Visual Onomatopeia

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Visual Onomatopoeia

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VISUAL ONOMATOPOEIA

Steven C .

Dubin*

State University

o

New York Purchase

Social solidarity an d group identity are not given s; at particular times they must be intentionally

cultivated and concretely enacted. What

I

have termed visual onomatopoeia assembles large

numbers of individuals

into

group insignias, em blems,

or

other significant symbols. T he subse-

quent artistic

or

photographic record of such displays is tangible evid ence of a groups existen ce

-who comprises it and how it

sees

itself. It thereby operates as both act and artifact. Like its

verbal counterp art, visual onomato poeia com mun icates through a close equivalence between a

subject and its representation.

It

frames experience in a distinctive manner by objectifying the

group, which ordinarily is only vaguely conceptualized. Living photographs

of

religious and

patriotic subjects (e.g ., 18,0 00 men configured as the Statu e of Liberty ) were execu ted by the team

of Mole and Thomas and

E.O.

Goldbeck between 1913 and 1971. From a D urkheimian perspective,

such ima ges could be an important device for mobilizing alle giance .

But

by adopting

a

Goffmanian

perspective, we additionally learn that there is affective deviance from affirmative social rituals:

participants were not as

fully

engaged as their organizers might have desired. Additional exam-

ples from the mass media (e .g ., advertising. news reports) dem onstrate the metaphoric

use

of this

device and attest to the subtle pervasiveness of this way of representing social life.

INTRODUCTION

Is society real, or

is

it a trompe

loeil

image? W e feel we experience its effects, but can

we actually envision and describe it? Many would argue in the negative: this is a reified

concept which transforms a process of dynamic negotiation into something static. But

som e groups find that existential questions are frequent and vexing and therefore relentlessly

search for external validation of w ho they are and what they stand fo r. Just

as

is the case

with particular individuals, communal identity and purpose cannot always be taken for

granted. In addition, there are certain m oments in any groups history when its mem bers

are mo re likely to raise such co nce rns. Crises and transitional periods can dredge up issues

that would otherwise remain submerged. Symbolic creations may fill emotional and

cognitive voids at such junc tures , providing the reassurance and direction necessary for

continued individual participation and gr oup survival.

*Direct all correspondence

to:

Steven C. Dubin, Social Science Division, State University of New York,

Purchase.

NY 10577

~~ ~~ ~ ~ ~

Symbolic Interaction Volume 13 Number 2 pages 185-216.

Copyright

1990

by

JAI

Press

Inc.

All

rights

of

reproduction in any form reserved.

ISSN: 0195 6086.

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186 SYMBOLIC

INTERACTION Vol. 13/No. 2/1990

The strong desire to picture society as an actual entity is one way that an abstract

concept is given material form. This is evidenced by totemic representations, the biologi-

cal and anthropomorphic metaphors proposed by political and social philosophers (society

as organism or body politic), or the commonplace geometric notions of societies as

pyramids of stratified layers or ladders of mobility. Ln all these instances society is seen

much like an everyday object,2 and its palpability can generate either veneration or

opposition.

This use of metaphor should not be surprising. It is a vital part of many aspects of our

lives, for example, in the enactment of rituals. Babcock (1978) vividly demonstrates the

centrality of not only metaphor in social life, but also the importance of irony, paradox

and inversion in how we express ourselves and what matters most to us. Others virtually

equate metaphor with ritual and culture: Ritual is a form by which culture presents itself

to itself (Myerhoff 1984, p. 155). Ritual therefore condenses important concerns, fre-

quently through metaphoric means. But ritual magn ifies issues as well, and since it often

responds to contradictions which cannot be managed within the routines of daily life it

commonly displays a contradictory nature itself.

VISUAL

ONOMATOPOEIA

The rendition of structurally important social arrangements and ultimate beliefs which

ceremony fleetingly provides the senses, still photography can further condense

Goffman 1979, p. 10.

This research concerns what I have termed visual on omatopoeia. Onomatopoeia typi-

cally refers to the written or oral realm, where words imitate natural sounds. Examples

would be tinkle

or

bu zz. But this notion can be extended

to

a similar device found

in the symbolic realm-in advertisements, illustrations, and photographs-where people

mimetically represent group values when they are assembled into monumental images.

From one point

of

view visual onomatopoeia exhibits a remarkable degree of equiva-

lence between signifier and signified, materializing core values, lineage, group purpose or

social identity into easily grasped facsimiles. Rendered in a seemingly unambiguous

manner, this phenomenon is Homology 101. Such a stance would find support from

Durkheim (1965 [1915]), and from Peirce (1960) as an example of an iconic, motivated

sign. But from another vantage point we can appreciate that multiple meanings might be

extracted from such images and the exercises which they record. This m ore subjectivistic

view would square with Goffman (196 1a, 1961b , 1963, 1967) in a sociological sense, and

with Saussures notion of the unmotivated, arbitrary sign

in

the linguistic sense (1959

[19151).

The generally accepted readings of the aforementioned theorists cast them into opposi-

tion with one another, but neither stance is adequate in itself. By exam ining the eccentrici-

ties of social interaction-visual onom atopoeia, for example-we are able to explore the

links between these respective points of view and develop a more com prehensive apprecia-

tion of social life.

First, consider the following drawing in an advertisement for a utility company (see

Figure 1). Here an ersatz emblem is presented

s

if it were formed by its employees. T he



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Visual nomatopoeia

187

Giving

the Telephone

Li fe

Wherever your thought goes

your voice may go. You can

talk across the continent as if

face to face. Your telephone

is the latch to open for you any

door in the land.

There is the web of wires.

The many switchboards. The

maze of apparatus. The mil-

lions of telephones.

All

are

parts of ountry-wide mechan-

ism for far-speaking. The

equipment has cost over 2 bil-

lion dollars, but more than

equipment

is

needed.

There must be the guardians

of the wires to keep them vital

with speech-carrying electrical

currents. There must

be

those

who watch the myriads of tiny

switchboard lights and answer

your commands. There must

be technicians of every sort to

construct, repair and operate.

A

quarter of a million men

and women are united

to

give

nation-wide telephone service.

With their brains and hands

they make the Bell System

live.

BELL SYSTEM

AMERI CAN

T E L E P H O N E

N D

TELEGRAPH OMPANY

A N D ASSOCIATED

COMPANIES

One Policy,

One

System, Uniucrtel Seruice, mul

all

directed toward Batter Seruice

FIGURE

1.

This advertisement depicting a company emblem appeared in

National

Geographic

in

1924. It

simultaneously conveys a message of collective power and individualized service.

Reprinted by permission.



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188 SYMBO LIC INTERACTION

Vol

1 3 / N o

2/1990

message it conveys is twofold. First, the enormity and power of the organization is

captured through the incorporation of large numbers of people. Seco ndly , we

are

reminded

that they remain individuals and presumably are available to serve in a personal m ann er.

Together they provide a formidable for ce, but they supposedly dont lose that personal

touch while literally standing for the company and what it doe s.3

Abstract concepts can be conveyed in the same manner as business principles. For

example, a graphic design accompanying a book review in The

New

York Times presents

an individuals portrait with the component cells being other individuals (see Figure

2 . Here the paradox of individualism is addressed: it is a condition that can be defined

only in relation to oth ers. And finally, actual monum ental photographs have been created

where extremely large numbers of peop le are arranged into formations representing w hat

is important to them as a collectivity. In these living photographs-much more dra-

matic exam ples of visual onom atopoe ia because they record actual events-religious and

patriotic themes have predominated: crosses, flags, and military insignias.

In each of these cases an ideal is presented: we a re encouraged to buy , conform to, o r

accept something we might be ambivalent about.

A

primary m otif underlying them all is the

tension between the individual and society. Modern society has alternately been cele-

brated as the seedbed of individualism and deplored as its natural enemy, Or, following

Simmel, both tendencies are present, they are in tension, and each has the potential to

predominate. Tw o photographic practitioners of this monum ental style best illustrate these

concerns, and their work provides the basis for the following an alysis. The team of Arthur

S

Mole and John

D.

Thomas initially worked in this mode in the utopian religious

settlement of Zion, Illinois to capture its spirit of communalism, and then operated on

military bases during World W ar I. These w ere both situations where the sub ordination of

individual to collective interests was param ount. And E.O. Goldbeck worked on m ilitary

bases throughout the So uthwest from W orld War I through after World War 11, producing

similar photographic tableaux vivants.

This work straddles Goffmans distinction between public and private pictures 1979)

in an interesting way. On the one hand, there was an anonymity to these aggregates;

individuals were expected to meld into a group formation. They were posing for a

purpose-as is the cas e with many oth er types of photos-and at the behest of som e

director. But on the othe r han d, participants would also bring a history of social relation-

ships into the situation with them. The formation of these images conflated elements of

the social and the personal, the public and the private.

ANTECEDENTS A N D AFFINITIES

It is impossible to trace the roots of such displays, but some interesting antecedents can be

noted. There is, first of all, religious imagery such as the living body of Christ. This

pictures the figure of Christ made up of the different levels of church membership;

superior positions in the hierarchy were accorded higher positions in the body . This im age

predominated before Vatican 11, which democratized the Catholic church.

Providing a curious parallel, too, are the composite paintings of the 16c. Giuseppe

Arcim boldo . Arcim boldo used a variety of materials-fruits, vegetab les, animals-in

arrangements replicating human physiognom y. As part of the Hapsburg court in Vienna

and Prague, he created allegorical portraits of the seasons and the natural elements. He



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Visual Onomatopoeia

189

FIGURE 2 .

poeia

to

illustrate the interdependence between the individual and society. Copyright

The New York Times Company. Reprinted by permission.

In reviewing a book on individualism, The

ew

York

Times

utilized visual onomato-

1985 by



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SYMBOLIC INTERACTION Vol

1 3 / N o .

2/1990

may have been drawing upon earlier illuminated manuscripts for his technique (de

Mandiargues 1977, p. 381, and he has many heirs, from the designer of c. 1900 French

postcards who used nude females to compose portraits, to the similar photographic work

depicting skulls associated with Salavador Dali in the 1940s (see Hulten et al. 1987).

There is also the procession g tn tra le, an 18th century French parade w hich revealed

social strata and their relative order. As described by D arnton (1985), It was not merely

aimed at som e utilitarian objective . [but] existed the way many statements and works

of rt exist-as sheer expression, a social order representing itself to itself (p. 124).And

finally, these religious and secular displays have been adapted in more contemporary

times by the commercial realm. For example, a recent book cover featured a postcard

from the Piazza San Marco in Venice where an advertising campaign spread birdseed

spelling out the words Coca Cola . This was then transformed into a living photograph

of sorts by the pigeons it attracted (Haug 1986).

At least two similarities are apparent in the examples from the Catholic Church and

18th century French communal customs. First, these displays reflected status hierarchies

and thereby strengthened them. Each comm unicated a perception of the world that under-

wrote its naturalness and helped to freeze relations in time, much as Berger (1972) and

Goffman (1979) have demonstrated in the associated worlds of

rt and advertising. And

second, each exercise subordinated individuals to the comm onwea l, levelling them within

their rightful positions, and making manifest the physical contours and boundaries of

the group. Both these characteristics are shared to a great extent by the monumental

photographs of the 20th century.

Durkheims observation is aptly illustrated through the execution of these images:

. collective sentiments can be conscious of themselves only by fixing themselves upon

external objects, [and] . in this way they have come to mix them selves with the life of

the material world (1965 [ 19151, p. 466). To a greater extent than is the case with the

examples of graph ic drawings

I

have cited, this photographic work is both

act

and

artifact

the individuals involved were both participants and audience. Such exercises were designed

with two distinct motives. First, the moment of production: enacting the event was

intended to concretize membership and underscore the groups purpose. Participation in

this process would literally provide the occasion to come together as otherwise atomized

individuals became critical units in the construction of com munity. In this sense we hav e

the photo session as a social ritual. In addition, we have the moment of reproduction: each

actor could potentially own a copy of the resultant photographs (see Benjamin 1969) and

at a later time examine and/or re-live an event which objectified typically amorphous

sentiments. W hile designed to record communal concerns, these photographs could like-

wise provide a memento contributing to communal spirit and heightening individual

identification with it.

The variety and persistence of exam ples of visual onomatopoeia through history boldly

underscore the power of this type of metaphor and its widespread comprehensibility and

appeal. In its photographic expression in particular it is forced to display a degree of

parsimony not necessary in other types of metaphoric expression, as in film, for example.

In the latter, meaning em erges from a sequence of shots and the juxtaposition of images.

In photographic visual onomatopoeia, however, there is only one sho t to establish

meaning , which necessitates an extremely concise visualization. This is part of the general

limitation which obtains when using pictures instead of words to com municate. As

Worth



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Visual nomatopoeia

191

(1981 [1975]) observes, A ll that pictures can show is what is-on the picture sur-

face. [pictures cannot] . do a host of things that a verbal language is designed to

do (pp. 174 , 178). But this limitation can be an asset, for a visual metaphor may

be compelling nevertheless.

THE DURK HEIMIA N LEGACY

[In social situations] individuals can use their faces and bodie s, as well as small

materials at hand to engage in social portraiture. It is here in these small, local places

that they can arrange themselves microecologically to depict what is taken as their

place in the wider social frame, allowing them, in turn, to celebrate what has been

depicted Goffman

1979,

p . 6.

In his discussion of rituals, either those of collective deference (1965 [1915]) or punish-

ment (1964 [1938]), Durkheims main point is clear: they foster group solidarity.

Durkheims ideas rest on the necessity for individuals to com e together with regularity, to

experience the group in actuality, and then carry away some reminiscence, be it mental or

material. From his perspective society might not be an empirical fact, but what social

groups create through such rituals-especially totemic figures as metaphors for the groups

existence-most certainly are.

It

is likely that Durkheim considered this a general social process, but he concentrated

primarily on primitive societies in his own analysis. And it is to those societies that his

notions most closely correspond. In Gerneinschaftlike groups, individuals would be

seeing one another with some regularity anyway. Rituals would be special instances, but

not too d ifficult to integrate into the daily round. In

Geseflschaji

societies, however, there

are the problems

of

population dispersal over a wider geographical area, a more compli-

cated division of labor separating individuals, and the possibility of different ideological

systems competing for individuals allegiances. Here integration is much more

of

a

challenge.

Som e social theorists have minim ized these problem atic circumstances. Warner follows

Durkheims lead in his analysis of symbolic behavior and ritual in Yankee City. His

examination of Memorial Day has an extraordinary tone. Yes, there are divisions in the

society-religious and occupational, for example. And yes, they are reflected in such

things as separate organizations and separate cemetaries. However, these diverse seg-

ments unite in a mom ent of ephiphany in the annual parade, reaffirming core values and a

comm on identity (195 9, pp. 248-320)4 Such rites are directly equated with primitive

ceremonies and rites (195 9, p.

278 .

Shils and Young proceed similarly with their analysis of the coronation ritual in Britain

(1953), emphasizing its integrative aspects. Again, cooperation and identification are

heightened, otherwise important distinctions which keep people apart are diminished , and

a generalized sense of communion is obtained. In addition, the specialness of the ritual

situation is underlined: Surcease from drabness and routine, from the comm onplace and

triviality of daily preoccupation, is certainly one reason for the exaltation (1953, p.

75).

Other analysts have not been convinced by these arguments, how ever, and have o ffered

a m ore critical view from a social (Birnbaum 1955), social psychological (K lapp 1969), or



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192 SYMBOLIC INTERACTION Vol 13/No 2/1990

psychological (Scheff 1977) perspective. The Durkheimian view has been judged as

coming up somew hat short in explaining the modem situation, at least in these instances.

However, when it works, and

to the

extent that it does work, ritual is still seen in

Durkheims ideal te rn s: Effective ritual is unique in that it meets individual and

collective needs simultaneously, allowing individuals,

to

discharge accumulated distress

and creating social solidarity in the process (Scheff 1977, p. 4 89 ).

Ritual continues to be examined according to D urw eims conception, but tempered by

the realization that a sense of com munity might be more limited and transitory than his

analysis allowed. Consequently, studies are conducted from a distinctly Durkheimian

point of view, e. g ., S chwartz and Barskys consideration of the home advan tage in sports

(1977). Or, expressions of group solidarity through totemic res idue s are examined

(Slater 1966). More typically, however, intensive interpretive studies

are

now u ndertaken

to

discover either how rituals allow particular individuals to make sense of natural events

through cultural drama (Myerhoff 1984), how they help subcultural groups understand

and accommodate to a complex society (Hall and Jefferson 1976, Monod 1967), or how in

unusual instances of high ideological consensus in modem societies-the totalitarian

regime of Nazi G em an y , for example-ritual elements can provide vital support (Sontag

1980, Warren 1943).5

Artists and their renderings can help us construct how we perceive reality. As Baxandall

argues, artists in the fifteenth century provided the external visualizations individuals used

to develop and then c ontinually validate their own in ternal visualizations of key religious

concepts. This enabled them to read what was important in their society with a period

eye, and helped to integrate them (see 1972, pp. 38-71).6 Although the worlds of

religion and

rt

have become increasingly separated in our own time, a similar process

apparently exists, as more secularized concepts are portrayed by more independently

operating craftsmen (see Goffman on advertising, 1979). The artists I consider here

struggled with a dual concern: how to help insure a high degree of compliance from

individuals in greedy or total institutions (Coser 1974, Goffman 1961a), and how to

present an acceptable, reassuring image of those endeavors to a potentially wary larger

society.

Ritual can be linked with the visual realm through an interpretive examination of these

photograph ers, their motivations and operating rationales, the reception to their work, and

an analysis of the work itself. In so doing it will be possible to discover to w hat extent the

motivational weight and restorative power Du rkheim assigned to rituals accurately charac-

terizes them in modem instances. The present task

is

different, therefore, from that of

many previous sociologically-minded investigators. For example, Christopherson (1974a,

1974b) and Rosenblum (1978) use sociological tools to analyze a variety of photograph ic

practitioners, their respective professional and artistic problems, and the over-all structure

of this artistic world. Sontags work (1977) is more aesthetically and philosophically

oriented, as is that of Barthes (1977,

1981).

They have interpretive aspects, however, as

do Berger (1980) and Lesy (1973, 1980, 1982).

But only Alloulas 1986 examination of photographic postcards depicting native

scenes in Algeria between 1900 and 1930 undertakes a similar task to my own: a) to

interpret the presumed artistlsubject interaction in their execution and b) to explore the

meaning (s) of the photographs for their audience. This dual focus allows both the process

of producing these images and their social uses to be explored. The consideration of the



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Visual nomatopoeia 193

experiental and functional aspects is clearly most indebted to Durkheim, whereas the

interpretive task is informed by a reading of the language of these images along the

lines of Barthes (19811, Eco (197 6), Saussure (1959) and other contemp orary semioticians.

MOLE AND THOMAS:

RELIGIOUS AND SECULAR PRACTITIONERS

T he decline of religion, Joh n Berger suggests, corresponds with the rise

of

the

photograph (1980, p. 53). Apropos this contention, the utopian religious comm unity of

Zion, Illinois was the site for what appear to be the first living photographs. A brief

recounting o f its history will establish a context for understanding their execution. Zion

was founded in 1900 by the Reverend John Dowie, drawing from the congregation of the

Christian Catholic Apostolic C hurch he had begun in C hicago in 1896. It was intended to

be largely self-sustaining, although the manufacture and marketing of lace provided

contact with the outside (and a sizable profit). M embers pu rchased land leases good until

the year

3000,

when the millenium was expected and the own ership of earthIy goods

would no longer matter (Duis and Holt 1979, p. 116).

But all was not well in this Eden . Do wie and his earlier church were the target of over a

hundred lawsuits by disgruntled followers and their relatives (Duis and Holt 1979, p.

116), and a Chicago Tribune article headlined Dowie Elder Mobbed reported the

shouts of hang him greeted this man because of accusations of swindling and the

deaths of children in the community (July 22, 1900, p. 1). Dowies own fate sounds

disturbingly contemporary: he w as depo sed in 1906 after revelations of marital infidelity

and his possession of a $150,000 home. After he left the community went into bank-

ruptcy because of a $7 million dollar debt (Duis and Holt 1979, p. 118).

Th e religious heritage persisted, h owever, leaving an indelible stamp . There were many

prohibitions which closely regulated personal behavior. A ban on public entertainment

prevented the operation of theatres and bowling alleys until 194 6 (Du is and Holt 197 9, p.

119; see, also, K usch 1954 ), and a passion play was mounted fo r many years. Much can

be learned about the community through the following report:

Faith healing was advocated by the church. This developed the idea that if ones faith

was strong enough o ne would not die . In fact, people were not supposed to die in Zion,

but since they did, their demise was suppressed. No undertaker or undertakers [sic]

office or hearse was found in all of Zion in the early day s. Such work w as done at night

and many people just disappeared from sight. Today [1954] here is one mortuary in

Zion, in the very southern end of the retail district. Kusch

1954,

p.

53.

It was this comm unity-tom by contrad ictions and sustained through restrictions-that

Arthur S Mole and John D. Thomas recorded and celebrated through their work. Mole

joined the comm unity in 1901 and eventually became an ordained deacon (Fisk 198 3: no

pagination); Thomas was already in residence as the choir director (Chicago Historical

Society exhibition card 19 84 ). Their first known m onumen tal image was undertaken in

191 3 when children and their teachers (all wearing robes and m ortar boards) were arranged

into a crown dissected by a cro ss. Dowie was himself later immortalized by a living image

in 1921 in celebration of the 2 1st anniversary of the founding of the settlem ent (see Figure

3). Homage was thereby offered to the groups progenitor, whose controversial history



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SYMBOLIC INTERACTION Vol 13 /No 2/1990

FIGURE 3 . The founder and leader of the religious utopian community of Zion, Illinois-

deposed and defamed in real life-was subsequently the subjec t of a collectiv e tribute 1921).

Photo courtesy of the Chicago Historical Society.



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Visual

nomatopoeia 195

was conveniently submerged. And in 1928 another religious design was executed, this of

a Christian crusader. Here the community looked forward to its current mission, aggressively

carrying the messages of salvation, wordofGod, faith, righteousness, peace

and truth to the world.

Quotes from the Bible were also enacted by community members. I am the Lord that

healeth thee Exodus 15:26) is an example no date). But such religiously-oriented

images make up only part of Mole and Thomass oeuvres. One seemingly secular design

executed in Zion in 1915 was that of a clock, with the living hands pointing to 9 oclock

Figure 4). Its significance lies in the convergence of religious devotion and everyday life.

A bell would ring from a tower in Zion every day at 9 a.m. and 9 p.m. Everyone was

expected to stop their activities and say a prayer at such time Kusch 1954, p.

51 .8

Somewhat in the manner of Renaissance images, then, such pictures provided a visualiza-

tion and guide to expected behavior, thereby linking the individual and the community

and fulfilling an important social control function.

Distinctly secular images dominated Mole and Thomass work during WW

1.

They

travelled extensively to military bases throughout the Midwest and South, as a brochure

they issued advertising 13 of their works attests. Designs included patriotic symbols the

Liberty Bell, the Statue of Liberty [Figure 51, the American Eagle), military insignias

from Paris Island, S.C. and Ft. Riley, KS., and real or putative leaders President Wilson,

Uncle Sam [Figures6 and

71 .

At the Great Lakes Naval Training Station neighboring the

Zion settlement) they undertook simpler designs of messages such as Vive La France,

God and the Right, Liberty and Victory. In addition, during World War I1 Mole

executed three more formations Huson and Rose, 1986, p.

37 .

All of Mole and Thomass work demonstrates concern with providing inspirational

models and promoting group cohesion. Through their religious images they were boosting

their own community following the loss of their founder and the discrediting of their

mission. It was a time when internal cohesion was vital, given a hostile environment

conjuring up much different-and markedly negative-views of the group. Their skills

were then readily adapted during the war, another period when the mobilization of morale

was critical. In each case these artists orchestrated the creation of images to strengthen

individual commitment and to help insure group survival.

E.O. GOLDBECK: COMMUNITY ORGANIZER

Imagine the view of human society from the vantage point of an

airplane

Structure

is recurring

sorts of

encounters.

An

imaginary aerial time lapse photograph, then,

would render social structure as a set of light streaks showing the heaviness of social

traffic (Collins 1975, p.

56 .

E.O. Goldbeck 1892-1986) was not the only other person working in the living photo-

graph mode, but his work is the best known.g Popular evaluations of his accomplishments

-both contemporaneous and retrospective-have consistently emphasized the Durk-

heimian qualities to his work. One such account of a monumental photo executed in

1947 remarked that Quite literally, each of the 20,000 men forming this living mosaic is

enacting the air forces motto, Sustineo Alas, I Uphold the Wings) Denver Post,



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2/1990

FIGURE

4.

This clock represented a call to religious observance, a reminder that prayers were

to be offered daily at

:OO

a.m. and

:OO

p.m. The image provided a visual referent to underscore

the importance of this prescribed behavior in community mem berss minds 1915). Photo courtesy

of the Chicago Historical Society.



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Visua l Onomatopoe ia

197

FIGURE 5 . A complex and massive image, the widely reprinted Statue

of

Liberty photograph

symbolized a central American ideal when the country was challenged by war

(1918).

Photo

courtesy of

the

Chicago Historical Society.



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SYMBOLIC

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FIGURES

6, 7 . The se amazing ly detailed portraits dramatized leadership-invested in both real

and mythic figures-at a critically important time . Photo s courtesy

of

the Chicago Historical

Society.



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Visual nomatopoeia

199

FIGURE 7



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September 14, 1947, rotogravure picture section A). Similarly, an article surveying his

long career concluded that T here is an unwavering feeling of

espirits de corps

and epic

cooperation [in his pictures]

The

Houston PostlSun, January 15, 1984). An exam ination

of the man and his work will enable

us

to evaluate these claims.

Goldbeck had an extraordinarily long professional career, and one that was closely

linked with the military. He first photographed army and navy units in 1914 (Burleson and

Hickman 1986, p. 19), and organized massed human formations on bases from 1926 until

1971 (Burleson and Hickman 1986, pp. 4 3, 84). He regularly toured these sites and also

specialized in docum enting the activities of religious, fraternal, and veterans associations

such as the Elks, Freemasons, and Rebekah Assem bly. Not only did these groups provide

regular activities involving large numbers of individuals (thereby assuring a lucrative

mark et), they also reflected his own personal interests and beliefs. He was, for example, a

member and active supporter of the American legion. His work was distinctive and well

known in the Southwest and on military bases, so much so that the following cartoon

appeared at his death: an angel questioning him at heavens gate exclaims Let me get this

straight-you want to take a group portrait of

everyone

here? ?

San

Antonio Express-

News,

October 29 1986, p. 4-B).

His living photographs represent the coalescence of a personal vision, specialized

equipm ent and techniques, and extremely diligent planning. First, these images obviously

provided more of a challenge than the routine individual portraits and squadron shots he

was often commissioned to do. B ut as Figures 8 and 10 indicate, what might look like a

straight-forward mimetic project a ctually required a considerable amount of intuition and

experience. In addition to being an artistic challenge, he strongly believed in using this

expertise on behalf of the military. For example, a letter from a comm anding general calls

him an old friend outside the service and then continues, I say outside the service,

realizing that you are about as closely identified with it as is possible for one not being a

member thereof (letter to

EOG,

September 6, 1940).

Second, he produced modifications of existing equipmen t and developing procedures to

meet the special requirements of his work (see Burleson and Hickman 1986, pp. 89-109,

and Davenport 1981 , pp. 133-155 for detailed discussions). And finally, the logistics of

executing this type of work were amazing. For example, to complete a photo

of

20,000

men in 1947 (Figure 11) required the following:

6

weeks of planning, 30 miles of cord and

20,000 white markings on the ground to indicate the exact location of each participant,

and the construction of a 109 foot tower from which to shoot (McClure 1947). Detailed

instructions were also required for all those involved, including what to wear (e.g.,

contrast was generally accomplished by different colored uniforms).

A few of the instructions issued for one formation will provide some sense of the

advance planning that was undertaken:

11 d. WHITE UN IFOR M: W ill be white civilian shirts with collar (caps may be worn

but will be removed before photographs are made), khaki breaches but no

neckties, shirts to be fully buttoned. in the event some organization comm anders

cannot present their command

so

equipped, m en in white

are

authorized to w ear white

issue undershirts without alterations of any kind.

12. Men should be sized in the formation, in

so

far is possible considering the

restrictions existing regarding their positions, but in any event, exceptionally short

men should not be placed beside exceptionally tall men.

(Memo from camp chief of staff, March 28, 1932).



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Visual

nomatopoeia

201

FIGURE 8 . This diagram dem onstrates the elaborate planning preceding each living photograph.

Drawn to replicate the Taro Leaf emblem of the Schofield Barracks in Hawaii in May, 1926, it was

necessary to compensate for the massive distortion caused by shooting photographs from a tower

high above the formation. F or example, the distance between m en in the front ranks was 16 inches,

whereas the distance between men at the rear was 16 feet. More than 90% of the 8500 men are

located in the upper half of the design. Photography collection,

Harry

Ransom Hum anities Research

Center, University of Texas at Austin.

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SYMBOLIC INTERACTION Vol. 13/No.

2/1990

FIGURE

9.

Here the men methodically march into the formation. The location

of

each unit

was

predetermined and marked off, maximizing efficiency and ensuring an accurate representation.

Photography collection, Harry R ansom H umanities Research Cen ter, University of Texas at Austin.



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Visual nomatopoeia

203

FIGURE

10.

The com pleted project-a record of its execution, and a m emento for the participants.

In other words, ritual as act and artifact. Photography collection, Harry Ransom H uman ities Research

Center, University of Texas at Austin.



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SYMBOLIC

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FIGURE 11. The use of black personnel in the center

of

this living insignia highlighted the

segregation of the armed services-a divisive , not comm unity building policy . Photography

collection, Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center, University of Texas at Austin.



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Visual nomatopoeia

205

The result was a high degree of clarity of individual faces (Goldbeck claimed every

individual could be seen distinctly in the Lackland pho to), and max imum efficiency. Th e

Taro Leaf insignia of the Hawaiian division-typical of Goldbecks monum ental work

-was executed in forty three minutes (letter from EO G, nd 1927 ).

Morale is the watchword for this work; it is alluded to in Goldbecks own statements,

the official views of com ma nde rs, and by the testimony of family mem bers of participants.

W hile of cou rse interested in the successful marketing of a product, G oldbeck made his

pitch in terms of the value of a picture as a relic recording the individuals experiences:

T he [panoramic] picture came out very well, and

I

am sure you will be mighty proud to

be the ow ner of one for many years to com e when it will bring back many a hard, easy,

tearful and laughing moment (form letter, December 21, 1943).

Th e concern with m orale was evident in several distinct ways, First, within the military,

those in charge judged these photographs to be directly related to espiri ts de co rps. For

exam ple, early in Goldbecks career a base comm ander testified the possession of

these photos by the enlisted personnel of this command should be encouraged both as an

aid to morale and a s a memento of the organization

(mem o, June 25, 1929). This

remained typical of official sentiments, as the following attests: Needless to say the

photographs were invaluable to the morale of the servicemen, and certainly it [sic] is a

tangible possession they will treasure in the futur e. The expeditious manner in which you

performed the actual photography was astounding

(letter from commanding general,

Ma rch 27 1950). Both of these accounts underscore the value of having a concrete group

experience and then preserving it. These commanders assumed the importance of this

society was thereby revealed to their men and their attachment to it would be strengthened

henceforth.

Similar testimony from fam ily members suggests a second mo rale function: cultivating

and maintaining support outside the military. For those on the home front, these

pictures might alleviate the anxiety of separation and mollify concern: M y hubby was in

that picture [and] I am very anx ious to have it. M y husband c an be seen very clearly in

the picutre, and being he is overseas no w, Id be

so

happy to have a picture of him and his

division (letter, Decem ber 3 1 194 3). Th e picture is doubly meaningful in this case: the

individual is distinctly shown, but is also surrounded by his division. The personal

connection is established yet h e is not seen as being alone (or, presumab ly, vulnerable).

Finally, a favorable image could increase the militarys attractiveness and potentially

contribute to recruitment efforts. This w as an add itional angle Goldbeck himself developed

to solicit further photo opportunities: A million dolla rs, or several million dollars for that

matter, w ould not pay for such all encompassing publicity, no doubt the greatest amount

of

favorable notice and acclaim the Air Force has ever received at one time. How many

young men have been directly influenced into enlisting into the Air Force is, of course,

difficult to estimate accurately, but it is certainly not an unreasonable assumption that out

of the many millions who saw reproductions of this eye arresting publicity, many thou-

sands were favorably impressed

EOG

to base comm ander, January 2 3 1948)

The consensus of all this testimony is that these living photographs were, indeed, a

valuable adjunct to the building of community and the maintenance of commitment in

several realms. Durkheim would undoubtedly be pleased if he were to examine this

material. Ho wev er, his approach w ould accept these visual illusions from the outside, that

is, w ithout much con sideration of the participants point of view and actual response. A



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SYMBOLIC

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closer analysis of other evidence reveals a disjuncture between purpose and outcome,

however, and raises additional important issues.

WHEN

RITUAL FOUNDERS

Perhaps there are times when an individual does m q c h up and dow n like a wooden

soldier, tightly rolled up in a particular role. It is true that here and there w e can po unce

on a moment when an individual sits fully astride a single role, head erect, eyes front,

but the next moment the picture is shattered into many pieces and the individual

divides into different persons holding the ties of different spheres

of

life

.

(Goffman

1961b.

p. 143

There is not one privileged position from which to view this body of work; when the

observer alters his vantage point, a different social topography emerges.

So

if we question

what we may have taken for granted until now, we can appreciate a critical paradox: the

morale building effects of these exercises and photographic rememberances are not actu-

ally corroborated by the rank and file participants.

While the intentions of those who sponsored visual onomatopoetic exercises may have

been to bring people together to fortify their sense of group allegiance, what actually

transpired was both more complicated and more ambiguous. These dramatizations appear

to be coherent, self-contained statements, but like other forms of social interaction they

fall apart in certain respects when they are scrutinized closely (Garfinkel 1967). One

indication of this is that although Goldbecks archive contains the most arcane material,

the men themselves are curiously silent about this being important to them. H oweve r, the

presence of many exam ples of reminder letters sent to those who did not pay for and pick

up their picture orders are clear indications that compliance

to

the ritual

of

symbol making

and community building did not guarantee increased cohesion or on-going support.

Goldbeck used a com bination of approaches to encourage purchases, v iz. , the following:

The paper shortage is far worse now than during the War; consequen tly we have

only been ab le to take care of but a fraction of the orders so far received for our recently

made . wonderful telephoto birdseye view of Lackland Air Base [San Antonio, TX].

Believe it or not, but you are one of the fortunate few whose order we have been able to

fill (form letter, August 23 1947). And if this type of appeal didnt spur a response,

perhaps another might: We know that these photographs will becom e truly invaluable as

the years go on and that you would not take many times the amount you are paying for

them a few years from now (form letter, July 31 , 1944). In each instance the individual

was encouraged to recognize an importance which had theretofore escaped him.

This was a significant problem. In fact, the Lackland photo (Figure 11)-considered by

many to be Goldbecks triumph in the living photo format-was reprinted in the media

world-wide, but was n ot received

so

enthusiastically by its participants.13 Taken in late

July, 1947, only 25% of the print orders were paid for two months later, much to

Goldbecks dismay (letter to commanding general, September 23, 1947). And there

continued to be a poor rate of return on this project, wh ich promp ted additional complaint:

having personally served our Air Forces in both World Wars and with three sons

serving this branch in the last War ( one of whom [made] the most precious sacrifice



24/33

Visual nomatopoeia

207

and contribution any family could make, [when he] gave the full measure of devotion

and did not return), it is our firm conviction that no man in the Air Force, young or old,

would knowingly welch, renig [sic] or try to crawfish out of such an obligation if he

were reminded to do

so

was not honorable and w ould surely cast a blot or shadow on

the fair escutcheon of his organ ization . Isnt it equally imp ortant, especially in an

Indoctrination Ce nter, that all men receive proper m oral as w ell as physical training,

and in this respect isnt it incumbent on the O fficers to set a proper moral exam ple at

all times?

Figures speak more eloquently than w ords; hence the present status

of

Lackland

Air

Base accounts

.

clearly indicates the degree of non-cooperation.

Letter to commanding general, January

23,

1948.

What becomes evident is that there were different levels of involvement and vested

interest in these photographic ventures. For both the officers and Goldbeck himself, this

was a serious undertaking which should command full attention and respect. From the

formers point of view, for the symbolic capital it could create; and for the latter, real

capital was at stake. For the participants, however, what was supposed to be

an

intense,

socio-emotional experience had to be rationally devised beforehand and tightly regimented

in the name of efficiency.

There is a great deal of irony in this. Goldbecks keen ability to reduce the time

necessary to execute such a monumental event in fact may have detracted from its

ceremonial significance. It is true that this would be a unique event for each group,

whereas it was routine for the photographer. However, it presents a metaphor for army

discipline in general as much as anything (see Figure 9 ) What was supposed to be a ritual

of affirmation and celebration provided little room for spontaneity and release, and thereby

minimized whatever sense of pleasure or special distinction the group might experience.

This was, th en, a situation with an extreme division of labor. In this respect it was perhaps

ideally suited to o rchestrating ritual in

an

industrial society, but not necessarily conducive

to developing spirit. I

One might assert that these events were a break from routine (Burleson and Hickman

1986, p. 72). How ever, it is m ore likely that there would be a mixture of responses: awe

and respect could be counterbalanced by a sense of both freedom from usual situations and

obligations, and a freedom to act differently. For the gung-ho soldier, the first set of

responses would be typical. For others, however, some acting out could occur without

small deviations from prescribed attitudes and behaviors sign ificantly disrupting the collec-

tive image.

In fact, this is what a close exam ination of the living insignia photograph from the 36th

Division, Palacios, Texas (July, 1926) reveals (see Figure

12).

We can w itness a range of

reactions to the situation here, from focused attention to self-conscious mugging, and with

some men shielding their eyes from the sun. Similar observations can be made in Mole

and Thomass work, for example, in a WW 1 formation of President Wilsons face

(Figure 6). Here some participants can be seen scratching and waving, while in a later

formation some people are turning away from the camera and talking. Instead of capturing

an ideal picture, then, we have a microcosm of what could reasonably be expected in any

society, with the display of a variety of activity rather than complete uniformity.

This suggests a theme prominent throughout much of Goffmans work. Instead of

taking role playing and social interaction for granted, he has alerted us to the many ways

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SYMBOLIC

INTERACTION Vol 13 / No . 211990

FIGURE 12. A micro analysis of this photo reveals affective deviance from the situation. A

range

of responses to the situation-not unanimity of support-is appar ent. Photo graph y collectio n,

Harry Ransom Hum anities Research C enter, University

of

Texas at Austin (detail of living insignia

of

the 36th division).



26/33


these are tenuous ventures at best. W ith his discussions of secondary adjustmen ts (1961a),

role distance (1961b), situational improprieties (1963) and misinvolvements and disen-

gagements (1967), he has consistently examined the gap between role obligations and

actual performances . For Goffman Joint involvem ent appears to be a fragile thing

(1967, p. 117), and Whats one mans overeagerness will become anothers alienation

(1967, p. 123). Obviously, then, actors bring different motives and definitions of the

situation to any interaction, and we should expect some resistance and disaffection.

Inevitably som eone will act differently from what is officially sanctioned. Goffman allows

for there to be important breathing space produced by the contradictions of a situation

where the individual can refuse in some degree-however small-to hand over the total

self.

Goffman is characterizing the affective deviant. This role is typical and expected,

although not normatively sanctioned (196 1b, p. 115), recalling Durkheims notion of the

inevitability of deviance. There is something of a paradox here, however. Although we

are to expect deviance even in a society of saints (1964

[

193 8]), when Durkheim talks

about ritual he infers that everyone is reverential and observant (1965 [1915]). Ritual is

supposed to be serious, focused business, w ith even the celebratory aspects being obligatory.

We should not expect anything other than total involvement. But this visual evidence

suggests that in the contemporary world this is more ideal than real (see Scheff 1977).

These exercises had ritual attributes, yet participation in them was dictated from the

outside instead of being inner-directed. Individuals were first made to contribute their

bodies to a group effort, and then expec ted to pledge their souls as well. But for a portion

of them this process struck a distinctly discordant note, and it failed to activate complete

value consensus. To invoke a distinction made by Barthes (1981), each person in these

photos is a punctum, holding themselves in opposition to or in congruence with the

official framework of the situation.

There is an additional way tha t these photos can revea l the reality of society rather than

record a fanciful view. The 1947 Lackland AFB photo (figure 11) reproduces a fact

contradictory to the notion of community solidarity. Goldbeck typically used different

colored uniform s or different degrees of form al dress to provide contrast (see Figure 10,

for example). In the Lackland photo, however, he used black soldiers to create a dark

circle in the center of the design. These participants are restricted to a rather small area

and they are su rrounded by those w ho are racially different. Individual soldiers were there-

fore literally integrated into the grand design of this group, but ironically replicated the

segregation policy of the armed services as well. There is no record to indicate whether

Goldbeck was making a self-conscious social statement or exercising his artistic judgm ent

here. How ever, this idealized formulation vividly drew attention to a situation which was

later remedied in the military.15.

These photographic exercises were obviously

adjuncts

to w ell-established processes of

military discipline and morale building. But it is important to note when many of them

were undertaken-at critical mom ents of pre- or post-mob ilization, when there was no

clearly defined enemy to respond to, no imm ediate sense of purpose, and when co llective

identity would therefore be more diffuse. When he returned to work at Schofield Barracks

in Hawaii in 1935, for example, Goldbeck found a different situation than when he had

been there in 1926 (see Figure 10): There was a new tone to the Army . An und ercurrent

of tension, tempered with a heightened level of anticipation. Events in Europ e, combined



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SYMBOLIC INTERACTION

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2/1990

with increasing Japanese aggression in the Pacific, made the military uneasy Burleson

and Hickman 1986, p.

52).

Poised to act but not yet mandated to fight, the army could use

reminders of what it stood for, especially when they graphically displayed its cohesion.

A similar situation obtained after the war. The Derroit Free Press printed the Lackland

photo in 1947 with the headline An Air Force Rebdm Looks Ahead with Confidence.

However, the accompanying text reveals a more complicated situation:

Though it should be in the prime of life, the Air Force,finds itself with two problems.

1-It has just c om e of ag e. The recent National Security Act made it an independ-

ent unit, no longer

an rmof

the Army.

2-It doesnt yet appear to have the vigor to do the work cut out for it. (Aug ust 1 ,

1947

Combat precludes the need for material proof of strength, solidarity or legitimacy. But

these are not givens in a noncombative era. The military intended the Lackland photo to

help ally doubts it had internally, and to display a united front externally.

To

address both

these problems they produced emblems to symbolically supplement other efforts. Socially

ambiguous times produced the need for an assertion of material identity, but the unen-

thusiastic reception accorded some of these symbols by those who were mobilized to

participate in their formation demonstrates that the photos were only partially successful

in addressing the mens needs.

DISCUSSION: SOCIAL GROUPS OBSERVED

Visual onomatopoeia is not generally scrutinized closely, even though it provides a

convenient frame Goffman 1974) for organizing experience. It highlights the problem of

how culture is represented back to the group that spawns it, an issue which has engaged

semioticians following Peirce on the one hand and Saussure on the other; sociologists

taking up a parallel debate in support of either Durkheim or Goffman; or in this particular

instance, those emphasizing either act or artifact. Neither position from these opposed

pairs of distinctions sufficiently equips us to fully analyze actual social occurrences, yet a

synthesis of these supposed differences holds the promise of comprehensive understanding.

Visual onomatopoeia is a ritual form uniquely suited for situations where social control

is of paramount importance. For example, the militarys entitlement to violence places it

on

both the real and symbolic boundaries of society, thereby rendering it a potential threat

to those it is mandated to servei. In times of pre- and post-mobilization it is all geared up

with nowhere outside) to go. Here visual onomatopoeia would provide the opportunity to

exercise army discipline and reassure the public that the guardians themselves were

effectively under control.

In

an intentional community such as Zion this device also

demonstrated that members were disciplined and would defer to group demands. Its visual

displays revealed a structured society dedicated to a shared religious mission, not one

where individuals with dubious purposes would likely prevail.

Visual onomatopoeia makes visible what might otherwise be too inchoate to comprehend.

Its use assumes that we hold in common an easily-activated way of interpreting what we

see. For example, an illustration for an article on rising unemployment spelled out

Reaganomics by picturing individuals pouring from an unemployment office and



28/33


1

forming the phrase with their bodies

Newsweek

January 18, 1982, p. 25). The common

complaint that statistics obscure the individual case and in this situation, individual

misery) was mediated by use of this device, while both the individual and collective

dimensions of the problem were highlighted. Similarly, a participant in an antinuclear

protest observed With all the support for the Thatcher Government, sometimes you feel

you might as well give up, said Cressida Evans, a University of London student who was

among 20,000 people who sat on the grass to form a giant human peace symbol. Then

you come to see something like this, and you see all these thousands of people

The

New York Times, October 27, 1985, p. 3 .

This example not only attests to the regeneration of individual morale, but the event

also provided evidence of the existence and potential strength of this typically unmoblized

group. To reiterate a statement from the introduction of this article, it illustrates that

Ritual is a form by which culture presents itself to itself Myerhoff 1984, p. 155).

Protest organizers did not manufacture this cultural form by themselves, but drew upon a

familiar way of representing ideas and confirming identities.

Visual onomatopoeia n this particular case was used for oppositional purposes,6 demon-

strating that postmodern society, rather than necessarily eviscerating vital social forms

and presenting hollow spectacles see Dubord 1977), can in fact draw upon long-standing

forms of expression to critically assail present social conditions. Admittedly, however,

the bulk of examples presented here affirm conventional values and activities, mixing

Durkheimian concerns with high-camp style. Instances such as the formations executed

during football game half-times are much more common. In a variety of circumstances a

similar intent is evident. Within the normative guidelines of contests, displays of visual

onomatopoeia can mobilize support against the opponents. It helps to delineate the us

from the them. In situations of real external threats to an entire society-in war time,

for example-such displays can also rally individuals to the cause, heightening the sense

of common identity and justifying the subordination of individual to collective concerns.

Similarly, when such threats are anticipated, visual onomatopoeia could quell doubts

about group strength and individual responsibilities. And the situation would be much the

same after the culmination of conflicts, where the assessment of past sacrifices and current

abilities would be critical.

Likewise, conditions internal to social groups which threaten the continued identifica-

tion and contributions of their members could also generate such displays. These would

trigger a coded message that something persists over time and over and above the individual,

despite immediate problems. In such cases, visual onomatopoeia would be somewhat

diversionary, downplaying what might potentially draw away the allegianceof individuals.

It is an important ritual device for liminal occasions many social groups routinely

experience. But whether the situation where visual onomatopoeia is employed is one of

affirmation or defiance, the relationships between individuals and groups and groups to

one another are dramatically addressed.

The variety of examples I have cited lies along several axes which link them despite

their apparent differences. There is the axis of participation, ranging from voluntary to

involuntary, which also relates to the degree of commitment-high or low-both to the

group in general as well as to the specific visual onomatopoetic project. Paralleling these

features is the axis of naturalness, anchored by the poles of candid on the one end and

posed on the other. Here the degree of similarity to other communal activities is important.



29/33

212 SYMBOLIC INTERACTION Vol 1 3 / N o .

2/1990

And temporality is another variab le, ranging from ephem eral associations (the antinuclea r

protest), to groups which are continually replenished with different personnel ( the military),

to rather stable, on-goin g comm unities (Zion ). Th e axis of intent must also be conside red,

from the socio-emotional end (of more concern to participants and their leaders) to the

instrumental and/or commercial end also important to leaders, a n d o r artisans).

In

addition,

the intended audience can be restricted to the participants or extend to the wider world,

that is, this can be a private experience or a public pronouncement. And finally, the

public/private dimension can be configured in another way: the overriding concern of a

public emphasis would be the transmission of a particular message or the artistic design,

whereas a more private concern would dictate the clear portrayal of individual participants

within a form ation. W hile it is likely that these characteristics would c luster in distinctive

ways in regard to different types of groups, the potential combinations are obviously

unlimited.

I have presented visual onomatopoeia primarily as a marginal phenomenon utilized by

marginal groups. However, it is but one example of the genre of memorial photographs,

differing from more com mo nplac e family and small group images mainly in term s of scale

and elaboration of design. Photographic events both large and small enact and enshrine

social relationships in a memorial form. The photographic presentation of selves at all

levels-from immens e com mu nal clusters to intimate primary groups-ritualistically

dramatizes such central social questions as conformity, deviance, engagement, cohesion

and impression management.

Wha t we canno t see or touch is often what is most important to

us.

When such concepts

can be portrayed visually-whether they be religious or secular ideas-we hav e a very

powerful and gro up sustaining metaphoric d evice . Following Webe r, visual onoma topoe ia

is one form of monum ental expression in the modern w orld that taps the chord of commu-

nity and tries to raise it from pianiss imo to a sho ut.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Support for this research was partially provided by grants from the SUNY-Purchase

Faculty Sup port Fund and the N ew York StateKJ nited University Professions New Faculty

Development Fund. Earlier versions of this article were presented at the University of

Chicago Culture and Society Workshop, M arch, 1988 and at the 83rd Annual Meeting of the

American S ociolo gical Asso ciation, August, 1988 in Atlanta, Geo rgia. I thank Wendy

Griswold, Randy M artin, Mary

Jo

Neitz, D ennis Wheaton and Eviata r Zerubavel fo r their

suggestions and comments and also the staffs at the Chicago Historical Society and the

Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center in Austin, Texas for their assistance in con-

ducting the research.

NOTES

1 Trompe lo il is a sight gag, a painting technique that tricks the eye. W oodgrain or marble can

be simulated on other materials, or murals might depict something that is not there, for example, a

wall

of

windows where none exist or clouds on the interior ceiling of a room.

2. And as Bronner further notes, we envision executive heads, judical arms, and legislative

bodies (

1986,

p. 157).

After I had com pleted this research, I discovered that How ard Becker had raised much the sam e



30/33

Visual

nomatopoeia

21

3

concern: M any sociological concepts, whose m eaning seems [sic] intuitively clear, w ould be very

hard to portray visually. no one can be sure what an instance of status integration would look

like and thus no one can photograph it (1974, p. 20). This echoes Freuds comments on the

elements of dream work, where he notes the difficulty of transforming thoughts into visual images

(1977, pp. 175-77), and

Sol

Worths contention that pictures cannot d o a number of things words

can , e.g ., they cannot express conditionals, negatives, and past and future tenses (1981

[

19751, p.

178).

3. Such advertisements. can entail considerable hyperbole, as illustrated in a promotion for a

French chemical and pharmaceutical com pany, R hBne-Poulenc. Their logo was pictured in a Decem-

ber 2, 1987 display in the

New York Times,

formed by stars into a new constellation. The accompa-

nying text stated, W elcome to a world of constant expansion. Not only employees but the

heavens themselves would seem to be under company command here. And an ad for Wadsworth

Publishing Company in the 1988 ASA program used a similar device, featuring a drawing with

people grouped into a giant W . My sense is that this type of representation is utilized in

sociology texts to address the problem Becker notes (see Note #2).

For a hum orous , fictional account of the sam e events-albeit emphasiz ing their antagonistic,

compe titive nature-see Keillor (1985 , pp. 118-123).

Sonta gs analysis of the Nazi orchestration of public displays-as recorded in the films of

Leni Riefenstahl, for example-demonstrates the power of such exercises. What she describes as

fascist aesthetics shares obvious similarities with what

I

am describing: it take

[s]

the form

of a characteristic pageantry: the massing of groups of people; the turning of people into things; the

multiplication or replication of things; and the grouping

of

people/things around an all-powerful,

hypnotic leader-figure or force (1980, p. 91).

A

particularly striking example of this principle is a living swastika formed by police units at the

Berlin Sports Palace in 1934 (in Wilden 1987, p. 292). A n unusual feature of this display is that the

men are lying down in the formation. Their partisanship is accentuated at the same time that their

subordination to the principles behind the image is underscored.

This theme has been picked up by others: in the decoration of Jesuit churches in 17th century

Italy, Attention must be concentrated exclusively on the [religious] subject of the frescoes, w hich

should be read like a sermon, more effective because paint lasted and words vanished (Haskell

1980, p. 68).

In Michael Lesys popular work he utilizes an approach that is interpretive, but his 1973

work explores the luck of community as revealed through photographic evidence. And in his 1982

book he sees photos as a collision between skill and serrendipitous conditions (p. xix), unlike

the purposeful acts am examining.

On e event in the 1987 bicentenary celebration of the U .S. constitution provided an interest-

ing parallel. At a designated time (1:30 p , m , , September 16) people were urged to recite the Pledge

of Allegiance and the Preamble to the Constitution, Wherever you are near a radio or TV

at school, at home or in the office . you are invited to join in A Celebration of Citizenship

N e w York

Times,

September 6, 1987

p.

E15). Of additional interest is that both texts were printed

in full for reference.

9. Goldbe ck collected living photographs execu ted by other practioners of the form . Although

they are in his archive, little is now known about these individuals and their careers.

Goldbecks own reputation has been increasing the past few years, and has extended beyond its

original boundaries. His work has been show n in photographic galleries for its artistic qualities, and

three monographs have been written about him.

Goldbecks expenses in making a shot w ere often quite high, but the m onetary return could

be substantial as well. He claimed that his expenses (e.g., planning, tower building, supplies,

transportation, salaries, etc.) fo r the Lackland photo (figure 11) were over $17 ,500 (m em o, January,

1948). However, more than once he sold $25,000 worth of work from one negative

Sun-Antonio

Express-News June 14, 1975, p. 1B).

4 .

5.

6 .

7.

8.

10.



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214 SYMBOLIC INTERACTION Vol. 13/No 2/1990

11. This and all subsequent quotes from original sources are from docume nts in the

E.O.

Goldbeck collection,

Harry

Ransom Humanities Research Center, The University of Texas at

Austin.

12. Goldbeck often worked in a large, panoramic format, as large as 10 by 65 . T he Taro

Root picture shown here was originally 8

X

20, and the Lackland AFB shot was 16 X 13 .

13. It was also blasted by the

Chicago Daily Tribune

which characterized it as an

.

utterly

useless, time-wa sting, mon ey-wasting enterprise If it was the purpose of the stunt to prove to

the people of this country that military appropriations are exces sive, it succeeded admirably (July

29, 1947, p. 8). The basis of the attack was the misperception that staff time was used in the

planning and execution of the work. Goldbeck rebutted these charges, and his response was carried

in a letters column on August 4, 1947, p. 16.

Interestingly, Victor Turner (1978) emphasizes the obligatory nature of ritual in regard to

tribal or agrarian societies, and notes that industrial societies generally allow for more spontaneity in

ritual activities. This may not be contradictory to the evidence offered here, however, if we consider

the military and its form of discipline uncharacteristic of how most segments of society are allowed

to conduct their lives.

In

fact, the necessity of strict discipline for such projects is underscored in a particularly humor-

ous

chapter of the history of the fictional community of Lake W obegon.

In

1945 a living flag was

successfully completed, directly draw ing upon the solidarity generated by the w ars ending.

In

the

following years, ho wever, civic discipline eroded and the project failed as participants broke rank to

run up to a building roof to view the spectacle in full color for themselves (Keillor 1985, pp.

98-100). A

Life

article on Mole and Thomas makes a similar point:

In

those days a comm and to

stand still and shut up carried a good deal more weight than it does now (1971, p. 82),

expediting execution of these photographic exercises.

Segregation in

all

branches of the military was formally ended by President Trumans

Executive Order 9981, issued in July, 1948. Prior to that time there had been separate units for

blacks and whites, separate blood banks, and a severe limitation on the positions open to black

servicemen (e.g ., in 194 0 all enlisted men were confined exclusively to cooking and meal service

details).

In

1949 the air force opened all training possibilities and job specialties to all servicem en,

and by 1954 all Negro divisions had been abolished throughout the military (see Wesley, 196 8, pp.

179- 198).

Other examples can be cited, viz., the formation of a cross by gay activists in the street in

front of St. Patricks Cathedral in NY to protest the C atholic churchs negative stance toward homo-

sexuality

Advocate,

New s in brief, April 12, 1988, p.

22 ,

and the formation of the slogan

N O CU TS by approximately 800 students, faculty and staff at SUNY -Purchase in May ,

1989 to protest proposed budget cuts.

In Webers words, It is not accidental that our greatest art is intimate and not m onum ental,

nor is it accidental that today only within the sm allest and most intim ate circles, in personal human

situations, in

pianissimo,

that something is pulsating which corresponds to the prophetic

pneuma,

which in former times swept through the great comm unities like a firebrand, welding them together

(Gerth and Mills 1958, p. 155).

14.

15.

16

17.

REFERENCES

Alloula, M. 1986. The Colonial Harem . Translated by M. and W. Godzich. Minneapolis: Univer-

Babcock, B .A ., ed. 1978. The Reversible Wo rld: Symbolic Inversion in Art and Society. Ithaca, NY:

Barthes, R. 1981. Camera Lucida: Reflections on Photography. Translated by R . Howard. New

sit

Documents

Visual Onomatopeia