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Outlook, opportunities and challenges for the development of China-
EU Growth Partnership
Cui Hongjian
I. Developing the “Four Major Partnerships” is a firm common
consensus of China and EU
During the visit to the EU headquarters in April 2014, Chinese President
Xi Jinping stressed to consider China-EU relationship at a strategic level,
combine the “two forces, two markets and two civilizations” to jointly
forge the “partnerships for peace, growth, reform and civilization” (Four
Major Partnerships, FMPs), to inject new vitality for China-EU
cooperation and make greater contribution to the world’s development
and prosperity. President Xi’s proposal was inscribed into Joint
Statement on Deepening the EU-China Comprehensive Strategic
Partnership for Mutual Benefit which was published after the China-
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EU Summit and become the firm common understanding of both sides.
The FMPs indicates China emphasizes on the EU at a strategic level,
firmly supports the European integration process and that China is willing
to continue expanding and deepening a comprehensive strategic
partnership with the EU.
II. Basis and objective of China-EU Growth Partnership
development
Economic and trade cooperation between China and EU is the basis and
ballast for China-EU comprehensive strategic partnership. Therefore,
China-EU Growth Partnership (CEGP) plays an irreplaceable basic role
among the FMP. The realistic basis for CEGP is that, on the one hand,
China, in spite of its great leap in comprehensive strength, is still a
developing country with obvious problems of imbalanced, inconsistent
and unsustainable development. China is devoted to comprehensively
deepening domestic reform and striving to realize the target of building a
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moderately prosperous society in all aspects, and insisting on expanding
opening-up to the world, taking the path of peaceful development and
boosting the development of an opening global economy. One the other
hand, due to the influence of international financial crisis, EU confronts
the most severe challenge since the end of Cold War and needs to solve a
series of structural, systematic and underlying problems. But EU’s
strategic direction of integration process is not changed. EU has
accelerated the structural reform and striven to lead the integration of
economy, finance and politics forward. EU, a community with 28
members, world’s highest economic aggregate and enormous
comprehensive strength, is still an important strategic force in the world
and a critical element which influences the evolution of international
situation.
The economic aggregate of China and EU accounts for 1/3 of the world’s
total. China-EU economic and trade relationship is one of its kind with
PAGE \* MERGEFORMAT 2
the largest scale and the greatest vitality in the world. Both sides shoulder
the important responsibilities of continuing boosting the growth of global
economy and realizing the prosperity together. Both sides are dedicated to
forging global economy featuring innovative development, joint growth
and integrated interests, and firmly safeguarding and developing an
opening global economy. At the critical stage of reform and development,
China-EU economic and trade relationship embraces new historic
opportunities. Therefore, China is willing to team up with EU to combine
the world’s two major markets more closely, build China-EU into a
community of shared interests, and strengthen the interest tie of both
sides in global strategy, regional and bilateral relations, to realize mutual
benefit and win-win cooperation at a higher level and make greater
contribution to build an opening world economy.
III. China and EU’s joint efforts for “the Belt and Road” offer
opportunities for the CEGP development
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(I) The Belt and Road Initiative (B&R Initiative) promotes the
interface with Europe Development Strategy (EDS). The meeting of
leaders of both sides confirmed the interface between the B&R Initiative
and EDS, and proposed breakthroughs to be made in four key fields,
namely, joint construction of infrastructures, third party cooperation on
equipment manufacturing, financial cooperation on industrial investment
demands and improvement of trade and investment liberalization. Both
sides agreed to intensify contact in infrastructures, build an
“interconnection cooperation platform” to strengthen information
communication, boost seamless and convenient transport and interface
related initiatives and projects from both parties, identify cooperation
opportunities from the policies and financing channels, such as the
cooperation between the B&R Initiative and Trans-European Transport
Networks (TEN-T), actively seek for investment opportunities open to
both sides and create good environment for the sustainable and
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interconnected cross-border infrastructures of countries and regions
which lie in between China and EU.
(II) International cooperation on production capacity interfaces with
Juncker investment plan. Boosting international cooperation on
equipment and production capacity is a major economic decision of the
Chinese government after a sober judgment on current economic
structure changes and industrial development trends home and abroad. A
basic condition for boosting international production capacity is that “the
infrastructures in developed economies of Europe and America require
upgrading” which happens to coincide with the contents of the Juncker
Investment Plan (JIP), known as European Recovery Engine. JIP was
officially put into operation since 2016. Both international cooperation on
production capacity and JIP regard the investment to key infrastructures
as the major directions for promoting economic growth and improving
interconnection. Therefore, it was just the right time for the strategic
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interface and cooperation. China-EU High-level Economic and Trade
Dialogue held in September 2015 advocated the establishment of China-
EU Investment Platform, making China the first non-EU country that
announced participation to JIP.
(III) “16+1” cooperation interfaces with overall China-EU
cooperation. At the beginning of the 16+1 cooperation, EU doubted that
the 16+1 cooperation is another separate action beyond China-EU
cooperation. Some even thought that China intended to disintegrate EU
with the separate action. But with the long-term, open, transparent and
fruitful cooperation between China and central and eastern European
countries, EU gradually removed the doubts. The 4th meeting between
Chinese leaders and their counterparts from central and eastern European
countries held in Suzhou in November 2015 reaffirmed the principle “
‘16+1’ cooperation is an important part of China-EU cooperation” and
stressed the complementariness and mutual promotion of both
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cooperation. The Middle-term Agenda for Cooperation between China
and Central and Eastern European Countries published after the Suzhou
meeting clearly pointed out that “16+1 cooperation will develop
synergies with major EU initiatives and plans and contribute to the
China-EU partnerships for peace, growth, reform and civilization, and the
Participants welcome and support the establishment of the China-EU
Connectivity Platform. . Developing ‘16+1’ cooperation synergies with
China-EU’s overall cooperation will contribute to the cooperation
resistance alleviation, achieving good environment for sustainable
development, be helpful to intensify China-EU political mutual trust and
improve the enthusiasm and efficiency for the overall cooperation of both
sides.
IV. Challenges and measures during CEGP development
(I) The rise of European protectionism influences China-EU economic
and trade cooperation
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1. “Market economy status” and excess production capacity. According to
the obligations under Article 15 of the Protocol on China’s Accession to
the World Trade Organization (WTO), “the surrogate country approach”
applied by WTO members for anti-dumping to China must be terminated
before the end of 2016 when the 15-year transitional period expires. Since
early 2016, the European Commission started evaluation on whether
accepting China’s “market economy status” or not, which involved EU
institutions and members, European Parliament, European industrial
associations, and stakeholders of China-EU political and economic
relationship and EU-US relationship, far beyond the law and technology
consideration while more evaluation from politics. During European
Commission evaluation, the lobby organizations mainly from the iron and
steel industry held various activities to attempt to link “solution for
Chinese excessive steel production capacity’s impact to European steel
industry” with China’s “market economy status” and hinder EU’s
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“concession to China” at this point. In May, 2016, European Parliament
adopted the non-legislative resolution on “objecting to accept China’s
market economy status” with overwhelming majority and appealed the
EU to “apply anti-dumping measures to deal with China’s excess
production capacity”. Under the pressure from various parties, the
European Commission started to look for a compromise, i.e. abolishing
the diction “market economy status” to meet China’s “political claim”,
and continuing the surrogate country approach in a disguised mode and
urgently upgrading its trade protection system to alleviate the complaints
of some EU members and interest groups on “China’s excess steel
production capacity”. Under the guide of this principle, the European
Commission issued documents on the anti-dumping calculation methods
for China and submitted it to the Council of the European Union and
European Parliament on November 9. Finally, on December 13, the
Council of the European Union made a resolution and reproached “the
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significant distortions” in Chinese economy had “influenced EU’s
industry, trade, commerce and people’s life”. Thus, under the name of
promoting free and fair trade, improving EU’s competitiveness and
protection/creating jobs, they will keep the right for carrying out anti-
dumping measures to the “market distortions” of Chinese goods.1 The
resolution applied the so-called “market distortion” notion/standard to
replace “non-market economy” notion/standard, which was a disguised
continuance of “the surrogate country approach”. Thus, China appealed
to WTO and required EU to comprehensively and completely perform its
obligations.2 The origin of discrepancies on market economy status and
excess production capacity between China and EU is that EU ascribed
economic downturn, decreasing competitiveness of steel and other
industries and other problems to external factors, and imputed
1 EU website: COMMISSION STAFF WORKING DOCUMENT IMPACT ASSESSMENT: Possible change in the calculation methodology of dumping regarding the People's Republic of China (and other non-market economies), 9, Nov. 2016. http://ec.europa.eu/transparency/regdoc/rep/10102/2016/EN/SWD-2016-370-F1-EN-MAIN-PART-1.PDF
2 http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/web/wjdt_674879/fyrbt_674889/t1414406.shtml PAGE \* MERGEFORMAT 2
unreasonable industrial and labor structural costs to China through
upgrading its trade protection system. China argued strongly on just
grounds for relevant issues. China stressed steel trade was a global issue
and urged EU to improve industrial competitiveness through boosting
industrial structural adjustment instead of hindering normal trade and
circulation. Against the backdrop of globalization’s confrontation of
countercurrent and EU’s continuous upgrading of its trade protection
system, the dispute on trade codes and production capacity between
China and EU will continue.
2. Obstacles for the M&A in Europe by Chinese capitals. Due to the rapid
growth of China’s foreign investment, the closer China-EU economic and
trade relationship and the price decrease of Euro-based assets, Europe has
become one of China’s major international investment destinations.
Statistics by an overseas research institution indicate that China’s foreign
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direct investment (FDI) in 2016 soared by 40% to nearly $200 billion.3 In
2016, China’s FDI to EU exceeded 35.1 billion Euros ($37 billion), up
76% year on year.4 In terms of investment fields, China’s FDI to EU
mainly focused on manufacturing and service industries. The investment
to manufacturing accounted for 1/3 of the total. Other investment fields
include IT and communication technology, renewable energy, transport
and infrastructures and recreational sectors. The investment to real estate
saw an obvious decline. In terms of investment destination countries, in
2016, Chinese capitals flowed back to the core economies again, namely,
the UK, France and Germany. The investment to Germany (11 billion
Euros) and the UK (7.8 billion Euros) accounted for above 53% of
China’s total investment to EU, which was closely followed by the
investment to Northern European countries.5 Chinese investment showed
special favor to Germany, a country with a powerful manufacturing, high
3 http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/article/i/jyjl/m/201603/20160301275020.shtml4 http://www.ftchinese.com/story/0010709465 http://www.yicai.com/news/5216508.html
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work efficiency and more standard market. In 2016, China’s investment
to Germany accounted for 31% of its total investment to Europe.
Germany became the biggest investment receiver of China’s investment
to Europe. China’s investment to Germany firstly exceeded Germany’s
investment to China for the first time in 2016.6 In face of China’s rapid
growth in foreign investment, some western countries had a rising
resistance. According to incomplete statistics, from mid-2015 to 2016,
China’s acquisition plans with value of nearly $40 billion had been
denied by European countries, excluding the hindrance to China’s
acquisition to Swiss PIP( plant-incorporated protectants) giant Syngenta
(acquisition amount: $43 billion) and German semiconductor enterprise
Aixtron (acquisition amount: $715 million).7
The year of 2016 saw frequent obstacles to China’s M&As in Europe.
The objective reasons were China’s investment scale to Europe
6 同注 17. Same with Footnote 17.7 http://www.yicai.com/news/5183075.html
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dramatically expanded and the M&As concentrated on manufacturing and
related sectors. Against the backdrop of European protectionism, some
European countries and industries had doubts on China’s “M&A
motivation”. They believed that China “will destroy the European
competitors through pertinent policy support and replace European
technologies with Chinese ones.” Meanwhile, the so-called Chinese
M&As to endanger “state safety” caused by the difference in political
systems appeared in some governmental and public consensus. In
addition, the US interfered China’s M&As in Europe through the
Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) (e.g. the
obstacle to China’s acquisition of Aixtron) was another important external
factor.
(II) China teams up with EU to meet the challenges
1. Under the situation of changing politics in Europe, China-EU
relationship will confront a more complicated political environment, and
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it will be harder to consolidate and improve mutual trust in politics and
secure the sustainability of China-EU cooperation. China should closely
focus on EU’s political and economic changes, strengthen
communications and cooperation with European countries and parties that
support reform and stability, insist on the direction of developing China-
EU FMPs, ensure the balance and progress of the relationship with EU,
European sub-region and European countries, and keep alert to European
conservative political forces that challenge China’s core interests.
2. Continue boosting the joint efforts on the Belt and Road and
China-EU economic cooperation interface, and jointly restrict the
rising of protectionism
Despite the slow recovery of European economy, the decline of China’s
economic growth and foreign trade, China-EU economic and trade
cooperation is still relatively stable. Under the situation of the decrease of
China and EU’s trade volumes, the statistics of EU and Chinese customs
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indicated that the China-EU trade volume was 514.7 billion Euros in
2016, 6.3 billion Euros less than the previous years. China’s exports to
EU increased 1.2%, with a favorable balance of 174.5 billion Euros.8
China overtook the US and France and became Germany’s biggest trade
partner for the first time.9 China-EU bidirectional investment recorded
increase. In 2016, EU’s 28 countries established 1,741 new enterprises in
China, down 1.8% year on year, with actual paid-in amount of $9.66
billion, up 35.9% year on year. Germany ($2.71 billion), the UK ($2.21
billion) and Luxemburg ($1.39 billion) were among the top ten investors
to China.10 It is difficult to see a good trend for the global economic
growth and trade situation in 2017. As important trade and investment
partners, China and EU should, based on consolidating current
cooperation basis, continue boosting the joint efforts on the Belt and
8http://trade.ec.europa.eu/doclib/docs/2012/march/tradoc_149251.pdf;http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2017-01/13/content_5159449.htm#allContent9 http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/article/tongjiziliao/fuwzn/feihuiyuan/201702/20170202517082.shtml10 http://www.mofcom.gov.cn/article/tongjiziliao/v/201702/20170202509836.shtml
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Road, deepen the cooperation in trade and investment facilitation,
interconnection and infrastructures, and jointly restrict the negative
influence of protectionism.
3. Boost China-EU cooperation in the third-party, regional and
international governance to jointly resist the anti-globalization
countercurrent.
China-EU cooperation in a third party will come to the stage of policy
interface and project implementation. China-France and China-Germany
cooperation in a third party, especially in Africa, Afghanistan, Southern
Europe, Central and Eastern Europe might be the major parts. In the case
of the change of foreign policies by the Trump Administration, China and
EU will have more urgent cooperation demands in safeguarding the
stability of the Middle East and carrying out the nuclear deal with Iran. In
terms of global governance, China and EU will also have broader
cooperation space in jointly maintaining and advancing the Paris
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Agreement reached at the UN Climate Change Conference.
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