a half before… In 1891, after it became
apparent that the Company could not handle its dominions, it sold out to the German government which
began to rule German East Africa directly, thus rendering the Company to running some plantations and
trade business. < http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/German_East_Africa_Company > 31 December 2009
CHAPTER THREE: THE BEGINNING OF THE END (1890s – 1900s)
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82
the Germans‟ friendship by obtaining their protection. This was possible when in 1890
Karl Peters came across Mwanga‟s desperate appeal in two letters he addressed to the
British representative of the Imperial British East Africa Company. Indeed, it is
reported that in June 1889, when fighting the Muslims in Uganda, Mwanga sent mail to
F.J. Jackson, agent of the I.B.E.A.C, who was in Kavirondo (Kenya) on a mission to
rescue Emin Pasha.17
Soon after, in July Alexander Mackay sent another mail to the
British consul in Zazibar. In his letter, the British missionary asked Ernest Berkley to
use all he could to make Jackson and Emin Pasha intervene and help Mwanga sit back
on the throne. But because the company did not have enough money to finance a rescue
expedition, Jackson could not intervene. Shortly after, he heard that he was no longer
needed as the Muslims were vanquished. When the Mohammedans took back the
kingdom, Mwanga sent a second mail to Jackson in which he asked for the help of the
British agent. The kabaka stated that he would accept Jackson‟s conditions did he save
his kingdom. The mail did not reach the agent on time and for the second time,
Jackson‟s intervention was unnecessary as the Christians and Mwanga won the war.
When Karl Peters read Mwanga‟s letter and discovered that the king offered the
company emissary the total monopoly of trade, he decided to double-cross the British
and get hold of the kingdom. For him, if Uganda were added to the German sphere of
influence, their colony at Witu would extend and British East Africa would be isolated
from Sudan. Moreover, Germany would have the control of Lakes Tanganyika and
Nyanza, a thing which Britain would never accept. This was borne out by Z.A. Marsh &
G. Kingsnorth who wrote:
… Peters hoped that he might be able to form a continuous belt of
German territory from Witu to Tanganyika via Uganda, thus encircling
the British area and cutting the British off from the headwaters of the
Nile.18
The interference of the German East Africa which had been granted a charter
came in time and the kabaka discussed the idea of a German protection with Father
17
Because of the Mahdist revolt, Emin Pasha‟s province of Equatoria had been cut off from the Northern
Sudan and he was stranded in Central Africa. In order to relieve him, three expeditions were sent; they
were that of Stanley, Jackson and Peters. Henry Morton Stanley was the first to reach Emin and escort
him to Zanzibar. Z. Marsh & G.W. Kingsnorth, An Introduction to the History of East Africa, (London:
The Syndics of the Cambridge University Press, 1957), p133 18
Ibid, p.113
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Lourdel. In the absence of French companies, the Catholic missionary found the idea
more interesting and acceptable than having to deal with a British protection or
protectorate because if England controlled Uganda, the Protestants would be brought to
power while the Catholics would lose ground. In accepting the German presence in
Buganda, Lourdel was planning to prevent British support to the Protestants whom he
never trusted and believed they wanted to sell the kingdom to Britain.19
When Karl
Peters arrived in the kingdom on 23 February 1890, he offered Mwanga protection over
some conditions. The kabaka did not refuse, especially as the German officer helped
Ganda push the Muslim threat until Bunyoro and on 26 and 28 two treaties were
signed.20
Soon, news reached Jackson about the German intrusion in Buganda. The
British representative of the company decided to head to the kingdom. On hearing about
Jackson‟s arrival, Peters feared this would create a crisis and he quickly fled to the
southern shores of Lake Victoria. The I.B.E.A.C offered another treaty to the kabaka
who refused to sign it. This outraged Jackson and the Protestants who believed that the
Catholics were in fact behind Mwanga‟s refusal. Having failed to convince the kabaka
to sign a treaty, the British agent left the kingdom, but he never gave up the idea of
leaving such treasure to other colonial powers. Therefore, he left a small troop under the
command of Edward Gedge. According to Karugire, the Germans were “lurking about
in the region” and the mission of Gedge was to keep them away from the kingdom until
things were settled down.21
The loss of Uganda and subsequently the headwaters of the Nile River were
unbearable, and Britain had to find a way to take back the kingdom. In the meantime,
Germany was facing threat in Europe from Russia and France. To face such powers, the
country needed a strong ally. Britain seemed to be the answer, but how could Germany
be friends with Britain after “stealing” Uganda? To come to an agreement, compromise
had to be made, especially from the German side. Initiatives were undertaken in 1890
and ended with Germany and Britain signing the Heligoland Treaty on 1 July 1890. The
agreement was around British and German properties in Africa as well as in Europe and
the demarcation of their western borders in East Africa (See map VIII).
19
F.X. Okello, op. cit., p.32 20
H. Médard, Le Royaume du Buganda au XIX siècle, (Paris: IFRA, 2007), p.480 21
S.R. Karugire, op.cit., 74
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Map 7: Anglo-German Agreements of 1886 and 1890
Source: Z.A. Marsh & G. Kingsnorth, An Introduction to the History of East Africa, -
London: The Syndics of the Cambridge University Press, 1957), p.104
According to the treaty, Germany accepted to cede Uganda and Zanzibar for the island
of Heligoland22
. For many, the deal was unfair because Germany lost more than it
gained while Britain had the lion‟s share. In her book titled Germany, 1789 – 1919
Agatha Ramm considers that the price for gaining Heligoland Island and other colonies
was high when compared to the British gains:
Germany paid a high price for what she gained, not only surrendering
claims to Zanzibar Island and Witu, where a German company had been,
it is true, unsuccessfully operating, but virtually ceding the source of the
22
Heligoland is a small island located in the North Sea off the coast of Germany. In 1807, during the
Napoleonic Wars, the British seized the island from Denmark, and, in 1814, Denmark recognized military
and political reality by formally ceding Heligoland to Great Britain. J.S. Olson & R. Shadle, Historical
Dictionary of the British empire, Volume 1, (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1996), p.505.
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Nile. She received in return a rounding-out of her territory in South West
Africa and East Africa and the North Sea island of Heligoland. A number
of colonial disputes had been settled, and the foundation for a habit of
co-operation with Britain laid.23
In fact, the Germans had no choice but to accept Britain‟s conditions for they knew that
Russia and, especially France were a serious threat and in order to withstand any attack
from their side, strong allies such as Britain, Italy and Austria were needed. Besides,
with Britain as a partner, the risk of France and Russia creating a coalition with England
subsided and the German presence in Africa was not in danger.
Therefore, it was with the signing of the Heligoland Treaty that Britain openly
revealed its interest in Uganda. Shortly after, the I.B.E.A.C was given orders to
administer the kingdom but without the financial aid of Britain.
4) Captain Lugard in Uganda
On 6 September 1888, Queen Victoria granted a Royal Charter to the I.B.E.A.C
to administer the kingdom of Buganda. Two years later, Captain Frederick Dealtry
Lugard (1858 – 1945), the first colonial official, was sent by the company to Uganda.
His duty was to protect the kingdom while in fact he had to secure the British interest in
the kingdom, stop the Muslim threat from Bunyoro and prevent Mwanga from signing
any agreement with other colonial powers or receiving any weapons from a former
Catholic missionary named Charles Stokes.24
For Semakula Kiwanuka “The company’s
political mission was to prepare the ground for the mother country one day to take
over.”25
When Lugard reached the kingdom on 18 December 1890, he found it in a state
of crisis where religion was the main cause. The race that started between religious
opponents long ago and which should have ended by the defeat of the Muslims was still
23
Agatha Ramm, Germany 1789 – 1919, ( London: Methuem & Co Ltd, 1967), pp.378-379 24
Charles Stokes (1852-1895), was a Protestant missionary from Ireland. He first came to Uganda with a
group of C.M.S. Then, he became arms seller. R. Moloney, “Charles Stokes (1852-1895): An Irishman in
19th Century Africa”, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review, Vol. 87, No. 346 (Summer, 1998): pp. 128-134 25
S. Kiwanuka, op.cit., p.225
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dividing the country. This time, both missions were helped by the Baganda whom
David Apter refers to as the new agents of Christian missions in Uganda.26
In fact,
despite the treaty of non-aggression signed in 1890 between the two factions, the idea of
having converts more than the other never faded away. The alliance was then made for
mutual interest and with the disappearance of the Muslim threat and the collapse of the
traditional religion, it had become clear that time had come for the end of the treaty.
And with the death of Mackay on 4 February 1890 then Lourdel on 13 May, the
situation kept getting worse. It was only a matter of time before the Roman Catholics
and Protestants would openly fight one another, and the coming of a British agent to the
kingdom was not going to solve the problem; on the contrary it added more fuel to the
fire. It was also in the same period that Alfred Tucker, Bishop of Eastern Equatorial
Africa, arrived in Uganda to replace his predecessor, Henry Perrot, who died on his way
to Buganda. The French were not to remain cross handed for in 1890, Monseigneur
Hirth was appointed to be the spiritual leader of the Roman Catholics.
On his arrival to the kingdom, Lugard suggested protection over the kingdom on
behalf of the company. Mwanga and the Catholics saw in that an attempt to colonize
Buganda and refused to sign the treaty. The British agent then threatened the king to
leave the country without protection. Mwanga knew that this would bring the Muslims
back and he would lose Uganda again. Therefore the ruler and all his Catholic chiefs
agreed to sign the treaty on 26 December 1890.27
In the treaty, Mwanga, the Anglicans
and Catholics recognized the Company‟s protection, they also promised not to make
any deals with other European countries (in reference to the German treaty), or import
weapons and ammunition (in reference to Stokes). Moreover, the ruler acknowledged
sharing his power with an agent from the company. This latter had the function of an
arbitrator and had to settle disputes between European residents in the kingdom. This
was the beginning of Mwanga‟s loss of control over his people, because with the
European missionaries‟ allegiance to Lugard and the company, the converts would be
under the control of Britain. According to the treaty, taxes were imposed by the
company and Ganda officials had to collect them. The money collected was supposed to
be used by the king and all his officials. If this were the case, then why would the
26
D.E. Apter, op.cit., p.74 27
See appendix n: °2
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company bother protecting and administering a kingdom they would spend money on
and gain nothing from? The treaty also gave freedom of religion which allowed the
Muslims to return to the kingdom but not immediately.
Lugard was then in Uganda to keep all colonial powers away from the British
interest and start installing colonial administration. However, religious race between
Christian creeds was a serious obstacle to Britain, especially with the growing number
of Catholic adherents. This was due to the fact that the kabaka was Catholic. As a result,
many Protestant chiefs changed their belief leading to the decrease in the number of
Protestant chiefs and shifting the balance of power in the kingdom. To face this problem
a law was adopted in which whoever changed his belief, he would automatically lose
his title as a chief and all his belongings. For the Catholics this was a form of injustice
towards the ones who chose to change sides. As a result of such oppressive measures,
hatred and distrust spread between both factions leading to political crises. And with
two political parties leading the kingdom and opposing each other, Lugard became the
centre of interest and criticism. For the Catholics, the company agent was after all
British; therefore his duty was to help the C.M.S and their converts against the opposing
faction. They believed he was an emissary with the intention of weakening the
Catholics. For the Protestants, Lugard‟s origins made him a valuable ally who would
help them in the struggle against the Catholics. In fact, this is what was meant by
Frederick‟s presence in the kingdom. By assisting the British mission in the country, the
C.M.S would have no difficulty installing British institutions through the first elites of
Christian teaching. These latter would pave the way for the colonial administration to
settle in the country and subsequently colonize the kingdom. But the French Catholics
who knew about the plan did not have the intention of letting the British government
achieve it. In the meantime, news leaked from Bunyoro that the Muslim troops were
gathering around the new kabaka and Kabarega and preparing for an attack on Uganda.
The number of Lugard‟s carriers and troops were about 32028
and with such number, it
was hard for the British agent to protect the kingdom. Both Catholics and Protestants
felt the danger and decided to make peace and join forces to fight alongside Lugard who
received more assistance with the arrival of Captain Williams in January 1891. The
28
They were fifty trained soldiers and 270 undisciplined porters. Zoë A. Marsh & George William
Kingsnorth, op. cit., p.143
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newcomer increased Lugard‟s power with reinforcements and arms. The crushing
power of the representatives of the British company could not be competed with. In
May 1891, Lugard and his army fought the Muslims at Bugangadzi and ultimately
vanquished them. For the company agent, this was the opportunity to eliminate once for
all the Mohammedans as well as Kabarega but due to heavy rains and the swampy
country, it was almost impossible for the troops to advance. The Muslims then fled to
Bunyoro where they had to wait for an opportunity to strike back.29
The presence of Lugard in Buganda was therefore positive to the Catholics and
Protestants, but as old habits hardly change, trouble broke out again between rivals.
Soon, the situation became tense to the point that the army got involved in the crisis.
Both Christian factions had adherents in the army, and this gave them more confidence
but it also made them more arrogant. A civil war was on the verge of breaking out and
Lugard knew it. The British agent knew that sooner or later people would come to arms
and a civil war would break out. As Karugire wrote:
… What is more, each of the Christian parties had large armed groups of
men which were prepared to fight it out should the tension prove
impossible to resolve by any other means. 30
Lugrad was concerned about the situation, but he was more concerned with the
company‟s benefits. Therefore, after the defeat of the Muslims and Bunyoro, the British
agent decided to move westward. His aims were to increase territories, find more
adherents to his military forces and make lucrative deals for the company. This was
crucial because Britain refused to finance the I.B.E.A.C work in the area. In the later
end of 1890, Lugard left the kingdom in the hands of Captain W.H. Williams and set
forth to the western region of East Africa. Unfortunately, the new agent of the company
was a wrong choice because instead of solving problems between rival factions, he
openly favoured the Protestants over the Catholics. This led to the outrage of these
latter. Moreover, the French government heard about the injustice the Catholics were
subjected to and did not miss to complain about it to the British government as
published in an article in the New York Times in 1892.
29
Zoë A. Marsh & George William Kingsnorth, op. cit., pp.143-144 30
S.R. Karugire, op.cit, p.76.
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When Lugard came back with more soldiers,31
the kingdom was in crisis. In fact,
he found the situation between the Protestants and Catholics very alarming. In addition,
the Company was facing economic problems and running out of capitals. According to
J. Forbes Munro, this was mainly due to Lugard‟s investments in “imbedding the
Company more deeply in the internal politics of Uganda than had been intended”.32
The
company agent also tried to extend the company‟s authority beyond Buganda leading to
more money expenditure, and with such policy the I.B.E.A.C was bound to fall in
financial crisis, especially as the British government was not financing the company.
Eventually, on 16 July 1891, unable to finance Lugard‟s expeditions in East Africa, the
I.B.E.A.C sent orders to their agent to withdraw from the kingdom. But, Lugard refused
to give up Uganda and decided to stay and keep the evacuation order a secret. In fact,
the company agent thought that if the British company left Uganda, England would lose
much. In addition, the Protestants would be in danger and might be attacked by the
Catholics and later by the Muslims who would certainly attempt to take back the
kingdom. This was stressed out by Cedric Pulford in his authoritative work titled Eating
Uganda in which he wrote:
Lugard and Williams believed that the move would deal a fatal blow to
British prestige. They also feared that Buganda would collapse into
anarchy as the ba-Fransa took their revenge on the ba-Ingleza, who were
the main supporters of the British administration. The Muslims, backed
by Kabarega of Bunyoro, would then move in and massacre the
Catholics. The position of the Protestant missionaries was inevitably
threatened.33
Hopefully, the I.B.E.A.C decided in the end to stay for another year thanks to the help
of the C.M.S who managed to find financial support from Britain. This brought relief to
Lugard but he was sure it would not last and sooner or later the company would leave
for good. Therefore, the agent decided to settle the internal disputes arising from
Protestant and Catholic factions. His plan was to use the military support he brought
from his last expedition to oust the catholic menace. What he needed was an
31
They were around 200 to 300 Sudanese soldiers who had been left by Emin Pasha and Stanley at the
south end of the Albert Lake. < http://www.1911encyclopedia.org/Uganda > 31 January 2010 32
J.F. Munro, Maritime enterprise and empire: Sir William Mackinnon and his Business Network, 1823 –
1893, (UK: The Boydell Press, 2003), p.463 33
C. Pulford, op.cit., p.144
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opportunity which came in January 1892 when a Catholic murdered a Protestant. The
accident occurred after a Catholic had stolen a Protestant‟s weapon and escaped to his
hut. The victim, trying to get back his gun, followed the thief but was shot dead. When
Lugard asked Mwanga to order the execution of the criminal, the king refused. For him,
this was an act of self-defence, that is why he forgave the criminal. Lugard did not
accept the verdict and tried to put pressure on the king. Mwanga, fed up with the agent
trying to defy his authority, did not change his decision. For Lugard, this was the
opportunity he was looking for, yet he was afraid to take any decision against the king
and the Catholics because he knew that would affect British and French relations and
tarnish his reputation. In order to avoid aggravating the situation between both
countries, Lugard had to be tactful. For him, confrontation was soon to occur but he had
to make it legal and a result of the king‟s incompetency. This is clearly seen in the mail
he sent to Mwanga in which he wrote: “I do not want war ... but if you refuse to do
justice, it is you indeed who are bringing war to spoil your own country, and to lose
your throne.”34
Lugard here is putting the blame on the king in case the war breaks out,
making his future actions legitimate. And indeed on January 24, the battle of Mengo
began between the Ba-Franza and the Ba-Ingleza35
. The war was between two groups
whose numbers were unequal. In fact, the members of the Catholics were much greater
than the Protestants. This should have helped them win over Lugard and the Anglicans,
yet the result was not as expected. The agent of the I.B.E.A.C was aware of the gap
there was between the Catholics and the Protestants, that is why he went to Lake Albert
and convinced Selim Bey and his Sudanese soldiers, previously sent to assist Emin
Pasha, to join him. However, this was not enough because even with the soldiers, the
Catholics still outnumbered the Anglicans. Therefore, Lugard had no alternative but to
use the Maxim gun36
. This latter was kept in the fort he built on Kampala hill in March
1891. The weapon proved to be very efficient for without it, Lugard would have lost the
religious war. Many died from both sides, and Mwanga with the Catholics were forced
to leave the kingdom to Bulingugwe Island in Lake Victoria. For the first time in the
history of Uganda, Protestantism was the state religion. However, if there was one thing
34
C. Ferlay, op.cit., p.163 35
Ba-Islam or Wa-Islam, Ba-Franza or Wa-Franza, Ba-Ingleza or Wa-Ingleza were names given by
Ganda referring respectively to the Muslims, Catholics and Protestants. 36
The Maxim gun is an automatic firearm that throws out an empty cartridge, and reloads itself when the
trigger is pulled.
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that both Catholics and Protestants had learnt from their war with the Muslims it was
that a king with royal blood was the key to ensure their presence. Lugard found himself
in a difficult situation for the only remaining kings were Mwanga and the Muslim
Mbogo. Not willing to bring more trouble to the kingdom, the British agent decided to
avoid Mbogo and bring back the old kabaka and his fellow people. But the offer was
turned down; this infuriated Lugard who gave Williams the order to attack Bulingugwe.
But according to J. Mercui, the British agent had other reasons that urged him to order
the slaughter. Lugard reported that at the time when the battle of Mengo broke out, the
Muslim army was about to invade Uganda. Mbogo and Kabarega saw this was the
opportunity to be taken. On the one hand the Catholics were scattered, weakened, out of
the kingdom and not getting along with the Protestants. On the other hand the
Protestants were alone in Uganda with a reduced army and weaponry. And to make
matters worse, the Catholics were gathering in Bulingugwe where the kabaka was.
Lugard was convinced that the king and his fellow people were waiting for the Muslims
to attack and whoever the winner would be, the Catholics would have the advantage. As
he stated:
The Catholics scoffed at my offers, and they thought their position on the
island impregnable, and that they could await the result of the attack of
the Wa-Islam (Mohammedans) upon us. If we were victorious, all they
need do, would be to swoop down on us in the moment of victory... and
after we had beaten the Wa-Islam, the Wafranza would have stepped in
and driven the Wa-Inglesa (Protestants)... If, however, we were beaten
and driven back on the lake, (Buddu and Chagwe to right and left were
closed to us, and Mohammedans would attack from the front), it would
have meant annihilation at the hands of the hostile Wafranza in
possession.37
Therefore, the company agent decided to attack Bulingugwe first, maybe considering
that the real threat came from there. On receiving Mwanga‟s refusal to return to the
capital, the attack on the island was launched on 30th January. Mwanga and many
converts fled to Kiziba; a land belonging to the German territory. There, he asked for
the German assistance, but due to the Heligoland Treaty, Germany could not help
37
J. Mercui, Notes on Uganda: an analysis of the various reports, &c., issued on the late war between the
Imperial British East Africa Company and the Catholics of that British dependency, (London: Waterlow
and Sons Ltd, 1893), pp.98-99
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Mwanga. The remaining Catholics, who were mainly women and children, were
captured and kept as slaves. The White Fathers were also captured in Bulingugwe and
taken to Kampala where they were forced to remain. Views converged whether they
were kept there for protection or as prisoners, but for J. Mercui‟s, the missionaries were
actually prisoners. The author tackled the issue by reporting both sides‟ arguments. For
the White Fathers, they were imprisoned and badly treated from the island where they
were captured until they reached Kampala. There they faced the same treatment and
insults:
They (missionaries) were certainly taken from the island, with great
brutality by the latter (Captain Williams)... and when they were brought
to him, in a very miserable plight, wet to the skin, and everything taken
from them, including their hats (which, in such a climate amounts almost
to torture), they state they were handed over to Pokino, a Protestant
chief, and their greatest enemy... At Kampala ... they had lost all their
personal effects, and they state that ... they had to remain in their wet
things with nothing to cover them.38
But for Lugard, he had to keep the missionaries in Kampala to protect them from the
local Protestants who would undoubtedly kill them, did they have the opportunity. The
Company agent added that it was actually the missionaries who chose to remain in
Kampala. Evidence was brought from letters written by the White Fathers to Lugard
according to which Mercui entails that “these letters seem to show a noble spirit of
generosity on the part of these missionaries; and they very rightly exhibited gratitude to
the person who protected them.”39
Lugard considered himself a saviour without whom
the missionaries would have all been executed by the local Protestants. However, if this
were the case why would he begin a war with the Catholics in the first place? Would it
not have been wiser to avoid shedding blood and preserving peace? How can someone
protect the people with whom he started a fight? It is clear water that the British agent
did not help the Roman Catholics out of compassion; in fact his real goal was to be
known later when he asked Mwanga to return to the kingdom. Moreover, with the
French missionaries dead, France and Britain would enter a crisis which could lead to a
war. Therefore it was crucial for Lugard to prevent the White Fathers from any harm.
38
J. Mercui, op. cit., p.94 39
Ibid, p.95
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The company‟s agent‟s assumptions were in fact true for as soon as news of the
Catholics‟ massacre reached France, the government sent messengers to Britain. For
them, even though no missionaries were killed, persecutions over the Catholics and the
burning of their churches and schools were an offence to the French.40
In addition, they
heard about the bad treatment and insults the White Fathers were subjected to and this
was unforgivable. For Cedric Pulford, France did not take what had happened to the
Catholics lightly and this added pressure on the political relations between both colonial
powers. As he states “The Mengo / Bulingugwe episode became a major Anglo-French
international incident. The two governments got into a considerable flap...”41
The
stormy relations between France and Britain escalated when the French sent mail to the
British government and asked for compensations. Yet Britain refused to pay for
Lugard‟s actions because he was an agent working for the I.B.E.A.C, and that the
company had full power over the kingdom of Buganda according to the treaty signed
with Mwanga in 1891. The French soon countered the British arguments by blaming
Britain for giving a royal charter to the company. The French statement proved to be
effective for in 1897 they received £10,000 from Britain to compensate their loss in
Uganda. For long Britain avoided the Uganda question but because of the Mengo war
and the Anglo-French incident, the British government was obliged to reconsider its
position towards the kingdom of Buganda. It was from then that the colonial power took
into consideration the possibility of invasion or protectorate.
Back in Uganda and after the German refusal to his call, Mwanga returned to
Uganda where the Catholics joined him. There, they chose to enter Southern Uganda in
Buddu (also spelled Budu) where many Protestants lived. Another war was about to
break out; this time the Catholics were not willing to leave the country because they had
nowhere else to go to. Indeed, after Lugard had forced Mwanga and the Catholics to
leave Uganda, they found themselves wandering without support. They could not turn
to Bunyoro because they feared Kabarega and the Muslims, and Germany turned down
their offer. This left Mwanga and the Catholics with no alternative but to return to
Uganda and fight.
40
Karugire reported that 1 Cathedral, 60 chapels, 12 schools and 50,000 Catholic slaves were sold during
the war. S. R. Karugire, op. cit., p.82 41
C. Pulford, op.cit., p.158
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Lugard‟s military force was overwhelmingly stronger than the Catholics;
nevertheless the British agent was politically weaker than his opponent. With the
kabaka on their side, the Catholics planned to bring back Ganda towards them and
weaken Lugard‟s position in Uganda. But the agent had other cards up his sleeves, too.
To put pressure on Mwanga, Lugard threatened to bring back Mbogo on the throne. The
fear of losing his kingdom left the kabaka with no alternative but to escape from the
Catholics and join the company agent, as mentioned by Ramkrishna Mukherjee author
of the book, Uganda: An Historical Accident? Class, Nation, State Formation:
Lugard threatened to make Mbogo (chief of the Mohammedan party)
kabaka, and Mwanga, at last realizing how desperate his position was,
escaped from his Roman Catholic followers and arrived in Kampala at
the end of March.42
Captain Lugard won his first battle by bringing back the king and signing a treaty of
protection. His second step was to reconcile all rival groups including the Muslims for
he knew that in order to reach stability in Uganda, disputes had to be settled and the
Muslims had to be brought in the kingdom where they could be easily watched out.
Besides, with three rival groups in Uganda the „Divide and Rule‟ policy could be
applied. Discussions between Lugard and the Missionaries began in April 1892 and
ended by the signature of the protectorate agreement previously signed by Mwanga.
In the treaty, it was agreed on that the company had full powers over the
kingdom and Lugard was its sole representative. This gave the I.B.E.A.C and its agents
much power and rendered Mwanga a mere puppet. It also subjected weapon sale to
control and thus removed Stokes‟ threat from the area. In addition, British presence in
Uganda became legal; therefore competition for its annexation into the German or other
European sphere of influence became useless. The agreement also prohibited slave-
trading and slave-raiding while it allowed people to freedom of religion. By ratifying
the treaty, Britain made it clear through the I.B.E.A.C that it did not want to abandon
the kingdom or let it in the hands of other colonial powers.
42
R. Mukherjee, Uganda: An Historical Accident? Class, Nation, State Formation, (New Jersey: Africa
World Press, 1985), p.129
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As a result, the kingdom offices were redistributed between the Catholics and
Protestants. The former were given the county of Buddu and a part of the Sesse Islands,
the second part and the rest of the kingdom were for the Protestants. After settling
Catholic/Protestant disputes, Lugard decided to turn to the Muslims whom he did not
trust and feared they would threaten the Company‟s interests. To help him convince the
Mohammedans, the company agent called the Egyptian Muslim leader Selim Bey.
Immediately after, the Sudanese troop leader made contact with the Muslim chiefs
whom he had no trouble convincing to return to the country. But there was a problem
Lugard and the Christians had to solve in order to avoid a future Muslim mutiny. The
Mohammedans had a leader, Mbogo, and two princes among their group.43
This was a
serious threat to the other factions because if the Muslims rebelled, they would have a
royal successor. In addition, this would give them confidence and ultimately lead them
to rebel. Christian Baganda decided to play on that and advised Lugard to deprive the
Mohammedans from their leader and Kalema‟s sons. As stated by Semakula Kiwanuka:
Lugard’s Baganda supporters had correctly briefed him that the most
effective way of rendering a political group impotent was to deprive it of
any member of the royal family. Without such a person no group could
legitimize its actions or attract the neutrals.44
Following their advice, the British agent insisted that the Muslims had to surrender their
leader as well as the two princes if they wanted to return to the kingdom. Tired of war
and exile, the Mohammedans accepted Lugard‟s conditions. It was only after that that
they had been given permission to return to their homeland. Accordingly, Lugard
offered them the counties of Busujju, Gomba and Butambala. However, this did not suit
the Mohammedans who found such manoeuvre unfair and meant to coin them in a place
where they would be watched out by both factions. Such act of distrust and unfairness
outraged the Muslims and paved the way for a future mutiny.
43
They were Alamanzane and Ndawula ; sons of Kalema. M. S. M. Semakula Kiwanuka, op.cit., p.237 44
Ibid
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5) Muslim Rebellion and the British Protectorate
The intervention of Lugard in Uganda turned to be fruitful for Britain and the
Protestants. Indeed, thanks to his intervention, the company‟s control over the kingdom
increased, and the Protestants became the leading political power. With an iron fist
Lugard was able to consolidate both Christian factions and bring back peace by the
return of the Muslims. However, the unfair distribution of the counties raised anger
among the Catholics and Muslims. But the former could not argue because they had
already lost the war against the Protestants and they could not afford to lose more
people. Moreover, they knew that the Muslims were a threat to their stability and on the
grounds of that, they chose to remain on the side of the Protestants. The Muslims on the
other hand could not bear the fact that they had been given three small counties and
sandwiched between the Catholics and Protestants. Obviously, when Lugard brought
the Muslims back, he was still doubtful about their hidden intentions. For that, he put
them in a limited area and under the eyes of both factions.
Lugard finally appeared to have succeeded in reuniting what religious
competition had fissured, and with Mwanga and the Catholics signing the treaty, it was
time for the agent to leave the kingdom for another battle. But this time, he did not have
to use military intervention; instead it was with arguments that he had to win the fight.
Indeed, when Lugard left Uganda and sailed to Britain in June 1892, he heard debate
was taking place on whether to retain Uganda or abandon it. Opinions diverged and a
decision had to be taken. At that time, the British government was under the control of
the Liberal Party who, undecided about the Uganda issue, split into two wings. Prime
Minister Gladstone was the leading member of the first group who opposed the
acquisition idea whereas Foreign Secretary Rosebery led the group who welcomed the
Uganda retention. When Lugard arrived in October, the problem was still unsolved. For
him, Uganda had to be kept within the British influence and he had to use all means he
had in hand to convince the government. The agent started his propaganda alongside the
C.M.S who, a few months before Lugard‟s arrival, had undertaken their campaign. S. R.
Karugire, when referring to the agent‟s propaganda, reported that:
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He [Lugard] addressed public gatherings and Chambers of Commerce
up and down the country and he, along with others, wrote letters to
influential papers, all in the cause of retaining Uganda. Lurid pictures
were drawn of the terrible suffering that would befall Christians and
“savages” alike if the British were to withdraw from Uganda and what a
blot such a step would be on the march of “civilisation”.45
With such arguments and means tension grew and the Uganda question became of
public concern. This helped Rosebery put pressure on the government and obtain a
compromise in which the final answer to the Uganda issue was delayed. He was also
able to extend the presence of the I.B.E.A.C in the kingdom until 31 March 1893
instead of 31 December 1892.
To help them reach a final answer, the British government appointed Sir Gerald
Portal as a Commissioner. His duty was to go to Uganda and investigate whether
Uganda was worth being retained.46
When Portal arrived in the kingdom in March 1893,
he found the kingdom in a state of alert because of the Christian and Muslim discontent.
The former were mostly outraged because of the unbalanced distribution of chieftaincy
and the Sudanese troops‟ behaviour on the Batoro near Toro. According to the
Christians, these troops who were working for Britain and garrisoning the Toro borders
often raided and looted the Batoro. Such act was condemned by Portal who gave a
withdrawal order to the troops. The Muslims on the other hand were dissatisfied with
Lugard‟s treaty in which they were given less territory than their rivals. For them, three
small counties were not enough and a redistribution of the land had to be done.
Unfortunately, as Portal‟s first duty was to frame a report on Uganda, the Muslim issue
was of less importance. Therefore, the problem was not solved; this increased the
Muslims‟ resentment to British presence.
The Commissioner‟s endeavour began with the replacement of the company‟s
flag by the Union Jack on 1 April, 1893. Then, on 29th May, 1893, he offered a new
treaty to Mwanga in which he acknowledged British protection over Uganda. This
granted the colonial power the right to levy taxes and spend them, a right which the
kabaka had before signing the agreement. The treaty put an end to the company‟s
45
S. R. Karugire, op. cit., p.83 46
See appendix n : °3
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political control and thus it had to withdraw from Uganda. In addition, and to avoid
clashes between both Christian factions, some political seats were shared by the
Catholics and the Protestants at the same time. Subsequently, there were two Prime
Ministers, two Commanders of canoes and two commanders of the army. As it may
appear, when dividing power between the three religious factions Portal made the same
mistake as his Predecessor; Lugard, when the latter distributed the territory between the
Catholics, Protestants and Muslims, except that Lugard at least gave the Muslims a
portion of the kingdom whereas the Commissioner did not even offer them one political
seat. But judging from the importance of such positions and the previous historical
events, Portal might have thought that offering the Muslims the opportunity to share
authority with the Christians would grant them power and entice them to try to
overthrow Mwanga and take back the kingdom. This increased the Muslims‟ hatred,
and rebellion was on the verge of breaking out.
After the signature of the treaty, Portal had to return to Britain to hand his report
to the government and to bring back his brothers body Captain Raymond Melville
Portal, a member of the expedition sent to order the Sudanese troops to retreat from the
Toro borders, who passed away at Kampala because of fever. In the absence of the
British Commissioner, Captain MacDonald was in charge of the kingdom. The
Mohammedans, still holding a grudge against the British and the Christians, took the
opportunity of Portal‟s departure to gather and prepare for a mutiny. To help them, they
made contact with the Sudanese troops of Selim Bey. The alarming news reached
Captain Macdonald who knew that with experienced soldiers like the Sudanese and a
skilful leader like Selim Bey, the Muslims had a great chance of winning. Moreover,
there was the Bunyoro threat still looming, and if a war broke out, Kabarega would
certainly join hand with the Mohammedans. Incapable of handling the situation,
Macdonald sent mail to the British Commissioner to return to the kingdom.
Nevertheless, Portal did not come back; instead he sent a small army to assist the
captain. To face the threat, Macdonald decided to keep the Sudanese troops away and
prevent the Mohammedans from keeping contact with them. Therefore, he gave orders
to Selim Bey to go with some of the Sudanese soldiers to Entebbe. Then, he tried to
disarm the rest of the soldiers who remained in the capital. On the same day, the
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Muslims decided to rebel but they were soon defeated. Macdonald succeeded in
crushing the Muslim mutiny but there was still threat coming from the side of Selim
Bey or from the Mohammedans. Taking advantage of the fact that the Sudanese leader
did not have many soldiers at his command in Entebbe, Macdonald sent his troops there
with the order of arresting Selim Bey and his followers under charges of treason and
mutiny. Mbogo on the other hand was still kept in Kampala and so was Kalema‟s son,
Alamanzan. Later, orders were given to deport the Muslim ruler to the Indian Ocean
Islands while Prince Alamanzan was sent to Kikuyu.
With the defeat of the Muslim leaders, Macdonald succeeded in keeping the
Mohammedans away from power and maintaining British supremacy over Uganda.
Moreover, and as a punishment to their mutiny, the British representative deprived the
Mohammedans from the counties of Bomba and Busujju which he offered to the
Protestants and Catholics respectively. Butamba, the last Muslim county, was left for
the Mohammedans who refused to follow their brethren in the rebellion. The rest of
them preferred to return to Bunyoro to prepare for more trouble.
Indeed, Kabarega of Bunyoro who was still hostile to the British presence in
East Africa decided to join hands with the Muslims and cause trouble in the area. The
ruler knew that Buganda was out of reach due to the strong military force Britain had
there. Yet, there was another country which the colonial power had left with less
protection. It was the kingdom of Toro. Maybe, the Muslims realized that it was quite
impossible to settle in Uganda with two factions competing with them and an imperial
power hostile to their presence in the region. That is why they decided to move to Toro
where they could build a Muslim kingdom, and to ensure their success, they called the
Sudanese troops which were stationing in the west of Uganda under the command of an
unofficial leader named Bilal. The latter, resentful to the British officers because of the
arrest of their commander Selim Bey and his death on 20 August, 1893, accepted to
make coalition with Kabarega and the Muslims. This created a state of shock and fear in
the British side that began negotiations with Bilal. In order to disrupt the alliance offers
were made to the Muslim leader and finally he came to an agreement with a British
officer in Toro, Captain Owen. As a matter of fact, Bilal was offered to become the new
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leader of the Sudanese troops in the area, and thus he became Selim Bey‟s replacement.
The ruse Captain Owen used saved Britain time, money and effort for this crushed
Kabarega and Mohammedans‟ hope to create a Muslim state in Toro. It also put
Bunyoro in a very difficult situation as it lost a strong ally and became prey to the
British arising interest in expanding its sphere of influence, especially in the west
considering the fact that it was from there that real danger could come either from the
Bunyoro side or from any other colonial power. To this effect, Britain sent
Commissioner Henry Edward Colvile in November 1893 and ordered him to keep an
eye on its investments in the region.
In the meantime, Portal‟s long awaited report was finally in the hands of the
British government. The commissioner‟s work bore valuable data that included a
description of the country‟s society, demography, politics, economy, religion and
climate. Add to this, Portal provided a thorough study on the political class of the
kingdom comprising the kabaka, his prime minister and the chiefs. However, when
reading the commissioner‟s report, one feels he gave a very negative description of the
political class of Uganda making it tyrannical and despotic. Certainly, Mwanga
committed crimes and behaved badly, but this does not make him more barbarous than
the colonial empires, which for the sake of their own interest committed genocides and
deprived the African continent from its riches. Such description seems to have been
made on purpose so that when Britain would administer the kingdom, it would be
legitimate under the peace and freedom umbrella.
In the report, Portal also included solutions to the Uganda question. First, he
suggested a total evacuation from the kingdom, but this was never to happen otherwise
why would Britain have invested so much if it had not taken into consideration the idea
of settling there? Why would Portal suggest the annexation of Bunyoro and Usoga? And
more importantly, why did he study the possibility of building a railway linking the
interior with the coast? Seemingly, the decision had already been taken and Portal‟s
mission was more than answering a question. Then, the commissioner proposed that
Uganda be included within the Zanzibari sphere of influence, or administered by the
Sultanate as a tenant of the British government. Again, such suggestion was rejected
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because Britain feared Uganda would fall under a Muslim regime; this would destroy all
their labour, strengthen the Muslims and add more trouble to the area. Finally, Portal
suggested that Uganda would be directly administered by Britain. This was probable to
happen judging from Rosebery‟s attempts to convince the government.
In the meantime, news reached Britain that King Leopold II of the Congo Free
State was coveting areas around the Nile River, and so was France. If the latter
succeeded in gaining territory there, this would increase tension in the interlacutine
region. In addition, this might bring the Catholics to rebel in Uganda knowing that the
French would protect them. Therefore, to stop the menace Britain accepted to sign a
treaty with the Belgian king on 12 May 1894 in which he was offered a strip of land on
the west side of the Nile on condition that he would recognize British territories agreed
on in the Anglo-German Agreements of 1886 and 1890.47
This way, the French could
not move towards the Nile and Uganda for they had to face King Leopold II first. This
episode in the British history was an important step towards the declaration of the
British protectorate over Uganda. In fact, the events that took place in East Africa were
a God given gift the Liberal Premier, Rosebery, took and turned to his advantage. The
fear of losing an important parcel like Uganda to European powers, Egypt, the
Mohammedans or Catholics constituted a valid reason for the annexation of Uganda.
Furthermore, Gladstone‟s retirement, Rosebery becoming Prime Minister, Gerald
Portal‟s report, the pressure of influential people such as Stanley and Lugard, and the
media propaganda, all led the British government tip the balance towards the annexation
of Uganda on 12 April 1894. For the colonial power, this was a wise decision but as far
as Ganda were concerned this meant the end of their freedom, and what is surprising is
that the British settled their minds about the Uganda question without consulting first
the people of Uganda as though they had nothing to do with the issue, or they were
unable to handle the situation on their own.
Ultimately, a treaty was proposed to Mwanga who, incapable of protesting or
refusing the offer, formerly accepted the British protectorate over his kingdom on 27
August 1894. The agreement, signed by the king and Colonel Colvile, bore articles
47
A. Okoth, A History of Africa 1855 – 1914, (Kenya: Heinemann, 1979), p.152
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similar to the previous one signed with Portal. However, it was with this treaty that
Britain became formerly the sole power in charge of running Uganda affairs.48
A year
later, on 1 June 1895, the first British commissioner of the Uganda Protectorate, Ernest
Berkeley, arrived in the kingdom. The appointment of the British agent, made things
clear for the Kabaka who realized he no longer had free will over his land and people.
He became a puppet in the hands of the colonial power.
6) Colonial Rule and the Missionaries
Mwanga‟s acceptance of the British intervention besides Lugard and Portal‟s
endeavour in Uganda had an important impact on the course of events that were to
follow starting with the change of the balance of power, and ending with the company
leaving the kingdom giving place to the British protectorate. Once the treaty ratified,
Britain began the establishment of the colonial administration. However, unlike many
other colonies, Uganda happened to be an exception for according to some sources, the
kingdom administration was very developed as claimed by Thompson Gardner, in
Governing Uganda, British Colonial Rule and Its Legacy:
By the 1890s, it already had a highly developed and centralised political
system and a chiefly hierarchy. This made possible a readily workable
association with the British.49
Thus, there was no need for the establishment of direct rule because Uganda had an
administrative system which suited the colonial power. Moreover, most chiefs and other
state officers were devout converts. This made them faithful colonial agents, but under
the control of the Christian missionaries and not the state. Therefore, Britain had to win
the religious leaders on its side. This was not an easy task considering the fact that
Uganda was divided into three rival sects, and even though the Protestants were the
leading group, most adherents were Catholics. The third rival group, namely the
Muslims was still weak but had adherents, too. A total control of the kingdom was then
quite impossible, especially with the king being a Catholic. In addition, thanks to the
48
See appendix n: °4 49
T. Gardner, Governing Uganda, British Colonial Rule and its Legacy, (Kampala: Fountain Publishers
Ltd, 2003), p.44
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Berlin Conference50
and the treaties signed with Mwanga, religious factions had
acquired freedom which liberated them from the colonial state‟s control. For the
Catholics and Mohammedans, this was important; otherwise they would be evicted
from the country.
Britain realized that despite the British protectorate over Uganda, danger did not
subside, be it from the Catholics or the Muslims. Nevertheless, it was from the former
that real danger could come. In view of that, the colonial power decided to beat the
Catholics at their own game by calling an English speaking Catholic mission named the
Mill Hill Fathers in the hope of controlling the second major political faction of the
kingdom.
a- The Mill Hill Fathers in Uganda
Since the arrival of the Arabs and Christian missionaries, a separation between
factions had been made on the basis of religion and origin. Accordingly, those who
were Arabs were called “Baislam” meaning Mohammedans, the Protestants were called
“Bangereza” which means in Luganda Englishmen, while the “Bafalaasa” (Also spelled
Bafranza) referred to the Catholics and meant Frenchmen. Thus, Muslims could not be
dissociated from Arabs, the same as Catholics could not be dissociated from French and
Protestants from English as if all the Arabs were Mohammedans, all the Frenchmen
were Catholics and all the Englishmen were Protestants. This led to political and social
fissure.
When the British administration began its settlement, one of the major goals it
set in order to reach stability in Uganda was to destroy such type of differentiation.
Religious labelling was a cause of trouble Britain and the French missionaries had to
50
Article 6 of the General Act of the Conference of Berlin stated that “Christian missionaries shall be the
objects of special protection. Freedom of conscience and religious toleration are expressly guaranteed to
the natives, no less than to subjects and to foreigners. The free and public exercise of all forms of Divine
worship, and the right to build edifices for religious purposes, and to organize religious Missions
belonging to all creeds shall not be limited or fettered in any way whatsoever.” B. Sundkler, C. Steed, op.
cit., p.283. Also, article 4 of treaty between the King of Uganda and the Imperial British East Africa
Company on 26 December 1890, and article 5 of the March 30th, 1892, both granted religious freedom to
the Ganda.
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annihilate. The first to take action were the French who in 1893 began making contact
with the British government. Indeed, it was Livinhac; Cardinal Lavigerie‟s successor,
the first one to think of recruiting English priests to help the White Fathers in Uganda.
This was meant to counter the Protestants‟ spread and to prevent the colonial
administration from favouring their rival creed. The following year, the French clergy
man decided that the best way to be heard was by going to London. There he had the
opportunity to meet Cardinal Vaughan; founder of the Mill Hill Mission (M.H.F). Until
then, Livinhac had no intention of inviting the mission to come to Uganda.
Livinhac‟s presence in Britain coincided with the British campaign for the
Uganda retention. This did not help the Frenchman who was badly received by
Rosebery who was still Foreign Secretary. In response to Livinhac‟s claims, the
Englishman refused to grant him any help and suggested that it was better for the
French to leave Uganda. As reported by Shorter:
They [Livinhac and another clergy man] then went to see Lord Rosebery,
whose manner was almost was almost insulting. He even went so far as
to say that France had enough African countries under its protection and
that the Catholic missionaries would do better to quit Uganda
altogether.51
Judging from the way the French emissary was received in Britain, it was clear that
Britain was willing to take Uganda. Livinhac had no alternative but to find a way to
prevent that from happening and the answer was lying in the hands of the Mill Hill
Fathers. Knowing the importance of the presence of an English Catholic mission in
Uganda, Livinhac then decided to invite the M.H.F. The latter, according to Okello, had
already sent Kenelm Vaughan; clergyman and brother of the mission founder, to Africa
after the Mengo battle to report how the Catholics were treated in Uganda. There he
noticed that facts were not rightly brought to the public stating that Captain Lugard and
the Protestants were the ones to blame for the war. He also noticed that despite the
presence of three factions, power was distributed so that control of the major organs of
government would remain in the hands of the winning party.
51
A. Shorter, Cross & Flag in Africa, (New York: Orbis Books, 2006), p.13
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Therefore in 1895, the Mill Hill Fathers decided to go to Uganda and join the
White Fathers. The caravan which was led by Henry Hanlon and comprised Fathers
Thomas Matthews, James Prendergast, Gregory Kestens and Luke Plunkett reached
Kampala in September. To the Catholics‟ joy, the British mission was given the eastern
portion of the Nyanza Vicariate; an area which was forbidden for the Catholics to
evangelize. This way, the newcomers would provide the Catholics with more lands and
thus restore political balance between the Protestants and Catholics. Nevertheless, the
new distribution of lands was about to cause another religious problem. In fact, the
parcel that was given to the M.H.F belonged to the Protestants, and according to the
agreement signed by the Protestants and the Catholics under the supervision of Portal a
clear delimitation was made between lands belonging to each faction. Logically, the
M.H.F should have been offered a parcel belonging to the Catholics; still a Protestant
one was offered to them. Another crisis between the Christians was feared to take place.
As pointed out by Colvile:
... the district thus given to Bishop Hanlon includes the eastern portion of
Uganda, Chagwe and part of Bulamwezi, and the countries of Usoga and
Kavirondo. Following the terms of a verbal agreement made between
Bishop Tucker and Mgr. Hirth in the presence of Sir Gerald Poral in
April 1893, the Roman Catholics have hitherto confined their operation
to the districts to the west of Kampala, while the Protestants have
extended to the eastwards. If however Bishop Hanlon takes up the whole
of the diocese assigned to him, the whole of Uganda and the countries to
the east will be subject to Roman Catholic influence, in which case the
Protestants will be perfectly justified in establishing stations in the
Roman Catholic districts to the west, and should they do so, the result
will be a practical nullification of Sir Gerald Portal’s distribution of
spheres of influence.52
Thus, to avoid crisis the agreement was cancelled and no longer were there areas
restricted to a precise group of believers. Instead, people were allowed to intermingle so
that they would accept each other‟s differences. This helped all religious factions who
carried on their labour out of their ancient territories.
52
F. X. Okello, op. cit., p.86
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The M.H.F began evangelizing the Baganda and soon did two missions open in
Nsambya and Naggalama in 1896. The latter was a present from a Protestant chief to
Bishop Hanlon. Like their predecessors, the newcomers focussed on education in order
to affect a large number of audiences. Success was quickly reached on May, 1896 when
64 catechumens were baptized at Nsambya. A month later, 104 Catholic Christians
were confirmed there. By the end of the year, Baptism had reached 261, communions
4.019 and Confirmation had reached 232.53
Such a promising result encouraged Bishop
Hanlon to ask for reinforcement and try to spread the influence of the mission in other
areas. In October, Henry‟s wishes came true with 7 missionaries sent by Cardinal
Vaughan, and with enough priests at hand a third mission was settled on 13th July, 1897
at Mulajje; a Protestant area. This opened more regions for the M.H.F to evangelize. By
establishing missions all across the kingdom, the mission acquired more converts and
thus became later an important member of the decision makers of the kingdom.
However, the spread of the influence of the British Catholic mission was not
well seen by the French Catholics. What should have been a strong ally to the White
Fathers revealed to be a serious threat to them. Indeed, when Livinhac invited the
M.H.F in Uganda, he hoped he would bring support to help him stop the Protestant
threat. However, he did not realize that he was actually helping the colonial authority
annihilate the French presence in the kingdom. This raises an important question which
is why did the colonial administration accept at the first place the coming of a third
mission in Uganda after having faced various trouble because of religious competition?
And what is worse is that this new mission was a Catholic one. Without a doubt, the
British administration had a plan behind letting the M.H.F come into Uganda, otherwise
why would they put the kingdom‟s security in danger after settling disputes between the
White Fathers and the C.M.S? In addition, the Protestants did not show any animosity to
the M.H.F. They even granted them an area to establish the Naggalama mission, and to
help them in the evangelization of Ganda, the agreement set between Hirth and Tucker
had been cancelled. This „awkward‟ acceptance of the M.H.F by the colonial
administration and the Protestants cannot be explained from a religious perspective
judging from the fact that their predecessors; the White Fathers, had been subjected to
53
F. X. Okello, op. cit., p.98
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various means of pressure by both sides. In order to understand the aim of the colonial
administration and the Protestants, one has to focus on the political contribution of the
M.H.F in Uganda. Certainly, the British Catholic mission‟s presence in the kingdom
was profitable for the White Fathers because it helped them increase their hold of the
kingdom and spread Catholicism without constraints. However, the mission was much
more profitable for the colonial administration than the White Fathers. Indeed, despite
the fact that the colonial power had a stronghold over the kingdom, its authority was not
absolute. The problem lied in the presence of the French in the kingdom, and because
religion was tied to them it was hard to get rid of such nuisance. With an English
Catholic mission in the region it was possible to weaken the White Father‟s influence.
This would also destroy the boundaries previously set between the Catholics and
Protestants as well as the French and the British. The result would be that the Catholics
would no longer be considered as French, instead they would be English. The
Protestants, on the other hand, would remain English. This would save the kingdom
more trouble with the French and Catholics. However, such a gamble would have also
cost the colonial power the rise of another political party.
The acceptance of the M.H.F by the Colonial administration and the Protestants
whatsoever the reasons were helped the mission increase its influence. As a result,
problems arose between the French and the British Catholics. In 1897 the first frictions
between both sides arose over the British compensations for the French loss during the
Mengo battle. Britain offered to pay £10,000 to the French, the M.H.F demanded that a
part of that money would be given to them because after all they were Catholics just
like the French, and since that money was given to the Catholics, they had the right to
receive some of it. This did not please Livinhac who started to fear the new mission due
to the fact that he realized how dangerous the M.H.F had become. In addition;
according to Shorter, Livinhac became suspicious about the M.H.F who he believed had
intentions to smuggle Uganda from them. This occurred when Cardinal Hirth‟s
replacement was not appointed and Livinhac was wary about Vaughan‟s hidden
intentions. As claimed by Shorter:
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He [Livinhac] was anxious about the delay in appointing Antonin
Guillermain as Hirth’s successor in Uganda, fearing that the Mill Hill
Missionaries might step in and take “the best mission we have”.54
The Mill Hill mission became a threat to the White Fathers but it was impossible to take
action against it with the colonial administration‟s support. In addition, when the
Catholics stood against the Protestants, it was in the name of religion. In this situation,
confrontation became obsolete because it would have involved Catholics against
Catholics.
The plan set by the French and British administration to annihilate the link made
between religion and country was a total success, yet it made the French lose more than
it gained. Indeed, it brought the Baganda out of the French influence and put them under
the British umbrella.
b- The Muslim Mutiny of 1897
In order to understand the causes of the Muslim rebellion in 1897, light should
be cast on the events prior to and after the Uganda Protectorate. In fact, just before
British administration took hold of the kingdom in 1894, the Kabarega and the Muslims
who fled to Bunyoro after the 1893 mutiny, attempted to invade Toro and install a
Muslim regime there. The British government was not willing to let this happen.
Towards the end of 1893, British Commissioner Colvile was sent to Uganda and given
the order of putting an end to the Bunyoro threat. The decision was not taken overnight;
it came as a consequence to various reasons. One of these reasons was that the Kabarega
despised the British, a feeling that the colonial power felt towards him, too. On various
occasions, he tried to create trouble in order to oust British agents and missionaries, for
instance in the wars between the Muslims and the Christians or in the 1893 mutiny. The
ruler was even ready to befriend anyone who would turn to be an enemy to the British.
The second reason was that Bunyoro often sheltered the Mohammedans during their
rebellions. There, food, weapons and soldiers were provided so that the Muslims would
be able to regain health and power to strike back. Another reason was that the Kabarega
54
A. Shorter, op. cit., p.14
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tried many times to expand his territory towards Uganda or Toro. This constituted a real
threat to the area as well as to the British investments because if Bunyoro extended,
their power would increase. This would have a negative effect on Uganda and British
interests for both would be in danger. There was another reason that led Colvile to
attack Bunyoro which was the rumours stating that the Belgians were advancing in the
region, a threat which Britain did not take lightly and ordered the commissioner to begin
investigations. For these reasons it was necessary to secure the Bunyoro region.
As a result, in January 1894 Colonel Colvile launched a massive retaliatory
invasion over the Kabarega. The British troops comprised British officers, Sudanese
troops and the Baganda. The aim of Colvile was not to punish the Kabarega only; he
had in mind to annex Bunyoro in the Uganda territory, too. As quoted by Karugire:
In December, therefore, Colvile himself led a massive punitive expedition
against Bunyoro aimed at defeating Kabarega and dictating the terms of
settlement for he was convinced that Bunyoro could neither be pacified
nor cajoled into accepting British presence by any other means except
force.55
The war did not take place because Kabarega had already fled with his army to
Budongo forest after having burnt his capital. The fear of his return led the British
commissioner to divide the kingdom into two parts by a line of forts. The southern part
was under the command of Captain Thruston while the northern one was still under the
influence of Kabarega‟s son Kitahimbwa I. The latter converted to Protestantism and
thus became faithful to Britain. Despite dethronement, the old ruler continued the fight
and carried out a succession of attacks on the British positions in Bunyoro that ended
with a great human loss on his side. Moreover, by April 1894 the kingdom had to face
another great loss with the British controlling the Kibero salt-works on Lake Albert,
followed by the annexation of large areas of southern and eastern Bunyoro by Uganda.
Kabarega‟s determination to combat the enemy constituted a nuisance to the colonial
power, and to get rid of him a plan was set. The scheme was that Britain would sign a
treaty with Ankole, this way they would stop weapons getting to the Bunyoro king from
German East Africa. Therefore in August 1895, British officer Captain Cunningham
55
S. R. Karugire, op. cit., p.89
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was sent to Ankole to sign a treaty with the ruler of the kingdom namely Ntare V.
According to Karugire, the ruler of Ankole refused to meet the British officer; yet, he let
his representative Mbaguta sign on behalf of him on 29 August 1895.56
With the treaty
signed, the British thought they finally shut the way to the source from which Kabarega
got weapons. However, their plan failed as Ntare V refused to let the British establish a
military post in his kingdom. This allowed Kabarega to get supplies from German East
Africa and carry on his fight from his new refuge in Lango.
The war that started in 1894 lasted until the arrival of the first British
Commissioner of Uganda protectorate Ernest Berkeley, in June 1895. For him, the
Bunyoro question was not a threat when compared to what was about to take place in
Uganda. As a matter of fact, after Mwanga was obliged to sign the treaty with Portal, he
found himself with almost no power; all he had was a title. The real power was in the
hands of the British officials and their collaborators i.e. the Protestant chiefs. The latter
with the consent of the British administration tried many times to interfere in the king‟s
life by watching out his behaviour with his young servants, choosing his friends and
trying to change many chiefs whom they did not trust. Moreover, limitations on
exportation of raw materials such as ivory and barkcloth were put by the colonial
administration. This did not suit the king who out of ignorance or because he thought he
was the ruler and free from all constraints once tried to sell nearly 2,300 pounds of ivory
to Zanzibar. When British officials knew about that, they immediately imposed a 3,300
pound fine which he had to pay.57
By so doing Britain made it clear for the ruler and his
people that authority was no longer in the hands of the king.
In addition, a new law was adopted according to which anyone was free to buy a
piece of land and had to pay a fee of 3,300 cowries. This was the straw that broke the
vase because in Uganda only the king was free to give lands. However, the colonial
administration did not care; the only thing they were interested in was making profit. As
a result, Mwanga realized he was no longer the great kabaka everyone feared. He was a
mere person who had been given a title without the power. Thus, on 6 July 1897 the
kabaka decided to flee to Buddu where he raised an army of faithful servants. On 15
56
S.R. Karugire, op. cit., p.90 57
S. Kiwanuka, op.cit., p.245
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July, the battle of Kabuwoko broke out. The king thought he had a chance to chase the
Europeans out of the kingdom; however, with a few soldiers and weapons, it was
impossible to reach such goal. Britain had already acquired a destructive military force
that comprised Europeans, Baganda and professional Sudanese troops. In addition, their
weaponry was greater and sophisticated. This made the colonial power quite unbeatable.
Eventually, unable to withstand the crushing strength of the British, Mwanga escaped to
the German territory. There, he hoped he would be welcomed and given assistance;
instead, he was captured and kept prisoner. Later, he was escorted to Mwanza where he
remained, but he soon succeeded to flee from the Germans.
In the meantime the colonial administration had to crown a new king to avoid
trouble in the kingdom. Accordingly, chiefs were asked to select a prince to succeed the
deposed king, but according to S. Kiwanuka the colonial administration had already
made up their minds about the future ruler of Uganda. It was Mwanga‟s one year-old
son Daudi Chwa whom they selected. Actually, the choice had been made long before
Mwanga rebelled and the British were looking for a way to replace the king. With his
escape, they found the opportunity they were waiting for and proclaimed Daudi Chwa
kabaka. As claimed by S. Kiwanuka:
It seems that his (Mwanga) military challenge of the colonial regimewas
the occasion rather than the cause of his deposition. Such an occasion
had been awaited and the moment he left his palace he ceased to be king
of Buganda... Thus on 9 August, barely one month after Mwanga had left
Mengo, the chiefs sat in Council pretending to deliberate on a matter for
which there was no appeal and on which a decision had already been
made by the British officials.58
However, to make it legal, the deposition had to be a council‟s decision. Thus, twenty
chiefs were selected to form the council; nineteen were Protestants and one Catholic. No
Muslim chief was chosen to take part in the council. Then, after the announcement of
Mwanga‟s deposition, the twelve month-old boy was proclaimed kabaka. To help him
until he reached adulthood, colonial administration appointed three Regents who were
Kaggwa and Kisingiri from the Protestant faction, and from the Catholic one they chose
58
S. Kiwanuka, op.cit., pp.250-251
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Mugwanya. Here again, no Muslim was chosen while the Protestants had the lion‟s
share.
The decision of crowning a child as the king of Uganda was unprecedented in
the history of the country. But this came as a consequence of a plan set by the British to
reinforce their hold of the kingdom. First, with an infant as a ruler, Britain would be free
to administer the kingdom throughout its collaborators without consulting the king.
Moreover, they would have the time to install their institutions. In addition, the child
would be raised under the Protestant religion and the Western education. This way they
would ensure an obedient collaborator.
For the British colonial administration, the end of the 19th century was marked
by many conflicts that led her to invest money and energy in solving them. It started
with Kabarega‟s insurrection, and then it was followed by Mwanga‟s unsuccessful
coup; a succession of events that would have crushed her without the help and expertise
of the trained Sudanese soldiers. This military force, and despite the Selim Bey
problem, remained faithful to the colonial administration. However, by the end of the
1890s problems between the British and the Sudanese troops started to surface. Indeed,
in 1897 Britain had already expanded its influence to include Uganda, Bunyoro,
Busoga, Toro and Acholi. Still, there was trouble coming from the French in the
northern part of the interlacustine. In addition, the colonial power wanted to crush the
Mahdist forces59
and regain their territory. For that purpose, an army of British officers,
Baganda, Zanzibari and Sudanese was erected under the command of Maj. McDonald.
These Sudanese soldiers were the same ones who participated in the wars against
Kabarega and Mwanga. They were valuable assets in the hands of the British
administration but their talent and value were neglected by their superiors. Because of
the maltreatment they were subjected to, discontent among the army was felt. By mid-
1897, feeling of hatred escaladed and mutiny broke out. According to Assa Akoth, the
Sudanese soldiers‟ grievance came as an outcome to four factors. First, it started with
59
The Mahdist force was a group of Sudanese soldiers that arose in the 1870s and led by Muhammad
Ahmad who proclaimed himself the Mahdi. With his army, he fought the Egyptian administration which
was governing Sudan at that time. After his death in 1885, Muhammed Ahmed was succeeded by Khalifa
Abdallahi Ibn Muhammad who carried on the fight against the Egyptians as well as the British.
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mahdist_War>. 21 June, 2010
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their salary which they did not receive for months, or they received their pay but not
regularly. Second, fighters were not allowed to bring their wives with them. For the
British it was because of the long marches, but for the soldiers this was unfair. Third,
the soldiers felt they were underpaid and overworked. They participated in various
campaigns including the ones against Bunyoro, then in the Rift Valley, next in
Buganda. Immediately after, they were compelled to take part in another fight and were
put under the command of Major McDonald. Nevertheless, the troops still held a grudge
against him for the arrest of their leader and because they knew he detested them. To
these factors, Karugire adds that just before the revolt outbreak, these fighters were the
victims of harsh punishments from the British officers‟ side that included the reduction
in rank of several of them.
Consequently, in September 1897 the Sudanese soldiers refused to follow
McDonald; instead they took hold of Luba‟s fort in Busoga. On hearing the news, the
Muslims decided to join the group of rebels and fight the British. To make matters
worse, both Mwanga who converted to Islam and Kabarega accepted to make a
coalition and join hands with the Muslims. Britain was facing a tense situation in which
four groups were striking with one hand. In addition, the military force of the colonial
power was reduced because of the Sudanese mutiny. All across the region war broke out
and Britain was outnumbered. To face the threat, Baganda and Zanzibari soldiers were
not enough. Thus, from Mombasa Indian fighters received an urgent call and others
came from Kenya. As a result, the military power of the colonial administration grew
stronger and managed to hold danger back. On the eve of 8 January 1898, success over
the mutineers was reached with the defeat of the Muslims at Luba‟s fort. Consequently,
the Sudanese soldiers fled to Bunyoro where they met Mwanga, Kabarega and the
Muslims with whom they continued the fight. However, Britain had already become
stronger with the help of the Indian forces. On 4 August, the fight ended and Britain
succeeded in countering one of the most dangerous acts of rebellion. Eventually, those
who fled scattered in the region. Mwanga and Kabarega kept on fighting, but they could
not match the smashing power of Britain. On 9 April 1899, both kings were captured at
Bukedi and exiled to Kismayu then to the Seychelles.
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By breaking the Sudanese mutiny, Britain was able to prove its superiority over
the population of the area and impose its domination. However, war led the country to
invest huge sums of money. This made the colonial power reconsider the protectorate
clauses and impose a new one in the form of an accord called the Uganda Agreement in
1900.
7) The Uganda Agreement 1900
During the 1890s, Britain invested more in the Great Lake region than it did
previously. This can be due to various reasons such as the German, Belgian, French and
Italian interest in the area as well as the Mahdist rise in Sudan. The fear of losing the
control of the Nile course and the gate to the Indian Ocean was haunting the imperial
country. Thus, the colonial power had to take action and fight fiercely. This explains the
huge sums of money it invested in the fight against the Muslims, Catholics, Kabarega
and Mwanga. But despite the smashing military success, financially Britain was getting
weaker. Moreover, Uganda was still drowning in trouble and an ongoing crisis was on
the verge of breaking out. Therefore to avoid another catastrophe, British government
had to reconsider the Uganda question for the second time and think of a treaty in which
the imperial power would handle the situation. Consequently, in 1899 Sir Harry
Hamilton Johnston was appointed the new Special Commissioner for the Uganda
protectorate. Once in the country, he proposed an agreement which according to Henri
Médard outraged Prime Minister Apollo Kagwa and the chiefs.60
But soon did
negotiations take place and with some tact and power Johnston finally convinced the
other party to sign the agreement in 1900.61
The Uganda Agreement was a turning point
in the relations between Uganda and Britain for besides bringing radical changes in the
political system, it defined the way the kingdom had to be ruled in the short run. Many
changes were brought, most of them dealt with four main issues: finance, boundaries,
system of government and land settlement.
Financially, to enrich its economy, taxes were imposed on the population.
Britain made the Baganda pay a regular hut-tax of three rupees which the chiefs and
60
H. Médard, op.cit., p.549 61
See appendix n: °5
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ministers had to collect. A gun-tax had to be paid by Ganda who wished to possess a
weapon. Once money collected, a small part of it was given to the chiefs, officials and
ministers for their work while the rest was taken by the British administration.
According to the treaty, the kabaka had to receive a yearly allowance of £1,500 from the
money collected and thus he became financially dependent on the colonial
administration. For the king‟s mother £50 were given yearly, the other queens had
nothing. The treaty also dealt with Uganda minerals issue. For the British
administration, it had the right to receive 10% out of the sale money of a mineral found
in a private property. However, this percentage had to de deduced after the mineral had
been worked i.e. after its price increased.
When analyzing British behaviour, one remembers the way colonial powers used
to proceed in collecting taxes from the local population. They used to relegate such
chores to kings and chiefs so that if problems broke out, the colonial power would be
safe for only the ones who collected taxes were to blame. This was the same policy
applied by the colonial power. Furthermore, with taxation Britain tried to create a self-
reliant colony or protectorate, thus no money out of the British pocket would be spent
on Uganda. Instead, it was the population who had to pay the colonial administration for
their stay in the country. Moreover, British administration used various means to take
full advantage of the population by forcing them to pay more. Britain also forbade the
issue of any tax law without the consent of the ruler and the parliament. However, one
has to put in mind that the kabaka was about 2 years old; thus, he was unable to
understand what was happening around him, and the parliament mostly comprised
Protestant chiefs who were faithful to Britain.
Politically, Britain did not alter Uganda political system much. In fact, it was
this very system that colonial administration imposed on neighbouring kingdoms when
British protectorate was proclaimed over them. 62
The few changes brought by the
colonial power included the use of „His Highness‟ as a title for the king. In addition,
new offices were open such as the Chief Justice and the Treasurer. These two ministers
with the traditional prime minister were given the duty to assist the young kabaka until
62
T. V. Sathyamurthy, The Political Development of Uganda : 1900-1986 , (England: Gower, 1986),
p.177
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he reached adulthood. In case he died, it was up to the parliament to elect the new king
from the royal family. Once selected, British government had the right to approve or
disapprove the choice. This reflects the extent of power Britain had, and though Uganda
had its own government, ministries and king, they were unable to issue a law without
the consent of British government. Furthermore, Chieftainship was regularized and
unlike in the past when the kabaka had the right to appoint chiefs, or the title was passed
on from parents to children the title was obtained through the government with the
approval of the British administration. To help them maintain law and order, the chiefs
were to have a body of police force under their command. Parliament became an
important formal body whose meetings were held regularly, different from the past. It
was headed by the prime minister who was replaced by the Chief Justice in case of
absence. If both the katikiro and Chief Justice were unable to fulfil their duty, then the
Treasurer had to preside the Lukiko.
Offices were mostly given to the new young generation of educated elites. This
group was the one that received Christian teachings, Western education, witnessed the
religious martyrdoms and took part in the various wars their kingdom went through.
The result was that they became strong allies to colonial administration which they
facilitated its implantation in the country. However, the appointment of Bangada elites
in higher ranks had a negative effect on the missionaries whose influence started to
diminish because their converts became colonial agents and subsequently their
allegiance turned to the Britain administration.
In addition to economic and political changes brought by the agreement, Uganda
increased geographically as a result of the annexation of wide lands from Bunyoro
during the Kabarega campaign. Consequently more administrative counties were added
and more chiefs were appointed. Buganda became a huge country with twenty
administrative counties. This added more power to the kingdom and it was Britain
which were to take full advantage of it.
By signing the agreement, Britain officially became the sole administrator of
Uganda politically and economically. Immediately after, Toro and Ankole were offered
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a protectorate treaty while Bunyoro was regarded as an enemy country and thus
occupation was imposed on it. As stated by Sathyamurthy:
Of the three neighbouring kingdoms of Buganda at the time of the
Agreement, Ankole and Toro were accorded a higher status than
Bunyoro by the colonial power. Bunyoro was treated as occupied enemy
territory...63
With the declaration of the British protectorate over the area, Britain succeeded in
securing its presence and keeping a strong hold over Uganda. This marked the total fall
of Uganda under the colonial administration.
63
T. V. Sathyamurthy, op. cit., p.174
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CONCLUSION
It is obvious that Britain did not colonize Uganda overnight. It was actually the
succession of events that occurred from the 1840's onwards that led to the weakening of
the power of the monarchy and the social breakdown of the kingdom. It all started with
the coming of the Arab traders who had no interest in spreading Islam in Uganda. Their
sole concern was how to increase their wealth. This was their mistake because they had
nearly 30 years before the first Christian missionaries came to the land. Unfortunately,
they did not cease the opportunity and left the gate open to the European creeds. Soon,
the Arabs became aware of the danger that was lying behind the establishment of
foreign faiths in the area, but it was too late. Uganda became home of four competing
sects who indoctrinated the Baganda to such an extent that it was hard not to foretell the
chaos Uganda was to witness.
The settlement of these faiths in the life of Ganda society would never have been
possible without the help of the ruler who was in search for a way to acquire more
power. The traditional religion, considered as a threat to his authority, had to be
replaced by a new one that would grant him much strength. Islam was the first tool used
to weaken the traditional faith, then came Protestantism and Catholicism. The kabaka
finally reached his goal with the rise of faithful converts who shifted their allegiance to
the new faiths. Since then, traditional religion became obsolete and powerless. Thanks
to Islam and Christianity, the king was able to run the kingdom freely. However, this
was short-lived because of the influence of the Arabs and missionaries over their
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119
adherents. The adoration Baganda converts had for their religious teachers led them to
rise against the king forcing him to take oppressive measures to destroy their will. But
he could not undo what had already been engraved in their heart and mind. This was the
opportunity for the colonial power to come on the scene, first through the Imperial
British East Africa Company, then with the protectorate.
Therefore one cannot deny the contribution of religious leaders in the fall of
Uganda under the British influence. In fact, without the religious factions, it would have
been hard for the colonial power to control the kingdom.
Before the intrusion of foreign religions, the kingdom was unified and its society
was a „big family‟ where most of the population was living under the sovereignty of
their leader; the kabaka. Religion was an element of concord; it was the cement that
kept the whole country as one body. However, it was also religion that later became the
element of distortion and separation. This occurred when it got involved in politics.
Generally speaking, religion and politics work hand in hand, as claimed by Jean Jacques
Rousseau and in Portal‟s first report when he wrote “... the miserable history of Uganda
for the last few years is sufficient to show how inextricably religion and politics are
interwoven in this country...” 64
Such view can be proved in this case for it showed how
religion can be a means of peace when it becomes complementary to politics. It also
shows that when religion bears the seeds of hatred and division it still affects politics,
yet it no longer becomes complementary to politics, indeed it becomes an element of
disturbance and rupture.
Religion was the key factor in the disturbance and the rupture of the political and
social systems of Buganda. Then it was easy for foreign authorities to get hold of the
kingdom with the rise of local supporters who became faithful and obedient believers
and shifted their allegiance to the Arabs and missionaries, then to the I.B.E.A.C, and
finally to the British administration. Since then, power became in the hands of Britain
and thanks to the new generation of elites, the colonial power did not need to bring its
officials. Uganda had become a British colony disguised in the form of protectorate.
64
K. Bourne, D. C. Watt, M. Partridge, op. cit., p.288
140
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C) THESES
- Ferlay, Christine, Les pères blancs et les "anglais" au Bugunda de 1879 à 1929,
unpublished doctorate thesis, Univ Paris I: CEMAF, Paris 2007
- Okello, Francis, Xavier, The Beginning of Evangilization in Eastern Uganda (1895 –
1924): An Effort Undertaken by the Missionaries of St. Joseph’s Soceity, London – The
Mill Hill Missionaries, (Rome: Pontificia Universit A Gregoriana, Facolta A Di Storia
Ecclesiastica, 2007)
D) PUBLISHED ARCHIVES
- Bourne, Kenneth and Watt, D. Cameron and Partridge, Michael, (eds), British Documents
on Foreign Affairs: Reports and Papers from the Foreign Office Confidential Print, Part I
From the Mid-Nineteenth Century to the First World War, Series G, Africa, 1885-1914,
Volume 15 Kingdom of Buganda and Uganda Protectorate, 1886-1895, (USA: University
Publications of America, 1995)
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Protectorates and Possessions in Africa. 3rd edition, (London: Harrison and Sons, 1909)
145
E) ENCYCLOPAEDIAS
- The McGraw-Hill Encyclopedia of World Biography, Vol. 9, (New York: McGraw-Hill
Book Company, 1973)
- Uganda: Webster’s Quotations, Facts and Phrases, (California: Icon Group International,
Inc, 2008)
F) DICTIONARIES
- Livingstone, E. A, (ed), The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2005)
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G) INTERNET
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146
GLOSSARY
- (Ba/Wa)-Franza: The French / The Catholics
- (Ba/Wa)-Ganda: People of Uganda
- (Ba/Wa)-Inglesa (Bangereza): The English / The Protestants
- (Ba/Wa)-Islam: Mohammedans
- Bakungu: The great chiefs
- Balubare: Gods
- Basomesa: Those who can read
- Bataka: Clan chiefs
- Batongole: A secondary group of chiefs
- Gabunga: Admiral
- Ganda: People of Uganda
- Kabaka: King
- Katikiro: Prime Minister
- Kimbugwe: The umbilical cord keeper
- Luganda: Native language of Baganda
- Lukiiko: Parliament
- Masiga: Major segments of the clans
- Mayembe: Fetishes
- Mituba: Minor segments of the clan
- Mizimu: Ghosts
- Muganda: Singular form of Baganda
- Mujasi: General of the armies
- Namasole: Queen Mother
- Nsiriba: Amulets
- Ssaza: County
Abstract
In the mid 19th century, Uganda was visited by the Arabs. They were traders
and Muslims. A few years later, they were followed by the Christian Missionary Society (CMS) from England in 1877, and the White Fathers from France in 1879. With three rival groups in the kingdom of Buganda, competition for converts started. It was through education that the Muslims, Protestants and Catholics tried to win adherents. Conversion first started in the royal palace where pages and chiefs were taught about the three religions. There, a new generation of believers arose; it was the readers. The latter, turned to be a danger to the monarchy because among them the future members of the political class had to be chosen. Besides, some converts stood against Kings Mutesa I and Mwanga for religious reasons. This led to the martyrdom of thousands of faithful converts. As a result, civil and religious wars broke out during the 1890s. In order to stop the bloodshed, Britain put Uganda under the control of the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEAC). A few years later, the company had to leave and England openly declared a protectorate over Uganda.
Keywords: Uganda Muslims CMS England White Fathers France Education Protestants Catholics Protectorate
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