Reconstructing Ancient and Modern Land Use Decisions in the Copan Valley, Honduras:

A GIS Landscape Archaeology Perspective

A thesis presented to

the faculty of

the Voinovich School of Leadership & Public Affairs

In partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree

Master of Science

Patricia J. White

December 2015

© 2015 Patricia J. White. All Rights Reserved.

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This thesis titled

Reconstructing Ancient and Modern Land Use Decisions in the Copan Valley, Honduras:

A GIS Landscape Archaeology Perspective

by

PATRICIA J. WHITE

has been approved for

the Program of Environmental Studies

and the Voinovich School of Leadership and Public Affairs by

AnnCorinne Freter-Abrams

Professor Emerita of Anthropology

Mark Weinberg

Director, Voinovich School of Leadership & Public Affairs

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ABSTRACT

WHITE, PATRICIA J., M.S., December 2015, Environmental Studies

Reconstructing Ancient and Modern Land Use Decisions in the Copan Valley, Honduras:

A GIS Landscape Archaeology Perspective

Director of Thesis: AnnCorinne Freter-Abrams

This thesis is an analysis of land use patterns in the Copan Valley, Honduras. It is

a comparative, GIS-based analysis of the archaeological/population site data of the

ancient Copan Maya population (A.D. 250-1300) and the 1978 modern Copan Valley

population. These two populations were compared to ascertain the resilience of the

Valley’s ecosystem over time. Time series data from the ancient Maya was combined

with mean center and standard distances tests on both populations and these were

overlain onto slope and aspect data to determine how both populations utilized similar

landscapes. Results demonstrate that the ancient Mayan utilization of the valley was non

resilient, and unsustainable, while the 1978 population was also non resilient, and only

currently sustainable due to outside markets.

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AKNOWLEDGMENTS

This thesis would not have been possible without the assistance of several people,

departments, and institutions.

First, a heavy debt is owed to all the Copan researchers who have investigated this

valley for over a 100 years. The data for this thesis was generously supported by the

Instituto Hondureño de Antropología e Historia and by three grants from the National

Science Foundation (Webster and Sanders, BNS-8219421; Webster, BNS-8419933; and

Webster and Freter BNS-219421).

Second, thanks to the Environmental Studies program for all of their help and

support;

Third, thanks to everyone on my committee. I appreciate the time they have taken

to help me complete this work and degree. Elliot Abrams assisted with edits while

Dorothy Sack generously took a “last minute” seat on my committee, and provided

supportive feedback.

AnnCorinne Freter was supportive after I took a long hiatus from this work and

encouraged me to finish. If she wasn’t as on board as I about its completion, I don’t think

it would’ve gotten finished. Gaurav Sinha assisted with several GIS questions and his

help was invaluable the thesis’ completion.

Last, on a personal level, thank you to my Grams (Doris)…for being helpful,

supportive, and patient during my graduate degree research. You really are the best.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract……………………………………………………………………………………3

Acknowledgments………………………………………………………………………....4

List of Figures……………………………………………………………………………..6

Introduction………………………………………………………………………………..7

Copan Valley, Honduras: Background…………………………………………………..11

Physical Environment………………………………………………………………….11

Ancient Cultural History……………………………………………………………….14

Archaeological History………………………………………………………………...15

Methods…………………………………………………………………………………..20

Data…………………………………………………………………………………….20

GIS Techniques………………………………………………………………………...24

Mean Center………………………………………………………………………….24

Standard Distance……………………………………………………………………25

Slope…………………………………………………………………………………26

Aspect………………………………………………………..………………………27

Results………………………………………………………………………………….28

Contemporary Conditions………………………………………………………………..34

Modern Settlement Data……………………………………………………………….36

Discussion………………………………………………………………………………..41

Ancient Maya…………………………………………………………………………..41

Contemporary Chorti…………………………………………………………………..43

Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………….45

Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………..50

Appendix: Raw Data for Time Series...………………………………………………….53

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1: Area Map………………………………………………………………………12

Figure 2: Map of All Surveyed Sites…………………………………………………….21

Figure 3: Time Series…………………………………………………………………….23

Figure 4: Mean Center of Ancient Population…………………………………………...25

Figure 5: Standard Distance of Ancient Population……………………………………..28

Figure 6: Graph, Time Series Average Slope……………………………………………30

Figure 7: Graph, Average Slope by Site Type…………………………………………...31

Figure 8: All Surveyed Sites across Aspect……………………………………………...32

Figure 9: Graph, Average Aspect by Site Type………………………………………….33

Figure 10: Population Distribution, 1978………………………………………………..37

Figure 11: Mean Center & Standard Distance of 1978 Population……………………...38

Figure 12: 1978 Population across Aspect……………………………………………….39

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INTRODUCTION

To some scholars, humans are viewed as ecological parasites, degrading their

ecosystems from pristine states (Erickson, 2000). This thesis is an attempt to show the

impacts humans have had as they have adapted as a species. Although this viewpoint

provides an awareness of the impacts human have in ecosystems, it also perpetuates the

human perspective as being apart from their surroundings or even superior to them. It

creates a human-centric mindset from which humans make exploitative decisions where

they view their relationship with the natural environment within a supply and demand

framework. However, there are some that see this human-nature relationship as an

adaptive dynamic but even within this perspective, there is still a tendency to view this

dynamic as one where humans operate within a carrying capacity or a subjective balance

of supply and demand (Erickson, 2000). Carrying capacity is the key concept to the idea

of sustainability. It is the number of people that an environment can support without

changing its productivity level (Moran, 2000). Moran discusses how this capacity is

dependent upon the technologies present in the environment and a set time frame (2000).

Therefore, sustainability implies an environment that operates within static absolute

amounts and concrete points of equilibrium available for exploitation, instead of a

dynamic, adaptive environment that changes and evolves around a shifting equilibrium,

with humans as a part of the system (Walker and Salt, 2006). Erickson (2000) furthers

this view of an adaptive dynamic because he presents the issue with the perspective of the

environment as a system able to reset into a pristine state after a period of exploitation by

humans. Instead, he explains that at any moment in time an environment’s state is the

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accumulated result of its evolution, including its relationship with humans. Although,

authors like Erickson who have recognized the human-nature dynamic but have urged for

a relationship where humans operate within a sustainable level of resources in the supply

and demand perspective, many are now positing to create an encompassing system

dynamic that operates within a level of resilience (Green, Garmestani, Hopton, &

Heberling, 2014).

Walker and Salt (p. xiii, 2006) define resilience as “the capacity of a system to

absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure. The idea behind

resilience is the need to utilize all the functions, cycles, roles, and redundancies of a

system with the goal of optimal performance. Ecosystems actually operate. They do not

simply have a supply of resources but are an adaptive dynamic of relationships,

developed over time. (Walker & Salt, 2006). Walker and Salt (2006) define this process

of adaptive system as self-organizing. They explain that hierarchical patterns produced by

key processes within the system are perpetuated by those patterns (Walker & Salt, 2006).

Biological diversity leads to redundancies of roles in systems that operate to serve

the whole (Walker & Salt, 2006). If diversity diminishes, by deforestation for example,

then there is less of an overlap in roles and few to pick up the slack in the face of

disturbance. This results in a loss of resilience. Coral reefs are an example Walker and

Salt (2006) utilize to demonstrate an ecosystem that bounce back from disturbances all

the time, pointing out their resilience. However, as the human aspect has increased in the

system, they have lacked the ability to recover.

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Humans play a role in a given ecosystem but are actually able to adapt their role

to help strengthen or weaken the system. In contemporary society, that role includes

social institutions that govern how the natural environment is exploited. Green et al

(2014), address resilience through a multi-scalar law model on handling the natural

environment (2014). They emphasize the importance of scale in determining what is

considered resilient. A lack of resilience in a system can be caused by different levels in

that system, so pinpointing the level(s) of issue are a huge part in investigation (Walker &

Salt, 2006). The two populations in this thesis are not only a good example of how a lack

of resilience can be caused from different levels in a system, and represent good case

studies for gaining a perspective of resilience through both an ancient and modern

population, which can be utilized for further studies.

The data in this thesis demonstrate that the ancient Maya in Copan, Honduras

exemplify a population that did not lead to a more resilient human-nature system, and

which was not operating within the absolutes of sustainability. The Copan Dynasty

demonstrated a rise and fall of a population. The modern Copan population is still

operating within its natural environment and although there are attempts at maintaining

an extended dynamic between humans and their environment, there is a question as to

whether that relationship results in a resilient system.

The goal of this thesis is to use GIS to analyze the settlement and chronological

data from both ancient and modern populations in Copan to observe how each population

utilized similar landscapes through the perspective of the human-ecological dynamic.

Similar landscapes are considered here instead of exactly the same environment because

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of the adoption of Erickson’s (2000) logic that an environment is never exactly the same

after it is utilized but is a product of everything shaping it at any given point in time.

However, the region in question is still the same ecological system in general after

ancient use. Therefore, the ancient and modern population’s environment are assumed to

be similar enough for a comparative study.

This is a GIS-based analysis of archaeological population data compiled by Freter

during the PAC II survey in Copan, Honduras (Webster, Freter, & Gonlin, 2000). The

ancient population data show population and land use over time by the Maya in the

region, demonstrating the rise and fall of a polity and its inhabitants. The modern

population is a snapshot of the 1978 population across the landscape in Copan, Honduras.

The distributions of the two populations in the Valley are analyzed by the variables of

slope, aspect, and generalized using mean center and standard distance spatial statistics.

The results of these analyses are then interpreted within their respective sociopolitical

contexts and environmental inferences are made about the level of resilience of each

system.

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COPAN VALLEY, HONDURAS: BACKGROUND

Physical Environment

The study area is defined as the 400 km2 of the Copan Valley watershed within

Honduras. Figure 1 gives an overview of the region. It is defined by five different

“pockets” (bolsas) of rich alluvium, surrounded by foothills, which rise to high

mountains. The alluvial pockets are preferred for agriculture over the soil of the

highlands. The soil becomes less arable and more vulnerable to erosion at higher

elevations. The largest alluvial pocket is the Copan pocket (1,200 ha), followed by Santa

Rita, El Jaral, Rio Amarillo West, and Rio Amarillo East. All of these fertile pockets are

crossed by stream systems (Webster et al., 2000). The various ecological zones are

segregated by slope. The bottom lands, like the Copan Pocket, are the active alluvium

best for cultivation. This pattern is not uniform across the region, however, which results

in a patchy pattern of gentle slopes that lead from the bottomlands to the higher

elevations to sharp rises to higher elevations with steeper inclines.

Rainfall and temperature are slightly affected by elevation but the higher

elevations are still able to sustain the staple crops (maize, beans) of the region for some

of the year (Webster et al., 2000). The valley has a defined wet and dry season. The wet

season falls between May and January. The soil is supportive of the cultivation of maize,

beans, tobacco, coffee, and cacao. During the dry season especially, the Copan River and

its Sesesmil tributary are important for irrigation today. Left untouched, the land is

capable of developing into a dense, mixed tropical forest. Mahogany, cedar, and ceiba

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dominate the lowlands while pine and oak, dominate at higher elevations. The elevation

ranges from 600 meters above sea level in the Copan pocket to 1400 meters above sea

level in the mountains (Webster et al., 2000).

Figure 1. Map showing Copan, Honduras (modified by Culbert, 1973).

It is important to describe the fragility of tropical soils, their climatic

environment, and the micro-environmental and erosional effects of deforestation.

Generally, tropical soils are easily degraded and the most popular way to exploit them

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amongst indigenous populations is slash and burn agriculture. Sections of forest are

burned to release the nutrients in the vegetation quickly which are then cultivated with

maize for a few growing seasons before being left to regenerate back into forest (fallow

periods). Wingard (1996) discussed how the soils in this particular area are highly acidic

and dependent upon the regrowth of vegetation and release of the nutrients through fire

rather than soil characteristics alone for productivity. Therefore, if an ecological

threshold is surpassed that is unable to maintain the nutrient levels in the soil, the area

will no longer be suitable for cultivation. Deforestation and continuous cultivation that

does not allow soils to regenerate long enough to accumulate nutrients can contribute to

this degrading scenario. Deforestation leaves the ground vulnerable to erosion, especially

at steeper slopes in higher elevations, and interrupts local moisture cycles because of the

diminished vegetation (Shaw, 2003).

The climate of the region with its definite wet and dry seasons also creates a

sensitive landscape vulnerable to critical thresholds for certain practices. Shaw (2003)

addresses how these conditions and climatic uncertainties increase with deforestation.

According to Shaw (2003), the surface albedo (% reflectivity of solar energy) is different

for a cleared versus a forested system. The greater albedo of the forested system than a

cleared one results in cooler temperatures for the forest. Additionally, the forest system is

capable of absorbing more humidity from soil than the cleared, agricultural system

because of its capacity to house larger air masses at similar temperatures. Further,

deforested systems have a decreased ability to retain moisture (Shaw, 2003). All of these

local changes result in warmer, drier microclimatic conditions vulnerable to drought,

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consequently adding to the declining soil conditions of a cleared system. If the area is not

exploited agriculturally in a manner and at a rate to merit ecological sustainability, the

system (not just the soil) will undergo a process of declining productivity. These are the

conditions any human group has to grapple with when occupying the Copan Valley.

Ancient Cultural History

According to a sediment core from 1989, ancient inhabitants were exploiting the

valley with slash and burn agriculture since 3600 B.C. (Webster et al., 2000). Evidence of

maize cultivation is demonstrated as early as 2,000 B.C. Farming, in the form of slash

and burn agriculture, and pottery evidence in the Copan Valley started at about 1400 B.C.

By A.D. 400, evidence of a new political structure and population growth in the valley

emerged (Webster et al., 2000).

An individual presumed to be from Teotihuacan, K’inich Yax K’uk Mo’, appears

in the monumental record of the Copan Valley circa A.D. 426. He is the first ruler of

what becomes the Copan Dynasty. His presence is archaeologically punctuated by Mayan

iconography on monumental architecture and in hieroglyphic inscriptions. A political

structure developed that through time produced a succession of 16 kings at Copan

(Webster et al, 2000). The population began to grow and was concentrated within an

urban core in the Copan Pocket around what later became the Main Center. The Main

Center is where rituals were celebrated and population was densest. According to

Webster et al (2000), there were also two urban barrios, designated archaeologically as

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Las Sepulturas and El Bosque, that fanned out around the Main Center to create the urban

core of the site. These areas were populated by residences of semi-autonomous

communal units with their own domestic ritual centers, agricultural gardens, and pottery

manufacturing areas. According to Paine, Freter, and Webster (1996), the core reached a

density of about 12,000 people per km2 at its height in A.D. 800. Population in the total

valley peaked at about 28,000 around A.D. 750 and the political structure had an abrupt

political collapse starting at about A.D. 822, followed by a gradual population decline

and spatial diffusion that lasted until about A.D. 1250 (Paine et al., 1996). After A.D.

1400, agriculture was completely abandoned, allowing for forest regeneration until the

Spanish arrived in the 1500s (Webster et al., 2000).

Archaeological History

The Copan Valley has a rich archaeological past. The Main Center in the urban

core was the earliest known area to be mapped, cross-sectioned, and sketched in 1834 by

archaeologist Juan Galindo and again in 1839 by John Stevens and Frederick

Catherwood. Work was then expanded from 1881 to 1895 by Alfred Maudslay, supported

by the Peabody Museum. The Carnegie Project followed this from 1935 to 1946, during

which the Copan River was diverted away from the Main Group. The first real attempt at

capturing the remains outside of the Main Group was a map made by Robert Burgh

created in 1935-1946 and published in 1952 (Longyear, 1952). This focus on the outlying

areas was expanded upon more intensely during The Harvard Project in 1977 by William

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Fash (1983), who remapped and surveyed Las Sepulturas. Specialized projects of

architectural mapping and photographing were undertaken by Hasso Hohmann and

Annegrete Vogrin in the 1970s. Finally, two highly intensive excavations, called PAC

(Proyecto Arqueologico Copan) I and PAC II, were initiated by the Honduran

government from 1977 to 1984 (Webster et al., 2000).

PAC I and PAC II produced a mass of data. Claude F. Baudez, through the French

Center for Scientific Research, led the PAC I. During this excavation project, sections of

the Main Group were restored and a ceramic sequence first proposed by John M.

Longyear, was expanded upon by Rene Viel (1983, 1993a, b). An attempt was also made

to represent the outlying areas by mapping and surveying the Copan Pocket, conducting a

survey of the broader Rio Copan drainage area, test pitting 1% of mounds in the Pocket,

excavating 15 more sites, and performing a random subsurface testing for sites. The last

of these proved valuable, as many sites are built on top of the remnants of older ones.

Finally, the PAC I, through a survey initiated by Baudez, provided ecological and land

use data of the region through ethnographic surveying (Leventhal, 1979).

In 1980, the PAC II phase was initiated through the Pennsylvania State University

directed by William T. Sander and David Webster. It was during this phase that Ann

Freter (1993) collected data employed for this thesis. Building on the initial work of

earlier excavations, PAC II undertook additional excavations throughout the Main Group

and Las Sepulturas, and extensive rural surface surveys of the settlements in the Rio

Copan and Rio Sesesmil drainages. This phase was an attempt to reconstruct the

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sociopolitical context and the processes of ecological relationships and population

dynamics (Webster et al., 2000).

During PAC II, Freter conducted obsidian hydration dating on a stratified random

sample of the 400 km2 area and produced 2,264 dates. These dates have been

complemented by radiocarbon and ceramic dating in the region (Webster et al., 2005).

Copan Valley sites are classified into four general types by the amount and type

of structures found and the building materials utilized. Type 1 sites are constructed from

earthen material and rough stone. They have two or more buildings situated around one

or more plazas. Type 2 sites have one or more plazas and 6 to 8 mounds and are built of

rubble and blocks. In Type 3 sites this design escalates to taller mounds and dressed cut

stone. Finally the most elaborate sites are Type 4, which have many intricately grouped

plazas and mounds, and the material is dressed stone built into vaulted ceiling with some

sculptures (Webster et al., 2000).

In addition to horizontal excavations, surveys, and dating, Wingard (1996) tested

a soil model on the topography. The model represented an attempt to reconstruct the

relationships between population dynamics, deforestation, and soil erosion. Wingard

utilized the Erosion/Productivity Impact Calculator (EPIC) model created by the USDA.

Six slope classes were defined soils to help identify which slope variables are influenced

by erosion and which decline from nutrient depletion. As far as modeling the agricultural

habits of the Ancient Maya, EPIC allowed for a ten-year interval where eight years were

fallow periods and two were actively cropped. The model was then modified to project

the effects of decreases in fallow periods (Wingard, 1996).

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The model divides the landscape into three general areas: alluvial pockets,

foothills, and steeper hillsides. The simulation begins at A.D. 1 with 1,000 inhabitants.

Up to A.D. 700, an annual population growth rate of about 0.30 percent is used. From

A.D. 700-850, it increases to approximately 0.80 percent annually. These data, when

paired with the obsidian hydration dates collected by Freter (1993), show a population

concentration in the Copan Pocket followed by a northward and eastward expansion

(Wingard, 1996) as it grew, peaking at about 28,000 inhabitants. Evidence suggests that

the urban core housed a population density of approximately 12,000 km2 (Webster et al.,

2000).

According to Wingard (1996), the bottom land alluvium and the foothills were

exploited first since they were the most densely populated, closer to water, and richer in

soil nutrients than the higher elevations. Therefore, the lands would have been degraded

by overuse in these regions rather than by erosion. As population increased, fallow

periods were decreased. Eventually, the soil was in constant production. This induced

people to move to higher elevations and to begin cultivating the hillsides. Hillsides, on

higher slopes, have poorer soils that are more erosion-prone, thus their production is

limited. Wingard (1996, p. 219) states the dynamics of this scenario, “the absolute

increase in population is greater each year as a result of a constant growth rate operating

on an increasing population. However, the absolute decline in productivity on land under

cultivation is also increasing each year as the area of land under cultivation, and hence

subject to degradation, is increasing.”

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After A.D. 850, the population growth rate declines in the region to about 0.30

percent annually and the Maya political system changes (Webster et al., 2000). Paine and

Freter (1996) show a high risk of hillside abandonment first due to poorer soils and their

erosive tendencies, followed by later abandonment of the richer alluvium bottomlands.

As previously described, this region is vulnerable to overuse if a keen, ecologically

mindful, exploitative method is not practiced on this sensitive tropical landscape. The

archaeological, chronological, and pedological evidence suggest that settlement dynamics

of the ancient Maya were the product of the ecological decisions of the population and

their resultant relationship with the environment as demonstrated in their movement onto

higher elevations with an increase in population. Generally, the ancient Maya endured a

colonization boom and bust as resources were exploited and exhausted.

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METHODS

The primary objective of the GIS analysis is to describe settlement patterns of the

ancient Maya in the Copan Valley from A.D. 250-A.D.1300 and compare them to the

1978 population. It is anticipated that this comparison can be coupled with relevant

literature to provide insight into the land use manifestations of each sociopolitical

structure. GIS is useful here because it demonstrates visually the statistical movement of

population across the landscape.

Point data are useful for looking at distribution patterns, and when a time series is

added it shows how these distributions shift over time. A common way to generalize this

statistically is by utilizing the geographical mean center and the standard distance and

overlaying them across landscape variables, such as slope and aspect.

Data

The data consist of 169 sites that represent a stratified random sample of the total

1,430 sites. The sample is stratified based on site type (NM, AG, SM, and T1-T4) and

geographic area, using an aerial photograph number for the outlying regions and grid

square numbers for the Copan Pocket. The archaeological data for this study are the site

location, chronology, and environmental setting observations collected by Freter,

analyzed with an ArcGIS geodatabase and contextual shapefiles. Point data represent all

of the ancient mapped sites throughout all time periods from colonization to the political

collapse across the 400 km2 area (Figure 2). Polygon data extrapolated from 1978 aerial

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photographs give the contemporary population pattern. Freter has also included line data

of digitized topographic lines, trails, roads, and streams. Finally, there is polygon data on

the research universe (Freter, 1988). The initial geographic coordinate system and data

presented is in NAD 1927. Between the settlement survey, test pit excavations, and

obsidian hydration dating, this GIS database represents a rare opportunity to analyze in

greater depth the ancient Maya settlement trends through time. In order for the data to be

utilized for the purpose of the study some preparation and manipulation was required.

Figure 2. Distribution of all surveyed sites across archaeological areas.

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Because the goal of the thesis is to determine settlement patterns over time, the

settlement point data need dates attached to them. Only those dated through Freter’s

(1988) obsidian hydration and radiocarbon efforts are available (n=169). The site dates

were input as a time series in an attribute table of the site data ranging from A.D 250-

A.D. 1300 (Figure 3). The appendix lists the raw data. These categories were separated

by 150 year intervals to capture the accuracy range of the obsidian hydration dates, +/-

150 years. Each of these six intervals was selected and exported as a new layer in

ArcMap. The first two intervals were merged into one as they showed only a slight

difference. There was also only a slight difference between A.D. 700-A.D. 850 and A.D.

850-A.D. 1000. These, however, were left distinct because the two time intervals fall on

the cusp of the population peak and collapse and peak population. Even a slight variation

might demonstrate a meaningful pattern connected to the contextual social conditions of

the time.

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Figure 3. Spatial time series of dated sites.

In an effort to work with linear measurement during analysis, the geographic

coordinate system was converted to UTM from the original NAD 1927 geographic

coordinate system. The digitized topographic polylines were converted to raster format

and “no data” gaps were filled in using an algorithm through map algebra. This allows for

a view of migration patterns relating to elevation.

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GIS Techniques

Mean Center

In an effort to obtain a statistical visualization of how the population during each

time interval was distributed across the landscape, the mean center and standard distance

were calculated for each time interval (Figures 4 & 5). The mean center represents the

average position of the sites across the landscape. This is the point at which all of the X

and Y points tend to gravitate and is equated with the mean in general statistics (Unwin,

1983). If a distribution of points is separated by time frames, then the mean center of

each time frame can be plotted spatially to demonstrate the temporal movement through

time (Smith, 1975). This results in a single spatial point focusing the trajectory of the

population across the landscape into an average. Its counterpart, the standard distance,

shows the variation about the mean center.

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Figure 4. Distribution of population mean centers through time.

Standard Distance

Standard distance is the same as the standard deviation in general statistics and

can be calculated to show how the distribution of the points fall with respect to that mean

center (Unwin, 1983). Figure 5 shows this applied to the data. An example of this

technique is described in Smith (1975) and was done in a study on the manufacturing belt

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in the United States through the time period of 1899 to 1963. These patterns were then

viewed in light of qualitative background data to create inferences about the patterns, the

same objective of this thesis. The standard distance calculates a set number of standard

deviations around that average. For this purpose, one standard deviation sufficed as two

encompassed the whole distribution. This calculation is demonstrated as a circle around

the area with the average in the center, representing 68% of the whole spatial distribution

of the time interval.

Slope

Slope is a measurement taken from an elevation raster based on a rise on the

landscape. It is calculated in degrees as a ratio, or percent rise but for this purpose,

degrees are used. The output is a value from 0-90 degrees. Ninety is a vertical line and

anything under, the respective angle from the horizontal. Slope was calculated on the

DEM using the slope tool. The values for each point on the ancient data layer were then

denoted using the “Extract Multi Values to Points” tool. The 1978 data are polygons

input by Freter from aerial photographs, representing houses. These needed to be

converted to points to get a single slope value. GIS does this conversion by utilizing the

central point in each polygon. These values were then submitted through the same

extraction process for the slope values. Aspect is another value this tool can be used on.

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Aspect

Aspect is also measured in degrees but from 0-360. It represents a panoramic

categorization of slope angles across a landscape starting in the north, moving clockwise

across the DEM. Therefore, anything at 0 degrees or 360 degrees denotes north facing

slopes. Anything in between the two extremes represents the respective directions in

movement. From this aspect raster, the extract tool was utilized to obtain the aspect data

from both the ancient and modern sites.

28

Figure 5. Distribution of population standard distances through time.

Results

The time series settlement patterns show an overall trend to the north and east.

The population starts in the Copan Pocket in the first time interval A.D. 250-A.D. 550

and begins the movement from there. The population density is highest in the Pocket and

population peaks in the interval A.D. 700-850. The population also fans out across the

29

landscape in this interval and continues to increase just slightly thereafter in the A.D.850-

A.D.1000 interval. It finally starts retracting and dissipating by A.D. 1300 in the overall

study area. This movement reflects the trend in population change over time shown by

the mean center analysis.

The standard distance captures the variation in this population movement as the

population radius fans out and up with respect to the average presented in the mean

center analysis. Again, population is concentrated with little spatial dispersion in the

earlier years of the Copan Dynasty and centered in the Pocket. As the population grows,

it moves eastward and spatial dispersion moves upslope. The limited productivity of the

land on higher elevations may be expressed in this variation as each “patch” of utilized

land has to be under production less intensely than lowlands and more would have to be

used, resulting in a pattern where inhabitants spread out more to exploit that type of land.

Figure 6 demonstrates a change in mean slope of land with sites over time as

more land becomes cultivated. The pattern reflected here is a movement upslope after the

commencement of the Copan Dynasty and the steeper choice of slope remaining steady

until after the political collapse. The later years demonstrate a gradual decline in the slope

of occupied terrain before abandonment of the valley.

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Figure 6. Time series slope averages.

Figure 7 shows the distribution of slope by site type on all of the surveyed ancient

sites. Less elaborate sites, shown in the first category are those found on steeper sloping

regions. Sites containing more elaborate structures, mounds, and ceremonial centers, are

found on gentler slopes. This signifies a social distribution where sites sustaining elite

members of society were situated on land better suited for exploitation or larger

constructions needed larger parcels of level land.

0

2

4

6

8

10

12

Average Slope Over Time

Average slopein degrees

31

Figure 7. Average slope of all surveyed sites by site type.

Figure 8 shows the ancient population across aspect. Aspect, as previously

described, shows the compass direction that a slope faces, with 0° and 360° being north.

As Figure 8 shows, the ancient Maya preferred sites on southern slopes while Figure 9

shows the distribution of aspect by site type.

0123456789

Slope of all Site Types

Average slope indegrees

32

Figure 8. Distribution of all surveyed sites across aspect.

33

Figure 9. Average aspect of all surveyed sites by site type.

Based on these data, it appears that inhabitants of the overall study region

preferred southern exposures. These data for slope and aspect provide a better

understanding of ancient land use decisions.

The population movement onto steeper slopes through time might reflect the fact

that additional land is no longer available for cultivation on lower-lying regions. The land

is either exhausted or is under constant production and more land is needed to support the

population. Aspect brings up some interesting questions about why there is a clear

preference for eastern to southern facing slopes. Over time aspect does not seem to

change as much as slope does, so an inference for preference based on exploitation

pressures will not be made here. However, it is safe to infer that it may have something to

do with the sun’s angles on homes or crops during certain seasons to assure successful

harvests or as a labor tactic to stay out of the sun at the most productive points of the day.

A look at the modern data may add to this understanding.

160

165

170

175

180

185

190

Aspect of all Site Types

Average aspect indegrees

34

CONTEMPORARY CONDITIONS

The Spanish Conquistadors arrived in the Copan Valley in the 1500s and began

the process of displacing the Chorti Maya (modern descendants of the ancient population)

and setting up governmental land ownership. In the 1800s, Honduras was delineated

politically, dividing the Chorti between Guatemala and Honduras. The system of land

ownership and allocation established by 1900, is one in which a few powerful landowners

own the majority of the land while rural peasants work the land as laborers (Chenier,

Sherwood, & Robertson, 1999).

Tucker (2008) discusses the current land tenure system in La Campa, Honduras,

which demonstrates how land is delegated throughout the country. The municipio (local

district) divides up the land for use among villagers. This division is necessary because it

is not common for families to privately own their land, and the formalized policy of

holding land is often carried out in an informal manner. For example, titles are not

generally exchanged institutionally but are hand written (Tucker, 2008). Requirements

for utilizing the land are dependent on the scenario. Families may use land to cultivate

personal milpas, which are subsistence cultivation lots generally consisting of maize,

beans, and squash. However, there may be an added caveat for a farmer to couple this

personal use with commercial use as a contribution to broader economic endeavors. In La

Campa, coffee became the major commercial crop for this purpose through the 1990s.

Copan, on the other hand, underwent a boom and bust with tobacco from the 1950s

through the 1990s. With the introduction of a commercial crop, the investment of the

35

national government and international investors brings development and prosperity to an

area and the influx of employment, infrastructure, and their respective technologies.

However, the area that sees this growth and development from external players is

also dependent on what this development creates socially, economically, and physically.

Tobacco was initially very successful but when outside contexts changed with

antismoking campaigns, the market changed. Therefore, those campesinos (farmers)

relying on the income ultimately suffered (Loker, 2005). The Chorti essentially suffered

at the expense of land allocation policies.

In the 1970s the government granted a few groups of Chorti some land to relieve

the stresses of the growing population, but the land was of higher slope. As we recall

from the Ancient Mayan example, this type of land has a low carrying capacity and is not

conducive to meeting the agricultural needs of an increasing population. Attempts were

made by the rural community in the 1980s to form unions to gain additional land and

credit but they were met with resistance and violence (Chenier et al., 1999). In the 1990s,

the Chorti attempted further to unionize by forming groups, such as the National Chorti

Indian Council of Honduras, to use as vehicles to gain more land from their government.

Again, they were met with resistance when Candido Amador, a Chorti leader, was

assassinated in 1997. A hunger strike that same year gained enough international

attention to grant the Chorti some more land but it was of poor quality once again

(Chenier et al., 1999). How and when the land is cultivated, and how intensely it is

cultivated, result from a mix of governmental decisions, commercial factors, and local

community and familial subsistence needs. How much forest is cleared to meet these

36

needs is another factor contributing to land use. In the case of La Campa, there had been

episodes of deforestation and reforestation through the 1990s. In the Copan valley, the

tobacco boom required an increase in deforestation because processing flue-cured

tobacco required the timber for fuel. When tobacco production in the area failed and the

British-American Tobacco Corporation (BAT) retreated, the land was turned over to

cattle grazing instead of regenerated into forest (Loker, 2005).This sociopolitical

atmosphere governs how the population is dispersed and land is utilized.

Modern Settlement Data

Contemporary conditions defined here are the settlement data for the 1978

population. As noted above, these data were available as polygons digitized from 1978

aerial photographs by Freter (Figure 10). The polygons are actually houses in patterns

that are similar to the communal structure of the ancient Maya. A trail and roads layer has

been added to the stream and polygon layers in GIS to reflect contemporary conditions.

Mean center and standard distance calculations were made on these data. This is not a

time a series but a simple snapshot in time of an extant population to compare to the

ancient population distributions.

The resulting map shows that the 1978 population is more dispersed than the

ancient population. However, this dispersal reflects the patterns in the outlying, “rural”

areas of the height of the Copan Dynasty (A.D. 700-A.D. 850) and the later years of

dispersal after the political collapse (A.D. 850-A.D. 1150). The densest areas are still

37

found in the low-lying regions of higher soil fertility while higher elevations demonstrate

decreased population density like the density found in higher elevations of the ancient

population.

Figure 10. Distribution of 1978 population.

The mean center and standard distance on the 1978 population (Figure 11)

generalize these modern distribution patterns. Since there is only one time frame to work

38

with for the modern data, these spatial tests were placed together in the same map. The

mean center for the population for 1978 is located in the center of the study area

indicating how more evenly dispersed and less skewed in any direction than the

population was in earlier times. The standard distance covers most of the area, showing

the large distribution of settlements in 1978.

Figure 11. Mean center and standard distance of 1978 population.

39

This distribution makes sense given the absence of a centralized political force.

With land held within the hands of a few landholders but worked by peasant farm

laborers. In this scenario the land has not (or yet) to be exhausted beyond its productivity

level. A comparison of average slope between the ancient and modern populations

provides the values of 8° and 11°, respectively. As is evident in this comparison, both the

modern and ancient populations accessed higher slopes to support higher populations.

Figures 12, shows the distribution of the modern population across aspect.

Figure 12. Distribution of all surveyed sites across aspect

40

Aspect shows a similar preference among the modern population as the ancient

Mayans for the south-facing slopes. A comparison of the ancient and modern averages

gives the values of 183° and 174°, respectively. This demonstrates that aspect preference

might be more of an ecological decision for cultivation that works in that physical

environment rather than a social decision that changes with inhabitants. Additionally,

aspect preference does not change with population increase over time for the ancient

Maya. Therefore, it is not affected by exploitation pressures. South-facing slopes may

add to the success of the harvest or the production of labor from sun angles or may have

to do with the geologic structure of the terrain.

41

DISCUSSION

Ancient Maya

There are sociopolitical data presented in the archaeological record that may

account for the observed population/migration trends in the Copan Valley. A new

political structure came into the area around A.D. 426, and this may be demonstrated in

the population nucleation within the pocket and subsequent population increase. Because

the beginning of the time series shows a highly dense center followed by an expansion

that was not present before A.D. 426, it is safe to assume that there existed a centripetal

force acting on these patterns. Therefore, it would follow that when this force ceased to

act, the patterns would shift into a centrifugal form demonstrated later in the time series.

This suggests that there was a political collapse and not a large-scale population collapse

as there are still inhabitants as the pattern shifts. The presence of post-polity inhabitants is

demonstrated through the use of ceramic, radiocarbon, and obsidian hydration dating

(Webster, Freter, & Storey, 2004).

Environmentally, the ancient population data might show how an ecosystem can

be exhausted by the decision making process of a sociopolitical structure. As population

increased in the fertile Copan Pocket, there was a need to move upwards in topography

and thus to steeper slopes to exploit the environment further to support the growing

population, but there were limited areas available that had the overlap of slope, aspect,

and nearness to water preferred by the Maya for their settlements. Studies abound of the

effects of land clearing on higher slopes and the subsequent erosion rates. Anselmetti,

42

Hodel, Ariztegui, Brenner, and Rosenmeier (2007) utilized settlement core data to

quantify soil erosion rates of the ancient Maya from their land use decisions to clear

forest for agriculture. Kammerbauer and Ardon (1999) conducted a similar study in La

Lima, Honduras, on the effects of slope on agricultural productivity. In that work, the

authors looked at the dynamics of sociopolitical conditions and land use decisions

through three time periods: 1955, 1975, and 1995. They demonstrated how augmented

economic pressure can result in a need to utilize land on higher slopes, putting the natural

balance of the whole ecosystem at jeopardy (Kammerbauer & Ardon, 1999). Wingard’s

(1996) erosion model also demonstrated this human-environment dynamic. In the case of

Copan, the data demonstrate how population pressure induced agricultural productivity

into higher elevations as well. As a result, the resource base of the population exerted a

pressure that probably contributed to a centralized collapse.

The patterns in the data show the results of this collapse as the center de-nucleates

and the population spreads back out onto the landscape, dissipating through time, until

about A.D. 1300. After this, the landscape is able to regenerate. The Spanish arrive later

and re-population occurs. These ancient data, compared to modern settlement data,

demonstrate how the population patterns change with the absence of a local, centralized

force operating on it.

43

Contemporary Chorti

There are other factors operating on contemporary patterns beyond the power

structure of land availability and allocation on a localized scale. Unlike the ancient Maya,

the modern population has a connection to outside market forces. Land ownership is in

the hands of the few but worked by farm laborers. Land use is governed by those few in

power and their connections to the larger international markets and the national

government. In 1978, local communities had access to imports and contributed labor to

the exports of the country. The case of flue-cured tobacco is an excellent example of this,

as the Copan community connected itself to the transnational BAT (British-American

Tobacco) Corporation and accepted its investment and technologies and their effects on

land use and population structures. New farming techniques aid in augmenting land

productivity with the introduction of fertilizers and pesticides but can also increase

degradation and pollution (Loker, 2004). This globalized atmosphere was absent amongst

the populations of the ancient Maya.

Both the ancient and modern systems demonstrate how different social molds can

operate on similar environments and still have similar results in land degradation and

exhaustion. Also, recall Erickson’s (2000) view on how an environment does not “reset”

to a pristine state but is a cumulative result of its history. Therefore, the modern context

and its level of resilience is a product of the ancient population’s relationship with the

same geographic area. Scale is important here as well because it denotes what may be

acting on these migration patterns based on land availability. The ancient Maya

44

distribution was likely a local issue of population increase and expansion and over-

exploitation of the resource base. They networked with other Mesoamerican polities with

trade of shells and jade and some migrations, for example, but not at a level of economic

significance (Webster et al., 2000). The modern distribution, on the other hand, is a

dynamic interplay between local population increases (like the Ancient Maya) and

international factors caused by external market demands (Kok, 2004).

45

CONCLUSION

Comparative studies such as this are important because they allow present

humans to learn from the mistakes and contributions of populations of the past and even

the present to the betterment of future decisions on land use (Chase et al., 2014).

Obviously, this is important because land is a resource that contributes to human

livelihood and species longevity. Much of what environmental studies has focused on in

the recent past has been sustainability, which seeks to have humans live within a

landscape carrying capacity. However, recent publications have stressed the importance

of resilience (Green et al., 2014). Resilience is a system’s ability to endure the shock

from disturbances, such as human activity, weather, and the introduction of new species

and still retain its basic ecological structure. This view is different because it does not

see the land as a resource in absolute terms where humans need to live within a given,

human-centered, quantitative means. It sees the evolutionary functions of a system and

how humans operate within the dynamics of that system and as a part of it (Walker and

Salt, 2006). It is not that sustainability is no longer a goal but that it is obtained through

resilience.

In can be argued, based on the data presented and analyzed in this thesis, that the

ancient Maya occupation in the Copan Valley is an example of a failure to be sustainable

or resilient, hence, the population boom and bust. The resilience of the entire system was

affected as more land was cleared. Micro-environmental moisture and heat

radiation/absorption cycles were altered as vegetation decreased, contributing to localized

drought conditions. As steeper slopes were exploited, erosion would have increased with

46

the loss of vegetation and that also decreased the arability of the land. Critical soil-

nutrient thresholds were surpassed for the sake of the increasing population. This is

shown in the data as steeper slopes were exploited increasingly through time as

population increased. Contemporary conditions still allow for a population to exist on the

landscape and this is evident by the presence of the current population in the Copan

Valley. Therefore, the present ecological environment within the current sociopolitical

context does not appear completely unsustainable. However, given current ecological

conditions, there is room for argument that the system is not resilient. Two examples

demonstrate this point.

Using the definition of resilience by Walker and Salt (2006), two examples can be

employed to show the devastating effects of a disturbance on a non-resilient system. The

effects of the rise and fall of the tobacco industry in the Copan Valley from the 1950s-

1990s, coupled with the effects of Hurricane Mitch in 1998, have tested this system’s

ability to bounce back from a shock. To the farm laborers at the base of the tobacco

market, abandonment of the crop meant a loss of jobs and displacement. The land once

utilized for the tobacco industry was turned over to pasture land. Not only was the

tobacco market not replaced with another booming export, but the land was not left to

regenerate nutrients in its untouched, forested state and many farmers were without milpa

lands. Loker (2005) posits that this may have contributed to the need for the Chorti to

demand more land rights from the Honduran government. This escalated into a marching

hunger strike (Chenier et al., 1999). The tobacco industry is one instance of many that

47

allows the laboring population to distrust the security of its economic reliance on exports

(Boyer and Pell, 1999).

In October of 1998, Hurricane Mitch hit the southern coast of Honduras and

devastated Tegucigalpa. Extensive mudslides ensued on the higher elevations while

flooding occurred on the bottomlands. An estimated 150,000 inhabitants were displaced,

10,000 people lost their homes, and 100,000 people were left unemployed. In El Corpus

and Concepcion de Maria, farmers were afraid to replant their ruined harvests because

rockslides still threatened the inhabitants after the initial destructive mudslides. Chiquita

Brands did nothing to help its stranded workers when they were flooded onto hilltops and

laid off 7,500 of them for the interruption in production (Boyer & Pell, 1999). Socially,

the inhabitants suffered from a lack in re-structuring support from the export companies

they relied on for employment or from the government which was more concerned with

keeping export networks open. This is demonstrated by the fact that the priority was to

re-open main artery routes instead of establishing emergency committees for

neighborhoods threatened with looting (Boyer & Pell, 1999). Ecologically, mudslides

were a major issue due to the cleared mountain regions. There was not enough vegetation

(except in milpa-planted areas) to prevent soil/debris movement on higher elevations

during the storm, hence, an increase in devastation, injury/death, and displacement

(Boyer and Pell, 1999).

The population of 1978 was (and still could be) construed as an example of the

inability of the current sociopolitical structure to create a resilient ecological system as

was demonstrated in the outcome of the stress placed on it two decades later in the

48

examples above. Ecologically, it is still “sustaining” a current population. However, if

examples of population and land use are to be applicably productive, truly understanding

them is vital. This means understanding the dynamics of the systems involved not just the

resources they possess and how humans can obtain the resources with the least impact.

Walker and Salt state (p.90-91, 2006),

The lesson is that you cannot understand or successfully manage a system--any

system, but especially a social-ecological system--by focusing on only one scale.

So often people concentrate solely on the scale of direct interest to them (their

farm, their catchment, their company, or their country), but the structure and the

dynamics at that scale, and how the system can and will respond at that scale,

strongly depends on the states and dynamics of the system at the scales above and

below.

The ancient Maya seem to have understood this concept. Before the rise of the

new polity around A.D. 426, they practiced slash and burn agriculture with a fallow rate

conducive to the natural dynamics of the tropical forest system. However, under a new

sociopolitical structure, the dynamics of that social-ecological relationship changed. In a

modern perspective like the 1978 context, population was more encroaching and

globalized. This scenario requires an increase in understanding of this interdependent

web of complex sociopolitical systems but they are actually less complex than the natural

ecosystems they rely on. It is this complexity that has allowed natural systems to evolve

the stamina to handle disturbance.

49

Human social structures and institutions should seek to mimic earth’s natural

systems: their complexity, diversity, redundancies, interdependencies (Green et al.,

2014). These systems, through the process of trial and error over time, have self-

maximized into complex adaptive systems for the best resilience on the planet. Humans

are a part of these systems and are connected to them.

However, if humans really wish to strive to adapt and thrive as a species, then

they need to focus on learning from their mistakes. This landscape GIS study of the

Copan Valley demonstrates how it is possible to better understand these human-

ecological dynamics in order to more accurately access the environmental resiliency of

previous, current, and future land use decisions.

50

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Boyer, J. & Pell, A. (1999). Mitch in Honduras: A disaster waiting to happen. NACLA,

xxxiii(2), 36-43.

Chase, A. F., Lucero, L. J., Scarborough, V. L., Chase, D. Z., Cobos, R., Dunning, N. P.,

… Liendo, R. (2014). Tropical landscapes and the ancient Maya: Diversity in

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Chenier, J., Sherwood, S., & Tahnee, R. (1999). Copan, Honduras: Collaboration for

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International Development Research Center.

Culbert, P. (1973). The classic Maya collapse. Albuquerque, New Mexico: New Mexico

Press.

Erickson, C. L. (2000). The Lake Titicaca basin: A pre-Columbian built landscape. Lentz,

D.(Ed.). Imperfect balance: Landscape transformations in the pre-Columbian

Americas, 311-356. New York: Columbia University Press.

Fash, W. (1983). Maya state formation: A case study and its implications. (Doctoral

dissertation). Harvard University.

Freter, A. (1988). The classic Maya collapse at Copan, Honduras: A regional settlement

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perspective. (Doctoral dissertation). The Pennsylvania State University.

Freter, A. (1993). Obsidian hydration dating: Its past, present, and future application in

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Green, O. O., Garmerstani, A. S., Hopton, M. E., & Heberling, M. T. (2014). A

multiscalar examination of law for sustainable ecosystems. Sustainability, 6,

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Kammerbauer, J. & Ardon, C. (1999). Land use dynamics and land use change pattern in

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ecosystems, and environment, 75, 93-100.

Kok, K. (2004). The role of population in understanding Honduran land use changes.

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Leventhal, R. (1979). Settlement patterns at Copan, Honduras. (Doctoral dissertation).

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Longyear, J (1952). Copan ceramics: A study of the southeastern Maya pottery.

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Loker, W. M. (2005). The rise and fall of flue-cured tobacco in the Copan Valley and its

environmental and social consequences. Human Ecology, 33(3), 299-327.

Moran, E. F. (2000). Human adaptability: An introduction to ecological anthropology

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Paine, R. & Freter, A. (1996). Environmental degradation and the Classic Maya collapse

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Paine, R., Freter, A., & Webster, D. (1996). A mathematical projection of population

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Shaw, J. M. (2003). Climate change and deforestation: Implications for the Maya

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Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado.

53

APPENDIX: RAW DATA FOR TIME SERIES

SITE

#

SITE_

Class

A.D.

250-

400

A.D.

400-

550

A.D.

550-

700

A.D.

700-

850

A,D.

850-

1000

A.D.

1000-

1150

A.D.

1150-

1300

Elev

in

masl

Slo

in °

As

p

in °

6A_1

_2

AG 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 741 2 26

6A_3

_4

2 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 743 6 88

6A_4

_1

4 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 734 4 290

6A_1

1_1

3 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 720 1 230

6A_1

9_2

SM 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 729 2 263

6B_1

_8

AG 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 751 9 35

6B_4

_5

AG 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 880 16 297

99A_

14_1

NM 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 660 7 42

99A_

18_2

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 720 2 275

99A_ 1 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 758 8 139

54 25_2

99A_

26_3

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 760 15 126

99A_

26_5

SM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 760 8 117

99A_

29_1

SM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 620 10 315

99A_

29_2

SM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 620 10 315

99A_

29_4

NM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 660 5 164

99A_

30_1

SM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 680 13 236

99A_

30_2

SM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 720 9 230

99A_

31_1

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 700 11 225

99A_

31_2

SM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 700 11 234

99A_

31_3

1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 680 10 211

99A_

31_4

1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 680 12 225

99A_ SM 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 640 10 239

55 31_6

99A_

31_7

SM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 680 15 225

99A_

32_1

NM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 700 7 223

99A_

32_3

NM 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 705 12 221

99A_

32_4

NM 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 740 13 157

99A_

33_2

SM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 680 12 8

99A_

34_2

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 740 10 31

99A_

34_3

SM 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 740 10 290

99A_

35_1

2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 740 10 305

99A_

35_3

1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 800 13 352

99A_

36_1

NM 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 740 21 294

99A_

36_2

SM 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 660 9 11

99B_ 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 701 3 317

56

1_1

99B_

5_1

SM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 721 0 -1

99B_

9_1

NM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 720 7 90

99B_

12_2

NM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 780 17 127

99B_

15_1

SM 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 720 9 185

99B_

17_1

1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 900 13 326

99B_

20_1

NM 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 780 7 90

99B_

20_3

NM 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 860 17 37

CP_1

2G_6

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 600 8 328

CP_9

H_3

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 645 9 214

CP_9

G_5

1 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 620 7 180

CP_1

1J_1

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 600 0 225

LGW 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 776 0 270

57

_2

LGW

_9

1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 760 11 90

CP_1

4D_

M7

SM 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 608 3 315

CP_1

4D_

M8

SM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 608 3 315

11B_

2_1

AG 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 980 24 106

11C_

3_1

AG 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 700 10 315

11D_

8_1

2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 660 8 42

11D_

8_2

2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 660 5 301

11D_

8_4

1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 660 2 83

11D_

9_1

AG 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 693 7 348

11D_

11_2

1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 700 6 286

11D_ 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 680 10 211

58 11_3

18A_

1_2

AG 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 700 16 243

18A_

2_3

SM 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 780 13 157

18A_

2_4

NM 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 800 4 92

18A_

7_1

1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 740 3 180

18B_

1_3

1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 800 7 177

34C_

12_4

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 640 15 144

34C_

14_1

NM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 640 8 118

34C_

23_1

1 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 840 13 304

34D_

2_1

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 780 9 165

34D_

2_2

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 780 10 151

18B_

5_5

AG 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 860 18 191

18C_ AG 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 693 10 161

59

1_1

18C_

4_2

2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 678 2 159

18C_

5_2

1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 680 8 174

18C_

5_3

1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 660 8 310

18D_

3_3

AG 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 660 0 325

18D_

6_1

1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 640 5 228

25A_

3_1

AG 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 620 4 90

32D_

3_2

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 800 8 153

32D_

19_1

2 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 800 11 180

32D_

22_1

SM 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 800 10 225

32D_

25_1

1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 760 6 329

32D_

33_1

3 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 820 10 301

38B_ 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 940 16 264

60

3_2

38B_

3_4

2 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 980 26 259

34A_

12_1

SM 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 780 20 75

34A_

12_2

SM 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 780 20 75

34A_

22_1

NM 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 780 3 339

34A_

27_1

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 760 6 68

34B_

3_1

2 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 760 10 225

34C_

3_3

2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 660 16 84

34C_

4_2

1 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 640 4 279

34C_

11_2

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 620 7 270

28C_

16_1

SM 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 880 2 63

28C_

26_1

2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 960 6 288

30B_ 2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 860 9 202

61 12_1

30B_

26_1

NM 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 800 9 268

30B_

29_1

2 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 820 3 144

30C_

6_1

1 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 860 14 294

30C_

26_1

NM 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1040 26 310

32B_

3_1

1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1060 19 275

32B_

12_2

NM 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 860 15 325

32C_

1_1

NM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 840 21 270

6C_2

_2

1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 720 11 166

6C_8

_1

2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 725 1 301

6C_8

_3

AG 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 726 1 303

6D_7

_1

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 700 0 225

6D_7 AG 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 703 2 32

62

_2

6D_1

0_1

2 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 700 8 296

6D_2

1_1

2 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 700 0 93

6D_2

1_2

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 735 7 198

25A_

4_2

SM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 620 9 281

25A_

4_5

1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 580 12 262

25B_

1_5

NM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 609 12 194

25B_

1_9

SM 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 600 11 169

25B_

2_1

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 580 3 220

25B_

2_2

AG 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 600 11 136

25C_

2_1

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 660 8 135

25C-

3_3

SM 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 618 6 287

25D_ NM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 604 7 354

63

2_1

99A_

3_1

SM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 780 13 113

99A_

6_1

1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 690 8 150

99A_

7_1

2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 660 10 301

99A_

10_1

NM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 660 4 65

99A_

11_1

1 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 693 10 288

7A_1

_1

SM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 720 3 134

7A_7

_1

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 800 12 172

7A_9

_1

AG 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 740 1 168

7D_3

_1

AG 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 714 3 45

7D_5

_1

1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 713 5 27

7D_6

_1

AG 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 727 8 276

7D_6 AG 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 700 6 224

64

_2

9A-

1_1

1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 800 15 135

9A_4

_2

AG 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 720 3 184

9A_4

_4

2 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 734 5 238

9B_1

_5

2 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 737 4 262

9B_2

_1

AG 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 725 0 137

9B_4

_7

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 740 8 243

9D_2

_1

1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 700 7 11

9D_2

_2

AG 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 700 1 268

9D_2

_3

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 704 3 171

9D_2

_5

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 712 2 260

9D_2

_6

AG 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 700 1 268

9D_6 2 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 724 1 261

65

_1

9D_6

_3

SM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 700 3 348

CP_1

4D_

M9

SM 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 611 3 147

CP_1

3F_3

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 600 8 234

CP_1

3F_6

1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 600 4 45

CP_1

4F_1

3 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 600 3 337

CP_9

L_11

1 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 620 13 124

CP_9

I_1

4 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 632 0 180

CP_7

L_M

28

SM 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 720 4 185

CP_7

K_4

1 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 700 10 237

CP_1

1M_8

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 640 10 329

CP_9 4 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 607 2 84

66 N_8

CP_9

M_10

2 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 606 4 244

CP_1

0E_2

1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 651 3 304

CP_1

2H_3

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 600 7 0

CP_1

2H_4

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 600 12 218

CP_9

M_22

3 0 1 1 1 1 1 0 604 0 211

CP_9

M_24

1 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 606 0 235

CP_7

N_19

1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 640 10 121

CP_8

N_11

4 1 0 1 1 1 1 1 608 4 132

CP_5

N_M

25

SM 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 680 9 101

CP_5

N_7

1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 680 8 117

CP_6

N_1

2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 700 14 90

67 CP_4

N_5

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 680 11 198

CP_1

1O_1

1 0 0 1 1 1 0 0 680 11 288

CP_1

1O_2

1 0 0 0 0 1 1 0 680 11 288

CP_7

O_6

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 600 10 288

CP_3

O_7

1 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 718 9 178

CP_5

O_12

1 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 680 7 180

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