Vowel Phonemes and External Vocalic Sandhi in Telugu

Vowel Phonemes and External Vocalic Sandhi in TeluguAuthor(s): Gerald KelleySource: Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 83, No. 1 (Jan. - Mar., 1963), pp. 67-73Published by: American Oriental SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/597766 .

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STERNBACH: Mahcbharata Verses in Cdnakya's Compendia 67

Whatever acts, good or bad, one performs in childhood, or youth, or old age, the fruit of them one enjoys or endures at precisely the same period (of his future life).

This maxim occurs in one text of the CR version, which usually follows the GP text, viz. in CRCa II 3. 5.

Also found in GP 1. 113, 29. The MBh s1oka was adapted without change in

the Old Javanese literature: SS 361 and Alt 35. The two MBh texts are not completely identical.

The Bhandarkar edition omits MBh(R) 12.322, 15 and MBh(C) 12.12152; the latter two texts are better known and the Bhandarkar edition adopted this text to 12. 174, 15; this is also identical with the C text. Other variants are unimportant.

The C text was undoubtedly borrowed directly from MBh (i.e. MBh(Bh) 12. 174,15 which is identical with MBh(R) 12.322,15 and MBh(C) 12.12152).

FOOTNOTES TO NO. 139: 1 v1 MBh (R) 12. 322,15. 2 yah GP. 3 tat phalamn

pratipadyate MBh(R) 12.181,15, MBh(C) 12.6759. bhukte CRCa II.

For other variants see MBh(Bh) 12.174,15.

Two additional stanzas identical in MBh and C were found, but were too late for classification.

They are:

No. 140. MBh(Bh) 12.124,15; MBh(R) 12. 124,15; MBh(C) 12.4564.

S'lena hi trayo locah ...

occurs also in three texts of the CN version, viz. in CNSC 93, CNAl 93, CNS 91. Also found in SS 165.

No. 141. MBh(Bh) 12. 309,45; MBh(R) 12. 321, 46; MBh(C) 12.12089.

dhanasya yasya ra-jato

occurs also in one text of the CR version (included in the Tibetan Tanjur), viz. in CRT 2. 21. Also found in GP 1. 109, 21 and SS 55.

It may be also noted that one additional MBh stanza was, probably wrongly, ascribed in SRBh, a modern Subhasita-samgraha, to C, i. e.

No. 142. MBh(Bh) 3.245,13; MBh(R) 3.258, 13-4; MBh(C) 12. 15382-3.

sukhadukiche hi purusah . .

is ascribed in SRBh 382.216 to CV 4.23(?). Also found in BrDh 2.53.

VOWEL PHONEMES AND EXTERNAL VOCALIC SANDHI IN TELUGU'

GERALD ]KELLEY CC)I'NELL UNIVERSITY

THE PURPOSE OF THIS PAPER is to offer a statement of the vowel system of Telugu and to illus- trate the efficiency of this statement by employing it in the establishment of a set of rules for ex-

ternal vocalic sandhi. The analysis presented here offers economy of inventory, relatively little limitation on vowel and covowel distribution, and great usefulness in describing automatic altera-

1 The consonantal phonemes of Telugu are /p b t d td ejkgfsAhmmn n 1rwy/. With the exception of /y/, discussed below, they are written phonemically throughout this paper. Of the consonantal inventory, only /w y r'/ occur finally. Ths fact may be taken as an indication of the relative frequency of eternal vocalic sandhi. There are three macrojunctures, usually since their occurrence is not relevant to the argument. pitch and full voicing on an immediately preceding vowel; / 1/ indicates drawl on a preceding vowel if length occurs, allophonic rise in pitch if length does not occur; /#/ indicates decrescendo voicing throughout the preceding segment. The phoneme /+/, microjuncture, may require some comment. It is set up to account for

coda-onset consonant contrasts, stress phenomena and variation in vowel lengths medially in utterances. Its establishment is assumed in this paper, but a few examples may be noted: [tlp:oni] /tapp+Ani/ "having said its a mistake": [tagppuniI /tap+pani/ "The wrong work "; [man&e:ku] 7mAnZn+ya:ku/ " a good leaf": tmadn. 6lt:pao /mhn+66:pa/ " our fish." Every utterance has at? least one strong phonetic stress; an utterance may also contain one or more tertiary stresses. The solution adopted here attributes non-initial stresses to microjuncture. Since segments which contain no microjuncture will have a primary stress on their initial syllable, tertiary stress is taken as the marked feature. All post-junctural syllables have primary stress unless



68 KELLEY: Vowel Phonemes and External Vocalic Sandhi in Telegu

tions. These advantages are achieved by treating as allophonic phenomena whose occurrence in speech is attributed to the operation of internal and external sandhi. Analyses which ignore the clues provided by the operation of sandhi labor under the disadvantage of an inventory which includes phonemes of very limited distribution. Examples of such analysis and an earlier approxi- mation of the phonemic solution adopted in this paper are discussed at length elsewhere.2

The high frequency of sandhi alternants 3in colloquial Telugu spoken at normal conversational speed poses two phonemic problems if a rigid unit- by-unit approach is followed: contrasts in limited environments, and stringent limitations on the distribution of phonemes within utterances. Both are essentially problems of vowel harmony; both can be most efficiently met if some components are treated as having domains which are not co-termi- nous with single phonetically recorded units.

Limitation on the distribution of vowel phonemes within utterances is the more extensive problem. [gU:da] "basket": [gu:du] "nest" are monomorphemic minimum free forms. In such forms, lower-high and lower-mid vocoids occur in syllables preceding a low back vocoid; high and higher-mid vocoids occur elsewhere. [gU:IIU] "baskets": [gu:llu] "nests," resulting from the regular application of internal sandhi rules,4 pro- vide a contrast. If pairs such as these are taken

to show recurrent vowel phonemes, the distribution of vowels in the inventory will necessarily be limited to harmonic sets.5 If, however, a component " (lower and) more central" is abstracted as /^/ and its domain, under stated conditions, extended over more than one syllable, this diffi- culty can be avoided. This solution adopted, the plural examples above may be written /g :flu/ "baskets" /gu:11u/ "nests." Vowel harmony is therefore attributed to the presence or absence of this phoneme in a given segment and complex statements of limitation of distribution for vowel phonemes are avoided.6

Contrasts in limited environments also occur. [pa:du] "topsoil,"[pa:di] "dairyproduct," [undi] "there is" are all free forms. Possible utterances include [pa:d+undi] ""there is topsoil" and [pa:d+iindi] " there is a dairy product." Such pairs show a contrast between back and front round vocoids. Front round vocoids also occur in utterance initial syllables after /y/: [Hiddham] "battle." Such forms also show microsegment initial front round vocoid: [mzncU] "'good," [mznc+iiddham] " a good battle." Similarly, a low front vocoid occurs in initial syllables after /y/ and initially in microsegments: [iaetnam] " effort," [mznc&+etnam] "a laudable effort," [wa:nni] ""him" [zdugu] ""ask," [wa:nn+aedugu] "ask him," beside [wa:d+zduguta:du] "'he will ask." Rather than accept these as vowel contrasts in very limited environments, a solution extending the domain of the component " front " to the phoneme /y/ is adopted. The realization of /y/ in /yu, yo, ya/ initially in a microsegment is the single component "front" extending throughout the vowel; elsewhere in /yu, yo, ya/ the realization of /y/ is glide plus the component "front" occurring throughout the vowel. Since all occur- rences of high and mid front round vocoids and of low front unround vocoids initially in microsegments are attributable to the operation of external

tertiary is marked. Any segment bounded by macrojunctures is a macrosegment, whether or not it contains a microjuncture; any segment preceded and/or followed by a microjuncture is a microsegment. All examples cited are macrosegments; only microjuncture is written. Macrojunctures, the stress phoneme and three levels of pitch, though phonemic, are not written in this paper, since their occurrence is not relevant to the argument.

This work was in part supported by a research contract between the U. S. Office of Education and the University of Wisconsin under the National Defense Education Act.

2 Gerald Kelley, " Telugu Vowel Phonemes," IL 19. 146-58 (1959).

8 Consonantal and vocalic sandhi are discussed by Bh. Krishnamurti, " Sandhi in Modern Colloquial Telugu," IL 17. 178-88 (1957). He treats vocalic sandhi, however, as operating only to produce, before microjuncture, consonant final alternants of base forms which have /-CV/ elsewhere. He does not consider post-junctural alternants nor the phonemic problems arising from the operation of sandhi discussed here.

' Internal sandhi is defined as automatic alternation within a microsegment. External sandhi occurs across /+/.

6 A few other relevant contrasts: [kompul "smell"; [kampa] " branch," [kampa: ] " Is it a smell? ": [kampa: ] " Is it a branch? " [go:llu] " fingernails ": [go:lU] "walls," [go:r+undi] "There is a fingernail": [go:1+UndI] "There is a wall."

6 This advantage is solely one of simplicity of structural statement. The appeal to syntagmatic phonetic realism common in prosodic statements (e. g., J. R. Firth, " Sounds and Prosodies," TPS (1948), 127-152) is not considered criterial, though meeting such appeals is, of course, satisfying.



KELLEY: Vowel Phonemes and External Vocalic Sandhi in Telegu 69

vocalic sandhi, the microsegment initial occurrence of phonemic /yu, yo, ya/ adopted here is therefore describable in terms of such rules. The examples given above are written /pa:d.+undi/ "there is topsoil," /pa:d+yundi/ "there is a dairy product," /man6+yuddham/ " a good battle," /man6+ yAtnam "a laudable effort," /wa: nn y&dugu/ "ask him," /wa: d+aduguta:du/ "he will ask."

Accepting these solutions, we may describe vowel and covowel phonemes as follows:

VOWEL AND COVOWEL PHONEME INVENTORY

i u /^ " qualifier" 7

e a o /:/ "length"

Vowel allophonics outside the domain of /^:

/i/ is a high front unround vowel /e/ is a higher mid front unround vowel /a/ is a mid central unround vowel /u/ is a high back round vowel /o/ is a higher mid back round vowel

(Note that initially in an utterance the allophone of /y/ is palatal glide. If the next succeeding phoneme in this distribution is /u, o, a/ its allophone is palatal glide plus the component "front" extending throughout the vowel. Elsewhere the allophone of /y/ with these vowels is simply the component " front " extending throughout the vowel.)

Examples:

[yenduku] /yenduku/ "why" [yidij /yidi/ " this." [zdugu] /adugu/ " ask" [wuppu] /wuppu/ " sale" [wollul /wollu/ "body"

Vowel-Covowel Allophonics / :/ is ordinarily a lengthener. Its occurrence indicates that the vowel with which it occurs is approximately twice as long as it is when / :/ does not occur. When /^ and /:/ co-occur with high and mid vowels, 7:7 is often realized as a cen- tralizing offglide.

Examples: [yi:du] /yi:du/ "swim" [yedi: I /ye: di/ " which one ?" [wu:ruI /wu:ru/ "village" [wo:tu] /wo:tu/ "vote" [a:pu] /a:pu/ "stop"

Domain of [1]: An occurrence of [^: 1. Lowers and centralizes co-occurrent /i (:),

e(:), u(:), o(:)/ Lowers and backs co-occurrent /a(:)/.

2. Lowers and centralizes all succeeding /1, U/ unless /:/ occurs. An occurrence of /:/ limits the domain of /^/ to the syllable preceding its occurrence, except as provided in 3, 4, and 5.

3. Lowers all succeeding /a/ 4. Lowers and backs an immediately succeeding

/a:/ 5. Lowers and centralizes a succeeding microseg-

ment initial /i:-/, /u:-/. In very rapid speech, /e:-/, /o:-/ in this distribution may also be within its domain.

6. If /y/ immediately precedes /a, a:/. the allophone of /7/ is simply "low" and only con- dition 2 above is applicable.

Examples:

[Iwwa+le:du] /iwwa+le:du/ "didn't give" (Con- ditions 1, 3)

[Edagaule:du] /6qaga+1e:du/ "didn't grow " (Conditions 1, 3)

[Udata] /uftata/ "squirrel" (Conditions 1, 3) [t-daga+1e:du] /t&odaga+le:du/ "didn't wear"

(Conditions 1, 3)

7This phoneme is listed as a covowel although this is an extended usage of the term as given by C. F. Hocket in A Manual of Phonology (Baltimore, 1955), p. 242. Affinity to prosodic features may also be noted (cf. J. R. Forth, " Sounds and Prosodies "; W. S. Allen, " Some Prosodic Aspects of Retroflexion and Aspiration in San- skrit" BSOAS 13. 939-47 (1951) ). The definition of its domain relates it most closely to Z. S. Harris' " phonemic long component " (Methods in Structural Lin- guistics (Chicago, 1957), p. 127 ff.). While /^/ is clearly not a segmental phoneme in the usual sense, it is adopted here because of its utility: the only theo- retical conclusion drawn is that a strictly segmental approach to the analysis of the vowel phonemes of Telugu is not the most efficient. (Cf. Harris "Simul- taneous Components in Phonology " Readings in Lin- guistics 137: " Components which resolve major dis- tributional limitations . .. can easily be abstracted and written among the segmental phonemes. Such components are especially worth extracting if many morphophonemic statements are thereby eliminated.") This advice is being followed here; the use of the term " covowel " is heuristic.



70 KELLEY: Vowel Phonemes and External Vocalic Sandhi in Telegu

[anta] /,anta/ "all, whole" (Conditions 1, 3) [pIJ:tU] /pi :tlu/ "stools" (Conditions 1, 2) [E:da1m] /e:dam/ "left" (Conditions 1, 3) [U:pa+le:du /uf:pa+le:du/ "didn't swing" (Con-

ditions 1, 2) [wz:d.a+le:du] /wo::da+le:du/ "There is no ship"

(Conditions 1, 3) [a:ga+le:du] /a:ga+le:du/ "didn't stop" (Con-

ditions 1, 3) [gUdd+IcIndI] /gAdd+ic6cindi/ " She gave cloth "

(Conditions 1, 2) [pEdd+EgUmatI] /pedd+egumati/ " a big export "

(Conditions 1, 2, 3) [yI:g+UndI] /yi:g+undi/ "there is a fly" (Condi-

tions 1, 2)

[dU:d+occIndI] /duf:d+occindi/ "the calf came" (Conditions 1, 2)

[kampa:] /kampa:/ "is it a branch?" (Condi- tions 1, 4)

[pIll+U:gutundi] /plll+u:gutundi/ "the girl will swing" (Conditions 1, 5)

[pIll+I:dutundi] /plll+i:dutundi/ "the girl will swim" (Conditions 1, 5)

[band+Enta] /band+enta/ "how much is the cart?" (Conditions 1, 3)

[band+aenta] /band+yanta/ "the whole cart (Con- dition 6)

Distribution:

While all possible combinations of vowel-covowel

yi ye wu wo a yi: ye: wu: wo: a: yi ye wfi wo a yi: ye: wu: wo: a:

I1 1 1 yu I yo Iy I 1 1 1 I Yu: Iy&o: I :I 1 |1 | yfi I yo I ya I 1 1 Iyfi: 1 y6: ya&:

al 12 12 [2 2 12 12 11/212 11/212 |1 | 1 |1 |1 1 i t 1 1 11 1 1

el1 2 2 2 12 12 11/212 11/21e: [1 1 1 1[1 fi 1 i 1 1 1[1 1e:

11 i 2 lfi 1118 l: 11/2 1 f 11/2 1 : e1 1 1 1 e 1 1 1 1 1:

1: 1 ye I 1 1 1 1 1 ye: I 1 |1 |1 I 1 1 y8 1 1 1 1 1 1 11/y: I ye y 1 1 wo: I 1

CV: e: | wo: I11 u: 1 ye I ] 1 ye: I1 1 1 1f iy 11 I1 11 11 ye I1 iwow:I1

o 1 1 1 '- 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 'w,5: 1 a: i 1 wu I wo W u:I1 1 1 ] wI1w6 1 1 1 w6: I1

e:2 W u| Iwo I ye j I wu: I 1 ye: 11 I w ye I 1 wfi: w6: Iy8:

Always within the domain of /^ 2 Always the result of internal vocalic sandhi

WITHIN THE MATRIX: 1 = /V (: -/, unchanged in phonemic shape, but with /I-, U-/, not /yI-, wU-/ 2 = /V (: -/ unchanged in phonemic shape, but with /I-, U-/, not /yI-, wU-/ and within the domain

of / as phonemically defined.

occur medially in segments, there are limitations of their distribution initially and finally. The vertical axis of the chart gives all possible segment finals in any style. The horizontal axis gives one set of possible macrosegment initials. High and mid vowels on this axis appear with onglides. These glides are the most frequent variants in the informal style under discussion here, but all have variants with initial vowel in more formal or care- ful usage. Thus, initially in a macrosement /yI ~ I, wU ~ U/, where / I/ is any high or mid front vowel and /U/ is any high or mid back vowel. The boxes within the matrix may be read as giving the total distribution of microsegment initial vowels. (Note that five possibilities are not attested.)

External Vocalic Sandhi

An important advantage of this phonemic solution is its usefulness in describing automatic alter- nations. Indeed, this usefulness is presented as an argument in favor of its adoption.8 The selection

An appealing alternative phonemic analysis is that /^ is everywhere a " centralizer," that its occurrence makes " central " the marked feature for all vowels. This analysis would treat [a] as /a/, the low back allophone /a/ being outside the domain of the covowel. It is tentatively rejected because it appears to require more extensive and less satisfactory morphophonemic rules. For example, in addition to variations on the rules presented below it would require, after rule 1.3, a rule //-ICa, -UCa// before //+aCV-// -* //-ICa

+aCV-//, //-UCa+aCV-//. After the application of the present rule 1.5 below, phonemic writings would



KELLEY: Vowel Phonemes and External Vocalic Sandhi in Telegu 71

of base forms and the establishment of a relatively small set of rules will account for the occurrence of all pre-and post-junctural alternants in /-V(:)/ and /(S) V(:)-/.

Segments of whatever phonemic shape with final vowel on the vertical axis of the chart, and segments with macrosegment initial /yI, wU, A/ on the horizontal axis can be conveniently taken as base forms. /-V, A-/ are chosen because, in distributions in which no sandhi rule applies,9 forms will always show base forms in this shape.10 /yI, wU/ are chosen because in distributions in which no sandhi is applicable, they are the most frequent segment initial alternants. Co-occurrence of base forms along both axes of the chart may be taken as the basis for setting up external vocalic sandhi rules.

The chart shows 25 cases in which, when the base form has final /-V/, the operation of sandhi results in a change in the shape of the post-junctural alternant; elsewhere after /-V/, post-junctural alternants show no alternants of the shape /yI, wU/. Where the pre-junctural form has final /-V:/, post-junctural alternants show /yI/ in 13 cases, four of which also show a mid front vowel where the base form has /A/; 16 alternants show /wU-/. Alternants marked 2 are unchanged in phonemic shape because of the phonemic definition of the domain of /^/, within which, after the operation of sandhi rules, their realizations fall.

Rules are established to apply in descriptive order" to pairs where the base form has /-V/. For most pairs where a base form has /-V/, only

two rules are relevant; for some three rules are applicable. Where the base forms have /-V:/, rules are mutually exclusive: only one applies to each pair. The application of relevant rules yields the phonemic shapes of microsegment initial and final alternants of base forms.

EXTERNAL VOCALIC SANDHI RULES

Symbols:

// Morphophonemic writing I Any high or mid front vowel + covowels U Any high or mid back vowel + covowels A Any one of the set /a, a, a:, a:/ E Any mid front vowel ? covowels C Any consonant S Any one of the set /y, w/ V Any vowel (superscribed numbers indicate

distribution) "Application of the rule yields" or simply

" yields "

1.0 Sequences of //-CV+(S)V(:)-// 1.1 //-Ci// before //+wU T+U-, +A-//-*//-Ci+

yU-, -Ci+ya (: )-// Members of //U// are invariant (12 pairs)

1.2 //-Ci, -Ca// before //+yU-, +yA-// //-Ci+yU-, -Ci+ya (:)-//, //-Ca+yU-, -Ca +y~a (:)-//. Members of //U// are invariant (6 pairs attested)

1.3 Except where //-CV+SV-// has resulted from the application of 1.1, 1.2, //-CV// before //yI-~I-, +wU--U-, +A-//-->//-CV +I-, -CV+U-, -CV+A-//. Members of //I, U, A// are invariant, except as provided in 1.4 ( 88 pairs).

1.4 When //-CV// is //-Ce// before //+i(:)-, +u (: )-, +o-//--//-Ce-f-4(: )-, -Ce+u t(: )-,-Ce +o-// (5 pairs) When //-CV// is //-Ce, -Ce// before //A-//-->//-Ce+e (: )-// (8 pairs)

1.5 //-CV'// before //+V2-, +yU-, +yA-//--> //-C+V2-, -C+yU-, -C+yA-// (106 pairs)

The above rules apply in the order given. When all relevant rules have been applied, the writings are phonemic. 2.0 Sequences of //-CV:+(S)V(:)-// 2.1 When //-CV:// is //-Ci:,-Cu:,-Co:,e

before //+yE-~ E-//-->//-CV:+yE-// (16 pairs)

2.2 When //-CV:// is //-CA:, -Ca:// before

follow this pattern: [pIlla], /pilla/ "little girl," [adugutundi] /adugutundi/ 3sg. f/n "will ask," [pIll+adUgUtUndI], /pill+adeigutundi/ " the little girl will ask."

9 That is, before macrojuncture, or before /+C-/ when no consonantal sandhi rule applies, forms with /-V/ always occur; after macrojuncture, forms with /A-/ always occur.

10 The selection of base forms, of course, implies that the morphemes have been identified. The term " form " is used here as a cover term for single morphemes and morphemic sequences whose privileges of occurrence include this distribution. The operation of sandhi will sometimes result in a zero alternant of suffixes of the shape /-V/; e. g., /te66i/ having brought, /ista:nu/ I will give, /te66+ista:nu/ Having brought (it), I will give . . . The morphemic composition of /teci/ is a{tecc-} (stem alternant), a{ti} "past."

11 Leonard Bloomfield, Language (New York, 1933) 213.



KELLEY: Vowel Phonemes and External Vocalic Sandhi in Telegu

//+wU-- U- (except //wo:-~ o:-//)//-*// -CV:+wU-// (13 pairs)

2.3 When //-CV:// is //-Ce:// before //+A-// //-Ce:+ye (:)-// (4 pairs)

2.4 When //-CV:// is any /V:/ before //+wO:- A o:-//_-//-CV:+w6:-// (6 pairs)

2.5 When //-CV:// is //-Ci:// before //-+yi:- ~ i :-//--//-Ci:+yi:-~-Ci:?i:-// (1 pair)

2.6 All other //-CV:// before all other //+yI- -I-, +wU-- U-, +A-//--//-CV:+I-, -CV: +U-, -CV:+A// The members of //I, 1U, A// are invariant. (75 pairs)

EXTERNAL VOCALIC SANDHI EXAMPLES

(In the data which follows, only Rule 1.1 is fully shown)

Sequences of //-CV+(S)V(:)-// //i+wu//: //puli+wundi//-*//puli+yundi//(1.1)

-> //puly+yundi/ (1.5) [pul+iindi] There is a tiger

//i+wu://: //idi+wu:ru// -- //idi+yu:ru// (1. 1) -> /id+yu:ru/ (1.5) [id+ii:ru] This is a village

//i+wuA//: //idi+wudata//-*//idityO4ata// (1.1) -> /id+yfdata/ (1.5) [id+-udata] This is a squirrel

//i+wt://: //idi+wft:ga+le:du// -> //idi+yf :ga +le:du// (1.1) -- /id+yii:ga+le:du/ (1.5) [id+-u:ga+le:du] This didn't swing.

//i+wo//: //adi+woc'cindi// -->//adi+yo0ccindi// (1.1) -> /ad+yoccindi/ (1.5) [ad+ 666indi] She came

//i+wo://: //adi+wo:tu// /7 adi+yo :tu// (1.1) -> /ad+yo:tu/ (1.5) [ad+6:tu] That is a vote

//i+wO//: //adi+wokati//-> //adi+yokati// (1.1) - //ad yokati/ (1.5) [ad+-kati] That

is one thing. //i+w6://: //adi+wo:da// -> //adi+yo:da// (1.1)

-> /ad yo:da/ (1.5) [ad+a:da] That is a ship

//i+a//: //wa:nn.icadugu// ->//wa:nn i adu gu// (1.1) - /wa:I.1nAy augu/ (1.5) [wa:ni.+aedugu] Ask him

/i+,h//: //wa nni+adaga+le:du// --- //wa:nni +yadaga+le:du// (1.1) -> /wa:n.+ya- qaga+le:du/ (1.5) [wa:nn+sedaga+le: du] didn't ask him

//i+a ://: //da:nni+a:pu// - //da:nni+ya:pu// (1.1) -~ /da:nn+ya:pu/ (1.5) [da:nn +ae:pu] Stop that

//i+a ://: //da:nni+a:pa+le:du// -* //da:nni+ ya:pa+le:du// (1.1) -> /da:nn+ya:pa +le:du/ (1.5) [da:nn+?e:pa+le:du] didn't stop that

//u+yi//: //guddu+yiaindi// -> //guddu+iccindi// (1.3) -> /gud,4+i-cindi/ (1.5) [gudd+iccindi] She gave an egg

//u+wu//: //wa:du+wu:guta:du// -->//wa:du+ u:guta:du// (1.3) -> wa:d+u:guta: du/ (1.5) [wa:d+u:guta:du] He will swing

//e yi//: //binde+yiwwu// -> //bind6+iwwu// (1.3) -> //binde?iwwu// (1.4) ->

/bind+i~wwu/ (1.5) [bind+IwwU] Give a water jar

//*ewu/: /gine+wundi// -->//ginnbundi// (1.3) //ginne+fndi// (1.4) ->

//ginn+undi// [gin:UndI] There is a cup

//e~wo//: //ginne+woddu// - //ginne+oddu// (1.3) 6 //ginne+oddu// (1.4) ginn+oddu/ (1.5) [ginn+zd:U] I don't want a cup

//e+a//: //binde+adigo:// -> //bindg+adigo:// (1.3) -> //binde+edigo:// (1.4) ->

/bind?edigo:/ (1.5) [bind+EdIgo:] Here is a water jar

Sequences of //-CV:+(S)V(:)-// //i:+ye//: //gundi:+yenduku//-- /gund. i:+yen-

duku/ (2.1) Why a needle? //u:+ye://: //wa:du:+ye:dusta:du// -> /wa:

du+ye:dusta: du/ (2.1) He also weeps

//o:+ye//: //yekkado:+yekkutundo:// -* /ygk- kado:+yekkutundo:/ (2.1) She will not or will climb

//8:+ye://: //pett :+ye:da// -* /pett#:+yA:da/ (2.1) The box? Where is it?

//e :wu//: 7/a: me:+wundi// -* /a:mg:+wundi/ (2.2) She also will be there.

/e:+o/ //a: me: +oin di // --> /a: me: occindi/ ~ /a: mA:+woZc"indi/ (2.2) She also came

//a:+wu://: //da:ba:+wu:du:// -> /da:ba:+wu: du// (2.2) Clean the house

//a:+wu://: //da:ba:+wi-:dawa+le:du// -- /da: ba:+wuf:dawa+le: du/ (2.2) Didn't clean the house



IKELLEY: Vowel Phonemes and External Vocalic Sandhi in Telegu 73

//e:+a//: //a: me:+adugutundi// /a:me: +yedugutundi/ (2.3) She also will ask

//e':+A//: //a.-me'+a'daga+1e:d-u// ->/a:me: +ye'aga+le:du/ (2.3) She also didn't ask

//a:+wo//: //si:sa:+wodalawe:m// -> //si:sa: wodalawe:m// (2.2) You won't lose the bottle, will you?

//e:two'://: //ade:+wo':da// -- /ade:+w8:da/ (2.4) That is indeed a ship

//i:+yi://: //guin4i:+yi:da// -> /gundi:+i: da/ /gunydi:+?:da/ (2.5) The needle

is here //i:+yi//: //gundi:+yic'Cindi// ->/guadI:+ic'-

Cindi/ (2.6) She gave a needle //i:+wo//: //bi:di. i+woddu// - /bi: di+oddu/

(2.6) I don't want a beedi //e:+yi://: //ne:ne:+yi:dya:nu// -e /ne:ne:+i:

dya:nu/ (2.6) I alone swam

Recognizing that two components "front" and "lower" have domains or distributions different from those ordinarily assigned segmental phonemes in American practice provides the best approach to

an analysis of the Telugu vowel system. Such a recognition results in the establishment of a small inventory of vowel phonemes and allows freedom of occurrence for the members of this inventory within a segment by ascribing vowel harmony to the presence of a phonemic long component in preference to treating it in terms of mutual depen- dencies in vowel phoneme distributions. Another advantage of this analysis is that it avoids setting up vowel phonemes which occur only in very limited distributions, distributions in which, ulti- mately, phonetic realism indicates that actually occurring phone-types result from the operation of external sandhi.12 Perhaps not surprisingly, this analysis also provides a basis for setting up a simple set of vocalic sandhi rules of wide application.

12 In this connection it is worth noting Bloomfield's reluctance to accept Menomini ii as a phoneme since it occurs only as the result of the application of a morphophonemic rule of vowel harmony (' Menomini Morpho- phonemics " TCLP 8: 106, 115). Hockett lists it as a phoneme (Manual, 2442). Hockett, no doubt, found the overriding criterion to be contrast. For Telugu, by adopting the phonemic solution offered here, it is possible to satisfy both a felt need and an analytic require- ment.

THE JO NAN PAS: A SCHOOL OF BUDDHIST ONTOLOGISTS ACCORDING TO THE GRUB MTHA' SEL GYI ME LON'

D. S. RUEGG

PARIS, FRANCE

IN THE HISTORY OF BUDDHIST philosophy in India and Tibet an extreme and somewhat isolated position was occupied by the Jo naf pa school which flourished in Tibet from about the thir- teenth to the seventeenth century. Amongst the earlier Indian Buddhist schools a perhaps com- parable tendency towards ontological and meta- physical development is probably to be found in the pudgalavada of the Vatsiputriyas; but the

exact significance of this pudgala or personal ele- ment which is indeterminable (anirvacaniya) in relation to the Aggregates (skandha) remains somewhat uncertain owing to the lack of original texts belonging to this school which might be ex- pected to explain its meaning clearly and fully.'a Somewhat later, on the other hand, one at least of Digndga's writings, the Traikdlyapariks, exhibits a rather remarkable ontological tendency which was however repudiated in his Prmaynasamuc- caya.lb

1 To begin with the writer wishes to express his deep gratitude and indebtedness to his Tibetan teachers who have generously given him instruction; whatever value the following contribution may possess is largely due to the guidance and instruction of these kind kalyAna- mitras.

la Cf. Kathdvatthu, p. 56 ff.; etc. lb Some resemblances are also perhaps to be found

between Jo naA pa doctrines and certain works at-



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Vowel Phonemes and External Vocalic Sandhi in Telugu