Using critical race theory to analyze science teachers culturally responsive practices

Using critical race theory to analyze science teachersculturally responsive practices

Tamara Wallace • Brenda R. Brand

Received: 8 March 2011 / Accepted: 31 December 2011 / Published online: 19 January 2012� Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2012

Abstract Culturally responsive science teaching is using knowledge about the culture

and life experiences of students to structure learning that is conducive to their needs.

Understanding what teachers need to prepare them to be culturally responsive is a matter of

continuous debate. As the focus of multicultural education ventures farther away from its

roots, advocating the civil rights of historically oppressed groups, concerns about the

gravity of racial inequity on schooling continues. How will this shift in focus influence

teachers’ capacity to accommodate students’ needs resulting from racial inequities in this

society, particularly African American students? What knowledge is essential to their

effectiveness? This qualitative study examined the instructional practices of two effective

middle school science teachers deemed culturally responsive by their administrator on the

basis of classroom observations, students’ responses and standardized assessment results.

Both teachers’ classrooms consisted primarily of African American students. Grounded

theory was used to analyze the teachers’ beliefs and practices in order to identify existing

commonalties. Critical race theory was used to identify whether there was any influence of

the students’ racial identities on the teachers’ beliefs and practices. The analysis reveals

that the teachers’ beliefs and practices were informed by their critical awareness of social

constraints imposed upon their African American students’ identities. These findings

communicate the significance of sociocultural awareness to informing the teachers’

instruction, as well as their strategies for managing the varying dynamics occurring in their

classrooms. It can be deduced from the findings that an understanding of racial inequities is

crucial to the development of sociocultural awareness, and is the foundation for the cul-

turally responsive dispositions and practices of these middle school science teachers.

Keywords Critical race theory � Culturally responsive teaching practices �Critical multicultural education � Sociocultural awareness � Science education

T. Wallace (&) � B. R. BrandRadford University, Radford, VA, USAe-mail: [email protected]

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Cult Stud of Sci Educ (2012) 7:341–374DOI 10.1007/s11422-012-9380-8

Executive summary

Ensenanza de las Ciencias culturalmente sensibles esta utilizando los conocimientos

acerca de las experiencias de vida y cultura de los estudiantes al aprendizaje de

estructura que favorezca a sus necesidades. Comprender lo maestros deben prepararlos

para ser culturalmente sensibles es un tema de debate continuo. Durante los ultimos

treinta anos, formacion docente ha utilizado la educacion multicultural como una manera

de cultivar disposiciones culturalmente sensibles en maestros previa al empleo. De

acuerdo a la investigacion, cursos de educacion multicultural, ası como practicas de

campo en configuracion racial y culturalmente diversa, fracaso en el desarrollo de las

disposiciones necesarias para la ensenanza efectiva de estudiantes de diversas culturas y

orıgenes. Ademas, en el centro de negocios de educacion multicultural mas lejos de sus

raıces, abogar por los derechos civiles de grupos historicamente oprimidos, preocupac-

iones acerca de como influyen en capacidad de docentes para adaptarse a las necesidades

de los estudiantes procedentes de las desigualdades raciales en esta sociedad, este cambio

de enfoque aumenta sobre todo estudiantes. >Que conocimiento es esencial para su

eficacia? Este estudio cualitativo examino esta cuestion a traves de una investigacion de

los factores que contribuyen a las practicas de instruccion de dos profesores de Ciencias

de secundaria eficaz consideradas culturalmente sensibles por su administrador basandose

en las observaciones de aula, las respuestas de los alumnos y los resultados de evalu-

acion estandarizada.

Los maestros fueron Lynn, una hembra blanca que crecio en una familia de clase obrera

azul collar en una comunidad segregada, y Marie, una mujer afroamericana que tambien

crecio en una familia de cuello azul en una comunidad segregada. Tanto los profesores

crecieron en la misma region del paıs durante la Cumbre del movimiento de derechos

civiles, y ambos tuvieron experiencias de primera mano con integracion. Sus orıgenes

etnicos diferentes les coloca diferente en la sociedad; Sin embargo, la naturaleza de sus

experiencias habıa desarrollado sus entendimientos de las desigualdades raciales y su

impacto potencial en la sociedad. Ademas, ambos profesores tenıan mas de veinte anos de

experiencia docente y pasaron los anos ensenando en una division de escuela urbana. Sus

alumnos eran representativos de la demografıa de la Division de la escuela: predomi-

nantemente bajos ingresos, minoritarios, y consideran que necesitan servicios de educacion

especial. Utilizando un marco post-positivist, esta investigacion utilizada teorıa para

entender y caracterizar los factores que influyeron en las practicas de ensenanza cultur-

almente sensibles de docentes fundamentada. Recopilacion de datos consistio en docu-

mentos relacionados con la escuela, entrevistas de profesor y observacion y registro del

entrevistador, notas de campo. Creencias y practicas de los docentes fueron analizadas para

identificar los atributos existentes y generar una teorıa acerca de los factores que influyen

en sus disposiciones culturalmente sensibles. Creencias y practicas de los maestros mas

fueron analizadas para determinar la medida en que se basaron en una conciencia sociales

caracterizaciones de raza. Los resultados indican que las practicas y creencias de los

profesores fueron informadas por su conciencia crıtica social restricciones impuestas a las

identidades de sus alumnos afroamericanos que podrıan traducirse como conciencia

sociocultural. Puede deducirse de las conclusiones que la comprension de las desiguald-

ades raciales es crucial para el desarrollo de una conciencia sociocultural. Conciencia

sociocultural fue la base de las disposiciones culturalmente sensibles y las practicas de

estos maestros de ciencia de secundaria.

342 T. Wallace, B. R. Brand

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The problem

W. E. B. Dubois opens The Soul of Black Folk with the provocative question, ‘‘How does it

feel to be a problem?’’ He used this question to highlight the Black experience and to point

out that a major problem that existed in twentieth century America were the distortions of

race. Dubois’ text is still relevant in that today, race continues to be a paramount issue. In

our public schools there is great concern about the lower graduation and dropout rates

among African Americans students (Rothstein 2008). Additionally, there is a gap in

achievement between African American and White students (Glass 2008). As a result, there

has been much discussion over the past 20 years about best practices for educating African

American students. Education professionals have turned to multicultural education (Banks

and Banks 1995) and culturally responsive teaching (Nieto 2000) as a solution for meeting

the academic needs of African American students. While there is much in the multicultural

education literature about teaching strategies (Delpit 2006), building and sustaining positive

relationships with students and families (Delpit 2006), and creating supportive classroom

environments (Williams 2000), there is little attention to the root of the post-Brown versus

Board of Education, the landmark case challenging segregation, problem: the effect of the

myth of Black inferiority on the perceptions of teachers and students, and how it impacts

teaching and learning. This culturally situated hegemony of Black inferiority leads to

barriers that must be navigated by African American students and their teachers.

The social construction of black inferiority

The socially constructed myth of Black inferiority dates back to over 200 years ago as a

justification for slave labor. In his famous Notes of the State of Virginia, Thomas Jefferson

maintains that Blacks ‘‘are inferior to the Whites in the endowments both of body and

mind’’ (1781, Query XIV). For the sake of the slave-dependent southern economy, this

notion served as a rationalization for slavery. Jefferson asserts, ‘‘this unfortunate difference

of colour, and perhaps of faculty, is a powerful obstacle to the emancipation of these

people’’ (1781, Query XIV).

Also in Notes on the State of Virginia, Jefferson maintains that only science can provide

evidence of Black inferiority. He writes, ‘‘The opinion, that they are inferior in the faculties

of reason and imagination, must be hazarded with great diffidence. To justify a general

conclusion, requires many observations, even where the subject may be submitted to the

Anatomical knife, to Optical glasses, to analysis by fire, or by solvents’’ (1781, Query

XIV). Interestingly, less than 60 years later after Jefferson’s request for evidence, during

the pinnacle of the abolitionist movement, the scientific community produced empirical

data showing that Blacks were a different species than Whites (Knott 1855), which,

according to the researchers, proved that Blacks were indeed the inferior race. Further

research during this time period purported that Blacks were genetically intellectually

inferior to Whites (Galton 1869).

This research (also known as scientific racism) was pivotal in maintaining racial hier-

archies and keeping Blacks subordinate. At one point in time even Abraham Lincoln

bought into this myth of Black inferiority and during a presidential debate with Stephen

Douglas he cites racial inferiority as justification for social inequality. He asserts:

I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the White and

Black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms

Theory to analyze science teachers 343

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of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do

remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as

any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the White race

(1858, pp. 145–146).

Although slavery was finally abolished by the 13th amendment, the myth of Black

inferiority that originated in the late eighteenth century had become reality in American

society. Depictions and characterizations of African Americans as intellectually inferior

are ingrained in American society and perpetuated through the media and other social

institutions so much that it has been imposed as a part of the African American identity.

This identity, fueled by a legacy of racism and Black inferiority, is part of a hidden

curriculum that has framed the plight of the twentyfirst century African American

student.

The evolution of multicultural education

During the late 1800s, to combat the messages of inferiority in the larger society, African

Americans turned to education. They researched their own culture and included it in the

school and college curriculum (Banks and Banks 1995). The goal was to instill self-pride

and determination in order to challenge racial injustices in society. This period of time was

known as the Early Ethnic Studies Movement.

During the 1940s and 1950s, a new movement emerged. White liberal educators and

social scientists led this movement, also known as the Intergroup Movement. ‘‘Interracial

harmony and understanding as well as conflict reduction and resolution’’ was the focal

point of this group (Goodwin 1997). Members of the Intergroup Movement worked to

ease the hostile tensions by creating Intergroup relation centers, identifying objectives for

integrating for schools, describing curricular units for schools, and establishing programs.

This attempt to create peace and harmony was short-lived, as African Americans grew

impatient with the nation’s slow movement toward desegregation. Thus, African

Americans created their own movement for their plight. The focus of this movement was

on Black pride and nationalism. African Americans worked toward creating school

environments, which concentrated on empowerment and advancing the race (Banks and

Banks 1995). This new movement was the Ethnic Studies Movement of the 1960s and

1970s.

The Ethnics Studies Movement of the 1960s and 1970s began to run out of steam

when large education associations such as the American Association of Colleges for

Teacher Education (AACTE) and the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher

Education (NCATE) entered the conversation. During this time various terms were used

to capture the essence of multicultural education. ‘‘Multiethnic education’’ was used to

bridge racial and ethnic groups; ‘‘multicultural education’’ broadened the scope to

include other forms of diversity including gender and sexuality. In order to gain the

support of a larger audience, the term ‘‘culture’’ rather than ‘‘racism’’ was adopted

(Sleeter and McClaren 2000). In doing so, the emphasis was redirected from social

justice issues to celebrating all ethnic cultures, which explains the breadth of multicul-

tural content and curricula in the field. These trends toward inclusiveness minimized the

emphasis of race in the definitions of multicultural education, yet the historical dissen-

sions that defined race relations in American society created inequities that elusively

plague today’s schools.


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The significance of the study

For years, education research has pondered the growing trend in U.S. public schools: the

growing number of minority students (U.S. Census Bureau 2000) and the young, White,

middle-class women available to teach them (Gordon 2000). Research also indicates that

many of these women feel unprepared to work with culturally diverse students, alluding to

behavioral and cultural differences (Martin and Lock 1997). Less than 9% of them

expressed an interest in working with students from different ethnic groups (Gordon 2000).

In addition to feeling ill-equipped to teach culturally diverse students, many of these

young teachers possess preconceived ideas about the students’ culture and academic

potential (Rosen 1977). Failure is associated with students’ ethnic backgrounds, social

positioning, or the ‘‘cultural disjuncture’’ between home and school rather than the

structured inequalities of schools (Villegas and Lucas 2002). Likewise, when cultural

differences do not coincide with White hegemonic standards, they are interpreted as

deficits to be overcome (Villegas and Lucas 2002). Viewing children of color and poor

children from what Lucas and Villegas call a deficit frame of reference inhibits cross

cultural understanding and prevents teachers from being able to effectively interact with

diverse students (Villegas and Lucas 2002). This perspective not only influences the

relationships between children of color and the teachers who serve them, but also some of

the major issues that plague our public schools: the achievement gap; the overrepresen-

tation of minority students in special education programs; and the under representation of

this same group in accelerated programs (Nieto 2000).

To prepare teachers for working in diverse settings, teacher education programs have

relied on multicultural education courses. While the implications of the research on

multicultural education courses reveal that a course can have a positive impact, in many

cases, it does not lead to the kind of awareness that supports the constructive management

of sociocultural factors influencing daily interactions occurring within the classroom.

Weisman and Garza (2002) found that after taking one multicultural education course,

students overall had a positive orientation to diversity; however, most of the students did

not have an understanding of oppressive systems entrenched in society and their potential

for negatively influencing the educational outcomes of minority students. Teaching strat-

egies for culturally different students and knowledge about different cultures was of par-

amount concern for the pre-service teachers. A. Lin Goodwin (1997) found that pre-service

teachers believed that problems minority students encountered were best solved by helping

them cross over into the mainstream rather than examining structures within the school that

perpetuate inequity. Goodwin further asserts that the pre-service teachers ignored broader

sociopolitical contexts and focused on individual situations. Finney and Orr (1995) found

that the majority of pre-service teachers learned something positive from a multicultural

education course, yet they still failed to recognize systemic and institutional racism that

privileges some and oppresses others. Likewise, Lawrence and Bunche (1996) found that

as a result of taking one course, White students’ knowledge about racism and racial

identity was initiated indicating that either more learning was needed, or different contexts

should be communicated to transform them to be effective teachers of students from

diverse backgrounds. While introducing pre-service teachers to concepts in multicultural

education may be positive, teachers with only this limited background still lack knowledge

about factors influencing schools as an enterprise within society: school reformation,

educational equality, and institutional change (Sleeter 2001).

Even with the positive results experienced as a result of engagement in multicultural

coursework, the realization that one isolated course or field experience is ineffective in


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altering the attitudes and perceptions of pre-service teachers about diversity remains clear

(Larkin and Sleeter 1995). Pre-service teachers must not only know about strategies for

teaching culturally diverse students and how to create a warm place for them in their

classrooms, they must also confront and challenge their own biases. Pre-service teachers

who were able to acknowledge their privilege showed a greater understanding of how

structures within society perpetuate inequity (Weisman and Garza 2002). Weisman and

Garza (2002, p. 33) also note that while multicultural education should be infused

throughout entire teacher preparation programs, issues relating to the ‘‘sociocultural and

political realities of color should be integrated throughout teacher education programs.’’

The significance of the sociocultural and political realities of color to teacher effectiveness

with African American students will be examined through the accounts of the two middle

school science teachers in this study.

Critical race theory

An analysis of sociocultural and political realities of color requires a framework that

exposes the pervasiveness of social constructions of race. According to Delgado, critical

race theory is such a framework, and is based upon the premise that racism is naturally

woven into the fabric of American society (Delgado 1995). It is set firmly upon the

following tenets: (1) racism as normal in American culture (Delgado and Stefancic 2004);

(2) White over color hierarchy as it exists mentally and materially (Delgado and Stefancic

2004) and (3) race as a social construction (Delgado and Stefancic 2004). Upon this

presupposition, critical race theorists seek to ‘‘unmask and expose racism in its many

permutations’’ in order to reveal the deeply ingrained racial hegemonic structures enme-

shed in American culture (Ladson-Billings 1998) in an attempt to eliminate racism. Thus,

the essence of critical race theory, according to Gloria Ladson-Billings, is in the under-

standing that ‘‘race [still] matters’’ (Ladson-Billings 1998).

One of the most important aspects of critical race theory is the understanding of the

pervasiveness of racism in American society. Derrick Bell (1992), one of the founding

scholars of CRT, describes racism as an enduring factor of American life. Richard Delgado

and Stefancic (2004), concurs with Bell and contends that racism is so ingrained in

American culture that it is barely recognizable. Thus, acknowledging the endemic racism

in American society as the first step in unveiling the hegemonic structures established in

economic, political, and social areas that reinforce and maintain privilege and oppression

(DeCuir and Dixson 2004).

Critical race scholars challenge the following liberal ideologies regarding the law: col-

orblindness, neutrality, and incremental change (Crenshaw, Gotanda, Peller and Thomas

1995). Because of structural and institutional policies and practices in this country that

denied access or granted privileges according to race, CRT scholars fail to see how the law

can be colorblind and neutral (DeCuir and Dixson 2004). Additionally, if the law is color-

blind, then issues of racism will never come to the forefront, thus reinforcing and maintaining

White supremacist patriarchal systems (DeCuir and Dixson 2004). Furthermore, color-

blindness ignores the social construction of race and how it positions Whiteness as normative

or standard and Blackness as other or marginal (Taylor 1998). Taylor (1998) further asserts

that colorblindness is especially dangerous because it silences people of color by discounting

the effects of racism on their lives. Critical race scholars advocate for discourses around

equity instead of equality because they seek to expose and dismantle factors that perpetuate

the status quo and keep the playing field unequal (DeCuir and Dixson 2004).


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In addition to being used as a tool for investigating the pervasiveness of race bias in

society, critical race theory also provides a basis for critiquing the trends that multicultural

education has encountered over the past 10 years. According to Ladson-Billings and Tate

(1995), the shift in focus could be characterized as an increased emphasis on curriculum

inclusion, and in addition, they posit that the current multicultural paradigm’s primary

emphasis is more liberal expanding the scope of the meaning of difference. They indicated

that this multicultural movement is no more than liberal conjecture because of its focus on

being united through differences (Ladson-Billings and Tate 1995) rather than a critical

analysis of societal constructions of difference. Thus, it is imperative for multicultural

education to be culturally astute and responsive to prepare teachers for constructively

addressing the influence of social inequity in their classrooms. Villegas and Lucas (2002)

describe these teachers as culturally responsive, possessing the following qualities:

sociocultural awareness, having an affirming view of students; embracing constructivist

views about teaching and learning; designing instruction that builds on what students

already know while stretching them beyond the familiar; and being familiar with students’

prior knowledge (Villegas and Lucas 2002).

Is a critical awareness of societal constructions of difference or characterizations of race

pivotal to teaching African American students? This is the overarching research question

guiding this study, and in this study, it is explored through the accounts of two middle

school science teachers who have been deemed culturally responsive by the school

administrator based on classroom observations, students’ accounts and assessment data.

The following subquestions were constructed to answer the overarching question: (1) How

are the practices of effective culturally responsive teachers manifested in a classroom

context? (2) What are the most salient experiences that influenced these teachers’ phi-

losophies and pedagogies? To determine if the teachers’ culturally responsive philosophies

and pedagogies were informed by an awareness of societal constructions of difference and

characterizations of race, critical race theory will be utilized as the framework for data

analysis. Catlin (2008) asserts that researchers who dismiss issues of race and racism in

urban settings with historically marginalized groups are doing a disservice by disregarding

how these topics shape their lives.

Methodology

Research questions and design

The overarching research question for this investigation is: Is a critical awareness of

societal constructions of difference or characterizations of race pivotal to teaching African

American students? The following subquestions guided the study: (1) How are the prac-

tices of effective teachers of African American students manifested in a classroom context?

(2) What are the most salient experiences that influenced these teachers’ philosophies and

pedagogies?

This was a qualitative research study in which the philosophies, beliefs and practices of

two middle school science teachers deemed culturally responsive educators were investi-

gated: Lynn, a White female with 23 years of teaching experience; and Marie, an African-

American female with 27 years of teaching experience. These middle school science

teachers were selected due to their consistent success over the years with minority stu-

dents’ from disadvantaged backgrounds. This was verified from interviews with the school

administrator who recommended them based upon his extensive observations of their


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classrooms, constant reports of positive relations with the students, and consistently suc-

cessful standardized assessment results. The justification for teacher selection is discussed

in more detail in the section providing descriptive information about the school.

Context of the school

City Middle is a predominantly White middle school located in a middle-class neigh-

borhood. About 58% of the population is White, 39% of the population is African

American, less than 1% of the population is Asian and/or Latino, and about 1 % of the

population is American Indian. Approximately half of the students are on free or reduced

lunch. In the city school system, students who are on free and reduced lunch live below the

poverty level. The majority of students who participate in the federal free and reduced

lunch programs are African American. City Middle has been a fully accredited school for

the past few years; however, there is a major gap in performance between the White and

African American students. White students outperform African American students by more

than fifty percentage points in the areas of reading and mathematics.

In science; however, the gap in achievement is smaller and has been contributed partly

to the efforts of the teachers involved in this study. These teachers were known for their

consistency in scores obtained by students on the science test than on any other subject area

test. There was a thirty percentage point gap between African American and White stu-

dents’ performance on the standardized test in science as compared to fifty in reading and

mathematics. Consistently, over the past years, an average of 84% of their students passed

the eighth grade standardized test in science. These teachers had strong commitments to

narrowing the gap in achievement between their White and African American students.

They voluntarily participated in professional development on understanding the gap and

the needs of their students. Both teachers read texts and attended seminars addressing the

achievement gap. Additionally, these teachers subscribed to the concept of inquiry-based

science teaching and planned activities for their students in accordance with their phi-

losophies and understanding on inquiry practices. They worked collaboratively, creating

lessons that actively engaged students in learning science. They were not only acknowl-

edged by their principal for their record of repeated success rates on state exams, but for

their persistent commitment to actively engaging their students in classroom activities.

Data collection

The data for this study consisted primarily of observations and field notes, interviews, and

notes from the interviewer’s guide. The interviews with the teachers were open-ended in

order to encourage free flowing discussion about their life experiences, teaching philos-

ophies and pedagogies. Narratives are a key source of information for critical race theory

in that they make the social realities of people of color, as influenced by racism, visible to

the rest of the world (Matsuda 1995).

The first interview focused on the teachers’ life histories. Both teachers discussed their

background experiences including a description of the communities in which they lived,

and their early, middle, and high school experiences. The purpose of this interview was to

learn about experiences in these teachers’ lives that could have influenced their teaching.

According to Irvine, teachers, like other professionals, operate from their own personal

frames of references for viewing the world. Thus, their beliefs and interactions with


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students are based upon how the world makes sense to them, which is based upon their

individual personal histories (Irvine 2002). This focus on their histories was also important

in that neither of these teachers had a multicultural education course as a part of their

teacher education program. The second interview focused on their teaching philosophies

and practices. Other forms of data consisted of an interviewer’s log which was used to

highlight areas and/or topics that required additional information or clarification (Guba and

Lincoln 1985), classroom observations which were conducted weekly focused on: (1) the

teachers’ interactions with students, (2) teachers’ use of instructional strategies, and (3)

students’ engagement during class. Observations of the activities were shared with each of

the teachers to segue into discussions about events that occurred during the class. Docu-

ments such as standardized assessment results and school profiles also provided data for

this study.

Post-positivist knowledge and grounded theory

The post-positivist research paradigm utilizes multiple methods to attempt to ‘‘capture as

much reality as possible’’ (Denzin and Lincoln 2000, p. 9) recognizing that there is no one

absolute truth when it comes to studying and interpreting human behavior. Emphasis is

placed upon understanding causal relationships in the world through astute observations,

hypothesis formulation, and verification of the hypothesis, which is later conceptualized

into a theory attempting to explain phenomena (Strauss and Corbin 1994). Within the

realm of post positivist epistemology, this research study utilized grounded theory,

attempting to identify and understand factors that facilitated the teachers’ culturally

responsive dispositions and practices. In accordance with the post-positivist framework,

there is an acknowledgement that while these interpretations are considered as represen-

tative of the teachers’ viewpoints and confidently stated, there is an inherent understanding

of their subjectivity.

Grounded theory emphasizes a systematic approach for data collection and analysis,

which is used to develop a theory in order to understand and characterize phenomena

(Strauss and Corbin 1994). Grounded theory methodology consists of the following pro-

cess: (1) identifying the research question(s), (2) acquiring the data, (3) utilizing a three

step coding process: open coding, axial coding, and selective coding, and (3) grounding the

theory (Strauss and Corbin 1994).

Research question

The overarching research question for this investigation is: Is a critical awareness of

societal constructions of difference or characterizations of race pivotal to teaching African

American students? The following sub-questions guided the study: (1) How are the

practices of effective teachers manifested in a classroom context? (2) What are the most

salient experiences that influenced these teachers’ philosophies and pedagogies?

Open coding

The first step of the data analysis was an open coding process in which recurring ideas were

grouped into categories. The categories were then organized into a chart for each teacher.


123

These categories included: teacher’s background experiences, beliefs, and practices (see

Table 1).

Axial coding

Next, the data were analyzed to identify patterns between the teachers’ accounts within the

categories. Patterns were identified between the teachers and organized into four subcat-

egories. For example, within the beliefs categories, four subcategories were identified

pertaining to each teacher’s beliefs about African American student’s academic needs and

behaviors. They were: African American students need to believe that they can learn,

African American students need to have positive relationships with their teachers, African

American students’ need to feel safe in the classroom in order to take risks, and external

factors can influence African American students’ achievement and behaviors (see Table 2).

Selective coding

The last coding step consisted of identifying core categories. The core category represents

the central idea from which the other categories are based (Strauss and Corbin 1994). Core

categories were established by systematically analyzing the relationship(s) among

Table 1 Open coding

Background experiences Beliefs Practices

Early life Race can position individuals againstone another and, as a result, cannegatively affect relationships

Acknowledged the differencesb/w her and her students(‘‘dumb ole white woman’’)

Racism outside world (1) Aware of position as a white woman

‘‘colored town’’ ‘‘….I don’t want anyone to think I’msuperior because I’m white’’

Removed racial barriers

‘‘cherry bomb’’ ‘‘….placed on a pedestal’’ Opened lines of communication

Parental influence (2) Aware of influence of race onstudents

Created a feeling oftogetherness

‘‘good’’ and ‘‘bad’’ ‘‘acting like the man’’

MLK references ‘‘being white’’

Attending integrated school

Positive relationships withAfrican American peers

Band matesMiss Black Teen

Students need to have positiverelationships with their students inorder to lean

Established trustCreated safe zones

Comprehensive view(understands behavior inrelation to external factors)

Teachers must understand the impetusof misbehavior

Result of not having positive adultsNo homeworkIncrease of discipline referralsAdult like dispositions

Took ownershipAccepted responsibility forstudent learning

Tried to help stdts overcomeexternal factors

Teacher 1: Lynn


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subcategories for each category in order to identify a theme that expresses the essence of

what is being communicated within the data. For example, the subthemes within the beliefs

category were analyzed to reveal an overarching theme that unifies the ideas expressed in

that category which is: sociocultural awareness informed the teachers’ perspectives of their

students’ academic needs and behaviors (see Table 3).

After core categories were identified, the data expressed in the category were compared

to ensure that the data supported (or verified) each core category. The following core

categories were identified: (1) Teachers’ background experiences provoked a critical

awareness of societal constructions of race; (2) Teachers’ critical awareness of the influ-

ence of societal constructions of race influenced their teaching philosophies; and (3)

Teachers’ sociocultural awareness informed their perspectives of students’ academic needs

and behaviors. Finally, a major theme or grounded theory connecting the three core care

categories was determined. The theory, which is the focal principle discovered from this

research, is sociocultural awareness was determined to be a precursor to the teachers’

culturally responsive dispositions and practices.

Table 2 Axial coding

Beliefs Lynn Marie

African American students need tobelieve that they can learn

Every child can learnResponsibility as teacher to find

the success rate/level for eachkid and try to build on it

Finding worth and value inevery student

Facilitator in the learning processEncourage students to strive harderHave to make students believe that

they can learn

African American students need tohave positive relationships withtheir teachers

Trust is pivotal in classroomStudents must be given dignityStdts must feel comfortable\Making content relevant

Positive attention & praiseSoft tonesTreated w/dignity & respectStudents need to be nurturedStudents need to be expected to

learnMaking self availableMaking content relevant

External factors can influenceAfrican American students’achievement and behaviors

Increased misbehavior beforeextended vacation (anxiety ofbeing away from school—safeplace)

No homework (some studentsdon’t have a quiet space intheir home to work)

Adult like dispositions (somestudents’ home situationsrequire them to behave asadults)

Refusal to complete assignments(acts of resistance rather thanlaziness)

‘‘Bad attitudes’’ and toughexteriors (defense mechanism inresponse to mistreatment frompast experiences)

Acting out/retaliating (when prideor feelings are hurt)

African American students need tofeel safe in the classroom inorder to feel comfortable takingrisks to learn

Create classroom as a safe zoneWorking and learning together

Students need to feel comfortableClassroom as a home environment

where everyone is ‘‘family’’


123

Ta

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3S

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Core

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Lynn

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ing

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de

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eh

urt

)

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anst

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ents

nee

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safe

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assr

oom

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risk

sto

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ate

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asa

safe

zone

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rkin

gan

dle

arn

ing

toget

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den

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‘‘fa

mil

y’’


123

Establishing credibility

Peer review

According to Guba and Lincoln, ‘‘the peer reviewer (or debriefer) functions as a ‘devil’s

advocate,’ an individual who keeps the researcher honest; asks hard questions about

methods, meanings, and interpretations’’ (Guba and Lincoln 1985). Guba and Lincoln also

indicate that the reviewer may be a peer and that both the peer and the researcher should

keep notes of the sessions (Guba and Lincoln 1985).

In this research study, the role of a debriefer was necessary in order to prevent the

reporting of bias. The debriefer reviewed the data and interpretations and identified dis-

confirming evidence that made the data questionable. Notes from the peer debriefing

sessions were used in the analysis.

Member checking

Member checking allowed the participants to voice their perceptions of the believability of

the researcher’s findings and interpretations (Miles and Huberman 1994). According to

Guba and Lincoln, member checking is the ‘‘most critical technique for establishing

credibility’’ (Guba and Lincoln 1985). Participants review the data, interpretations, and

conclusions in order to determine the accuracy of the researcher’s account (Creswell 1998).

In this research, transcripts of interview data were shared with participants in order to

verify the accuracy of the interview. Participants agreed that their background experiences

heightened their awareness, which significantly influenced their beliefs and practices.

Triangulation

Qualitative researchers use triangulation, which are a variety of research methods and

sources, in order to produce believable evidence (Guba and Lincoln 1985). Researchers

employ a variety of methods in collecting data to verify that the findings are occurring in

more than one form of data. These repeated findings not only provide credible evidence but

may also help researchers identify themes (Creswell 1998).

In order to provide accuracy in the interpretation of recorded events, triangulation of the

data sources was utilized in this research study. The transcriptions of the teachers’ inter-

views, observations and detailed field notes of their classrooms, school-based documents,

and notes from the interviewer’s guide provided multiple data sources to interpret recorded

events as accurately as possible. These interpretations of the participants were utilized in

the construction of applicable themes for analysis.

Results

The overarching research question for this investigation is: Is a critical awareness of societal

constructions of difference or characterizations of race pivotal to teaching African Amer-

ican students? This question was examined through the following sub questions: (1) How

are the practices of effective teachers of African American students manifested in a

classroom context? (2) What are the most salient experiences that influenced these teachers’

philosophies and pedagogies? It is presumed that the teachers’ discussions of their beliefs

and practices throughout the exchanges denoted the essence of what they considered


123

important to teaching their African American students. Classroom observations revealed

that the strategies employed by the teachers closely resembled the principal’s report of their

practices as science teachers. The students were engaged in science explorations. They were

investigating scientific phenomena in small groups, and reporting their findings and

observations in whole group settings. The students were cooperative and relating positively

with their peers and their teachers. Both the teachers and the students appeared to appreciate

the classroom interactions. Hence, these strategies could be considered signature for both

teachers since they were observed regularly during visits to their classrooms. In discussions

with the teachers about their practices, distinctively, both teachers’ conversations primarily

emphasized their concern for their students as individuals, referencing needs stemming from

factors in their home and community environments. These teachers were aware of how

circumstances in their students’ lives could impact their performance and achievement, and

sought to foster an atmosphere that was preemptive. This concern for their students

translated into advocacy; actual expressions of the teachers’ ownership of their responsi-

bility to accommodate students’ needs in the classroom. These middle school science

teachers considered it their responsibility to remove or alleviate environmental factors that

would prohibit their African American students’ achievement, beyond the mere acknowl-

edgement of their life conditions. This ownership appeared to be driven by an understanding

of the impact of social inequities on their African American students’ lives, otherwise

known as sociocultural awareness. The teachers’ discussions of their thoughts and actions

toward their African American students always referenced their sociocultural awareness,

which for both teachers seemed to have originated during their childhood years. Socio-

cultural awareness is one of the qualities identified by Villegas and Lucas (2002) as a

characteristic of culturally responsive teachers. Three themes depicting the influence of

sociocultural awareness on the teachers’ beliefs and practices emerged from the data: (1)

Teachers’ background experiences provoked a critical awareness of societal constructions

of race; (2) Teachers’ critical awareness of the influence of societal constructions of race

influenced their teaching philosophies; and (3) Teachers’ sociocultural awareness informed

their perspectives of students’ needs and behaviors. Subthemes are included for each teacher

to highlight the primary emphasis of their philosophies and practices.

Teachers’ background experiences provoked a critical awareness of societalconstructions of race

Both of the teachers in this study came from working class families. They grew up in the

same region of the country during the pinnacle of the Civil Rights movement and both had

firsthand experiences with integration. Coming from different ethnic backgrounds, they

were positioned differently in society, yet the nature of their experiences fostered under-

standings of racial inequities and their potential impact in society.

Lynn: Balanced perspectives on race

Lynn described her early beginnings as humble being raised in a blue-collar, working-class

community where her father worked as a traveling salesman, and her mother worked in the

home. She was the youngest child with a 12-year age difference between her and her

brother. The neighborhood as Lynn described it was tight-knit. The families knew each

other well and would pull together in times of crisis. If someone had a death in the family,

the neighbors would come together to support the family in need; purchasing flowers,


123

taking food, and visiting the family. As Lynn stated, ‘‘It was just a nice, nice little

neighborhood.’’

Growing up, Lynn’s parents’ dispositions toward race differed from the people in her

neighborhood. From rejecting the notion of ‘‘colored town,’’ a derogatory reference to the

section of town where African Americans lived, to getting angry about an interracial

family’s home being cherry bombed, Lynn’s ways of seeing and knowing were shaped by

her parents’ reactions in the home. Lynn’s parents dispelled negative characterizations and

myths as they identified ‘‘good’’ and ‘‘bad’’ behaviors. For example, when Martin Luther

King was mentioned on the news, Lynn’s parents indicated that he was a ‘‘good’’ man

because of the restraint he used when someone spit on his children. In this discussion, they

positioned Dr. King, as a human being with children just like everybody else. Inversely,

they also shed light on the behaviors of the White people who spit on the children by

implying that it was ‘‘bad’’ for people to spit on innocent children. Conceivably, from these

experiences, Lynn was prompted to critically analyze ‘‘good’’ and ‘‘bad’’ relegating these

characterizations as descriptors for appropriate and inappropriate behaviors. These expe-

riences could be considered key to promoting Lynn’s sensitivity to the plight of margin-

alized people.

During the summer, before Lynn was to return for her second year of junior high school

she learned that she and her friends from her neighborhood would not return to their

regular school. They were to be integrated to a predominantly African American junior

high school. According to Lynn, her family assumed a very neutral stance toward this

change, again contrary to the reactions of others in her community.

I can remember that summer in the little neighborhood where I lived, and I can

remember this as clear as can be. We were all going to have to go to different

schools. My father and mother were concerned about the fact that, yeah, I was

going to have to leave Blair and go somewhere else. I was in the area that was

going to be broken off and the choices were Anderson or Reedsburg [the schools

located in the African American community]. Some of the parents of the kids

that were in the group of peers, friends at Blair [the White neighborhood school]

were hot! They did not want their children to go to Anderson. I must have been

totally under a rock because it never fazed me. I do not remember any anguish

thinking about having to go anywhere. It was like well, I’ll go wherever they

send me. I can remember the only thing my dad saying was that he didn’t want

me to go as far away as Anderson. There was never any reference to color at all,

NONE!

Again, Lynn’s parents’ reactions positioned race independently from the issue, in this case,

the transfer of their daughter to a predominantly African American school away from her

home. Her parents’ lack of attention to the emotions of their community could have in

some way communicated their perceptions of the lack of substance in their arguments. It

can be concluded that Lynn’s ideas about race and society were influenced by parents

whose focus on humanity was respectful of racial identity.

Lynn entered her new environment with optimism even when confronted with chal-

lenges from the African American students.

I can remember being encircled by the girls in home economics class. I was so

dumb… The Black girls encircled me, in this one memory I have, and wanted to

know what I was going to do when the revolution came. I don’t remember what I

said, but whatever I said must have been okay because they left me alone. I said,


123

‘‘Well, what do I need to do?’’ I think something along those lines… But whatever

my response was, it was okay, because apparently I was accepted. I never had any

problems.

Lynn’s recall of this incident evidences her optimism upon entering middle school, at a

time when it was not very popular to be optimistic, particularly from her community. Her

response to the confrontations of the African American students is noteworthy for it did not

reflect fear or animosity toward the students who were antagonizing her.

Lynn’s resolve continued even after witnessing the misconducts of African American

students toward her White friends. She somehow exited those situations without harboring

negativity toward the misbehaving students or African Americans as a whole.

Some of the things that happened were absolutely terrible. Um, I can remember

walking down the hall with some of my friends—and some of the Black girls would

take pins and walk down the hall and stick the White girls in the butt with the pins. I

never had any problems. I never got stuck with pins. I never had my hair pulled. I had

the long blonde hair….I can remember being in assemblies and I was never stuck. I

was never messed with…and I don’t know why. I don’t know why I wasn’t.

Lynn did not understand why she did not receive the same treatment as her peers

considering she was also White and from the same community. Even though the fact that

she wasn’t mistreated astounded her, it could have also aided in preventing her from

developing an overly negative disposition toward the African American students.

In response to questions concerning the seemingly lack of anxiety in her family’s

responses to the racial disturbances in her community, as well as society, Lynn described

their behaviors in terms of having faith in the system.

We weren’t in the parent circle, the circle that we were in were just hard working

parents that believed in the system, trusted the system, and maybe that’s where I get

that from you know thinking about it. They trusted…they were not rebel rousers that

would go out and RRR! RRR!

Lynn’s parents, while they would not be considered rebel rousers or activists, behaved

level headedly during the heat of racial dissension. Possibly, this lack of reactive behavior

from her parents fostered her openness and objectivity regarding racial issues. It appears

that Lynn exited this phase of her life having a broad and balanced perspective of racial

inequities existing within society.

Marie: Hard work and solidarity

Marie grew up in a small segregated community. She is the oldest daughter of eight

children. Her father was a blue-collar worker and her mother took care of the children and

the home. Marie described her town as being very small and close knit. The manner in

which the town was divided provoked a strong sense of kinship within their community.

Marie explained:

I was born in [a small town in Virginia], which is probably about a one-mile square

radius. It was very small…a very small area. The town was pretty much divided by a

railroad track, Whites on one side and Blacks pretty much on the other side. All the

Black people knew each other and interacted together. Schools were segregated at

the time so we not only went to church together, but we socialized and went to school

together, too.


123

The close knit community in which Marie lived sheltered her from the worldly events that

could have negatively impacted her mental well-being. She emphasized that it was very

rare for her to see any White person, and when she did it was an adult.

While Marie and her family’s lives were affected by racism, her parents tried hard to not

allow it to impact their day-to-day lives. They worked hard to provide Marie and her

siblings the things they needed and did not discuss any incidents or frustrations they

experienced as African Americans.

I don’t remember him [her father] ever saying that he had any kind of run-ins or

mishaps with adults, but then again he and momma didn’t talk about that kind of

thing in front of us kids either. No, they didn’t share a lot of that. That was adult

conversation, and we weren’t involved in that.

Marie discussed the types of conversation that she and her siblings had with their parents

around the dinner table. They discussed what they did that day, homework, upcoming

social activities, and game schedules. Neither racial tensions, nor any other related

problems that her parents or community members may have confronted were ever

discussed in front of the children. They were shielded.

Marie was nurtured by the solidarity within her community. The familial principles that

they lived by resulted in a type of cultural allegiance, a ‘‘brother’s keeper’’ philosophy that

guided and comforted her throughout her years of schooling. The people of the community

banded together to support one another.

I think that you probably heard people talk about how you grew up in a small com-

munity. You worshipped with your teachers, and your teachers were friends with the

parents. If you did get into some trouble, your parents knew before you made it down

the street. We had one teacher that came in from Collins and the other three [teachers]

lived right there in the neighborhood– so they were like second parents to us.

For Marie, this close knit community was like an extended family. The common values and

experiences that they shared were reinforced throughout the neighborhood which inspired

their adherence to the principles.

While Marie’s family did not share incidents of racism at home, she was fully aware of

the declared rules of governance that Black people had to live with and did not contest

them.

We were bussed 18 miles one way to go to school. The White high school was only

about five or six miles away. Because we were segregated at the time, we were not

allowed to go. We couldn’t go even though it was that close to us. We had to travel

18 miles. I was able to join the New Homemakers of America (NHA), which was

like the Future Homemakers of America (FHA), but New Homemakers of America

was for Black students. We weren’t allowed to join the FHA because it was a White

organization at the time.

While Marie recognized the injustices as such, she appeared to have adjusted without

contention to the alternatives. Marie explained that by being in a segregated community

and attending a segregated school, she and her classmates were inundated with messages of

self-reliance and determination from their parents and teachers. They constantly reiterated

the importance of them obtaining an education to overcome injustice and attain a better

life. She remembered being told that she would have to work ‘‘twice as hard’’ and she had

to ‘‘be the best in order to get a fair chance.’’ Because of the limited opportunities for


123

African Americans during this period of time, they were pushed to work harder so that they

would be the best. According to Marie, her teachers sought to arm them for the challenges

of racial injustices.

At the end of their ninth grade year, Marie and her fellow schoolmates were told they

would be integrating and would have to attend the school for the White students that was

six miles away. Marie was very nervous about changing schools.

Then I guess it was the end of our ninth grade year that they told us that we would

probably be integrating and we would be the last ninth grade class at the

school…Our ninth grade class did not like it all. So you can imagine what the upper

class thought. The class that would have been the senior class, they were just dev-

astated. They had to finish their last year at the ‘‘White high school.’’ [We had to]

travel about six miles. And all summer I remember being so nervous wondering what

in the world was going to happen. You know we had been hearing about riots in other

areas and things like that and we had had no contact with White children our age, at

least, I hadn’t. Because the only White adults we would come in contact with would

be people in stores…No contact with White children. No. So, we just had no clue as

to what was going to happen.

Prior to this period of her life, Marie and her siblings were shielded from the disturbances

accompanying the Civil Rights Movement. She heard about them, but they did not resonate

with her because they were happening to others somewhere else. As a result of integration,

she had to confront these challenges because she was personally involved in the transitions.

The stories that Marie heard about the reactions of White people to integration made her

very nervous. She feared what would happen to her.

I remember telling my mamma, and they didn’t believe in violence. I said mamma,

I’m taking my metal nail file with me and if one of those kids comes after me I’m

going to poke them with it…I thought that she was going to fuss at me, but she

didn’t. She said you just be careful, but she never told me not to use my file or didn’t

say anything against it or for it, which to me said a lot by her not saying anything.

She was worried and concerned about it too, just like I was, I believe. Cause our

parents didn’t know. They didn’t know what to expect. I think that we were accepted

better than we thought that

we would be.

While Marie’s mother did not encourage her to be violent, she did not discourage her from

using it as a means to protect herself. Marie concluded that her mother was also worried;

however, her parents did not rouse the anxiety of her and her siblings. They accepted the

system.

Fortunately, integration was not as eventful an experience as Marie expected it to be.

Marie entered the school on guard and was eventually able to relax and be herself.

First year, like I said was pretty smooth. I remember one of my girlfriends and I

laughed because we knew more about the White people than the White people knew

about Black people…I think that it was through magazines. You know we liked Teen

Magazine and that kind of thing. No articles in there were geared toward Black

people. It was White hair care. Everything was geared around the White girls.

Marie did not appear to harbor negative thoughts about her White peers; although, initially,

she was nervous about their reactions to integration. Possibly, the positive imaging of them

represented in the magazines conveyed messages counter to the negative exposure.


123

Marie’s immediate environments, home and community, presented a microcosm of

society in which Blacks were united and lived peaceably, seemingly unaffected by the

rumblings of resistance to integration and civil rights. While being shielded from the

negativity may have been good for her emotionally, it could have also presented a false

sense of reality.

We were saying that we were unaffected growing up but I do remember when Martin

Luther King died. We heard about it on our way home, well we had not left school.

We had just heard about it, and then school closed. It was time for them to close, so

we were very upset on the busses. You know thinking, we didn’t know a whole lot

being teenagers, but what we did know was that it was a bad thing that had happened.

I got home, and momma was hanging clothes on the line. I saw her cry. It was the

first time I had ever seen her cry. And, I realized that this is bigger than what I think.

Everything on the news was about Martin Luther King’s death. That’s all you saw.

You saw news people crying. So I started paying more attention to the news at that

time and realized that this was going to cause some problems. Something’s going to

happen.

Marie’s personal orientation to the ills of racism continued with the death of Martin Luther

King. She was moved by this event and the people’s reactions to it.

As a result of Marin Luther King’s death, Marie was awakened to events outside her

home and community. Her curiosity was piqued prompting her to find out more about the

nature and impact of racial events in society.

We heard about things [resistance through violence] in other states but it didn’t hit

home. It was like a history lesson of some sort. When he died, I can’t remember how

old I was. I think it was right before I had turned 17. It made me much more aware of

the prejudices in our world. I started to read more and I started to listen to the

television more. I started to feel more in my heart. I started to feel the pain for the

people who did have to suffer.

Marie explained that as a result of Martin Luther King’s death, she became sensitive to the

rumblings of racism. She began to experience emotions that she had never encountered.

The consciousness provoked from Martin Luther King’s death caused Marie to pay

more attention to what she was being told. She began to uncover realities through her

critiques.

I remember our Virginia history book. It talked about slavery, and it was only maybe

two paragraphs in there. We were taught that slaves were brought over on a boat, and

they were given a place to live. They were given food, and in return they did work

for America. It sounded so pleasant, so it was like it was no big deal. There was

nothing in the VA history book at the time that talked about the torture and torment

people had to face, and how families were just ripped apart. We didn’t learn that. It

wasn’t in our books…But, I started to look for more of this information after Martin

Luther King died and more of it started to come out in news and magazines. School

books started to put more real information in there and it wasn’t such a pretty, rosy

picture anymore.

The realities that Marie confronted during this turning point in her development

introduced her to ways at which varied forms of media presented biased accounts, as well

as censored portraits of the social conditions of African Americans.


123

While both teachers grew up during a period of intense racial dissension, their imme-

diate environments shielded them from upheaval. Their life experiences during this period

provided a context for their reflections on race and society. Certain events from both

teachers’ background experiences prompted critiques of racial inequities, which appear to

have been a source of inspiration for their teaching philosophies and practices.

Teachers’ critical awareness of the influence of societal constructionsof race influenced their teaching philosophies

Evident in the discussions of both teachers’ philosophies and pedagogical practices was

their acknowledgement and consideration of the circumstances surrounding their students’

lives. Lynn’s discussions took into account disparities faced by her students and their

potential impact on their dispositions, which could spill over into their academics. Inherent

in Marie’s discussions was her concern about the world in which she was preparing her

students to live. She was concerned about equipping them to be successful in a world

where the odds seemed to be stacked against them.

Lynn: Safe zones

Lynn’s discussions of students’ needs focused on the environment. She was very concerned

about providing an environment that was conducive to their learning. She wanted her

students to trust her and not feel threatened.

I guess that the big thing is that there is a trust between the teacher and the student

and it’s in a safe environment where [if] you don’t know something its’ ok to

acknowledge that you don’t know something. I think that’s hard for middle

schoolers, which kind of brings up another point that is self-inflicted among the

African American group because [if] you’re more like White folk, you’re being like

the man. Who do you think you are? So, that’s within the group itself putting

pressure upon those that want to achieve.

Lynn’s acknowledgement of the struggle of some of her African American students with

reconciling definitions of Whiteness and Blackness signifies her awareness of the kinds of

social consequences that they must sometimes navigate. Embedding this notion within the

context of her discussion of a safe environment seems to denote her understanding of the

complexities of these negotiations for the students. It also speaks to her realization of the

need for students to resolve these issues in order to achieve academically.

Trust was a focal point of Lynn’s educational philosophy on the learning environment.

She realized that the varied experiences encountered by the students could pose challenges

to her ability to establish trust.

I think we’ve talked about the factors, the dynamics within the real world of what’s

affecting these kids. I mean we’re dealing with kids that have seen violence,

shootings, boyfriend beating up mom, you know and it’s just all factors that attribute

to the changes. The expectations of kids are different. Some of them don’t trust very

much. You know that they don’t trust that you’re going to care enough about them.

And once you get that trust, once you have that trust factor in the classroom, that it’s

ok, then that’s part of it too.


123

Lynn recognized that there were factors in some of her students’ lives that could

negatively impact them causing behaviors that she terms ‘‘changes.’’ She discussed her

strategy for addressing these needs as establishing trust, ensuring the students that they are

cared about.

She wanted her classroom to be a place where the students were able to focus and be

themselves, an environment where they were validated at their varying levels.

I really want my classroom to be a safe zone. I want a situation where a child…where it’s almost a home away from home. I want to hear what their experiences are,

and I want them to feel like they can express what they have to contribute to

whatever it is that we’re studying. I also want them to feel comfortable… And so,

you’ve got to make your room a safe zone so that when their experiences are shared,

and they don’t match with the different levels of the children in the room, then that’s

okay.

Lynn constantly iterated in her discussions how important it was that her students felt safe.

She also repeated concerns regarding them having an environment that was open to them

and encouraged their free expression. Lynn’s philosophy adds a different connotation for

the phrase ‘‘least restrictive environment’’ as related to the needs of her African American

students.

Regarding her ethnic differences, Lynn recognized the social distinctions. She

acknowledged and confronted the privilege afforded to her as a White woman in society

and sought to prevent the plausibility of this distinction from influencing her self con-

ceptions. She also made a concerted effort to not allow this distinction to affect her

relationships with her students, particularly in how they viewed her as their teacher.

I don’t want someone to think I’m superior because I’m White. I don’t think that

anyone should think they’re better. I don’t think anyone should think they’re smarter

because of who they are.

It appears that Lynn also recognized that her superiority as a White woman also signified

inferiority for other ethnic groups, particularly her African American students. She guarded

against that in her own psyche, as well as that of her students.

Sometimes when speaking to the students, she would refer to herself as a ‘‘dumb ole

White woman.’’ She used that phrase in a lighthearted manner to acknowledge her

awareness of the ethnic differences and to express her willingness to try to understand their

concerns. When asked about her use of this phrase she explained it as a way to openly

address the differences.

It makes the kids laugh. It acknowledges that I may not understand everything that

they’re telling me, that there is a difference in understanding and ground. But when I

say that, and the kids looks at me and laugh, it’s a connection between the two of us

saying I don’t understand, will you please talk to me and help me understand? And

it’s an acknowledgement of I’m willing to listen to you if you’re willing to talk to me

instead of being on that pedestal. I am the White teacher who knows all, come up to

my pedestal. I guess in my own dumb way it’s a way of acknowledging to them if

you’ll talk to me I’ll listen.

Lynn freely discussed her ethnic differences with her students to encourage them to engage

in dialogue with her. She wanted to clear the air so that they could feel comfortable talking

to her.


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According to Lynn, to be successful with ethnic minority students you have to take into

account how the circumstances of their lives could impact their achievement. She believed

that teachers needed to understand their life outside of school and considered this

awareness key to effectiveness.

With the minority children when you have them in the classroom that’s when you

make your biggest impact. When they walk out of your classroom and go home,

there are many times they are not going to do anything else. There’s not going to be

that extra quality time spent working on [and] thinking through something… Until

you make that connection between outside and inside and blending the worlds a little

bit better you’re not going to make as much progress.

Lynn’s awareness of the circumstances in her students’ lives caused her to identify and

capitalize on alternative approaches for getting them to do their assignments. She did not

excuse them from the assignments, she just made use of the time that they were with her,

and allotted extra time for them before and after school.

When discussing her teaching philosophy, Lynn sought ways to validate her students to

make them feel like a viable part of her classroom. She wanted her students to experience

levels of success.

I sincerely try to look at each kid as an individual and to try to find something that the

child has that is of value or worth that they can add, that they can feel good about, as

far as yeah, I know how to do this. I can contribute to this. This is something that I

can be successful at. And it’s my goal, it’s my philosophy to try to find that success

rate or that success level for every kid and then build on [it]. That’s what I try to do.

Lynn’s philosophy could be characterized as maximizing students’ potential through

developing their self efficacies. Her function as an advocate for her students is visualized

through her efforts to empower each student by supporting them in realizing their abilities

and possibilities.

Marie: High expectations

Marie was sensitive to disparities, particularly in terms of how her African American

students were viewed and treated. She discussed concerns about disparities in how her

colleague’s treated of some of the African American students.

Keep your dignity if you don’t know the answer, for that’s important. And, it’s

especially important I think for the Black kids because they don’t often get treated

with such dignity. I think that they are talked to in harsher tones with short, sharp

answers with no explanations. They deserve that same respect regardless of their

color.

Implicit within Marie’s response was an awareness of negative undertones associated with

the African American identity, and the potential for these characterizations to typecast

them as an ethnic group. Singling out Black kids in terms of how they are often treated

signifies concern for them as an ethnic group. Marie was protective of their emotional well-

being; expressing concerned about how this differential treatment would impact her

African American students’ feelings about themselves.

In addition, Marie was concerned about lower expectations for African American stu-

dents, a deficit frame of reference, as described by Villegas and Lucas (2002). She was


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concerned that African American students were not challenged or encouraged to strive for

excellence.

And I don’t think that expectations are always high enough. Whether you’re saying

expectations, prodding…I don’t think that we’re pushing them to do their very best

often times.

Marie was concerned that the African American students were allowed to submit

substandard assignments, and that they were capable of doing much more. She believed

that the students would respond differently if the expectations and demands were

higher.

Marie also believed that the teachers presented information to the students at lower

levels, not expecting them to fully comprehend content. She also believed that the teachers’

grades for the students were based upon criteria having very little to do with their

understanding of the content.

Watering it (the content) down for them, or giving them points if they are able to talk

about it.

Marie considered these strategies to be degrading to the students. She feared that they

prevented the students from realizing and developing their potential.

According to Marie, some of her colleagues expected nothing, therefore required

nothing, and as a result, received nothing from their students.

A lot of times I think that they expect them not to have supplies. There are some who

do not assign projects because they know that the children do not have markers and

poster board. There are others who don’t push the kids because they assume that they

are not going to do it.

Marie was concerned about the patterns she observed relative to the African American

students in that the teachers appeared to be aligning their expectations of the students

according to their circumstances. In other words, since the students did not have materials,

then they wouldn’t assign certain projects, or if they believed that the students were not

going to do the work, they wouldn’t require them to do it.

It was evident from Marie’s discussion that these disparities were in conflict with her

philosophy of preparing African American students to be successful for the world in which

they lived. For Marie, the world was not tolerant of slackness from African Americans. On

the contrary, the world required them to be a step above in their performances in order to

be considered worthy of opportunities.

I try to make sure that I call on them as just as much as I call on the White kids. The

expectation is at least high for them. I call on them for some of those tougher

questions even though I know that they may not be able to answer. But at least get

them used to hearing those questions and that yes you are going to be hit with those

tough ones, not just those smarties on the back row or on the front row.

Marie was very demanding toward her African American students. She was determined to

ensure that they developed the skills that they would need to be successful.

She had an epiphany; however, earlier in her teaching career that caused her to readjust

her ‘‘harder on her African American students’’ philosophy.

I guess I felt like Black kids had to work harder to get what they need, and so I am

going to have to push them harder and I’m going to talk tougher. It wasn’t until I


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realized that wasn’t working. Their grades were still below par. They still didn’t want

to open up and volunteer the way that a lot of those kids were raising their hands at

every question that I asked. The Black children weren’t doing it that much. I thought

that something needs to change here. I thought something else has to change here in

order for them to see education in a more positive light.

As a result of her strategies not working, Marie began to focus on her students’ views of

schooling. She recognized that she needed to revise her strategies to foster positive changes

in how they viewed their education

Marie began to focus more on the needs of the students in terms of their life circum-

stances. This focus not only changed the manner at which she viewed the students and their

needs, it also changed the manner in which she related to the students.

And also, they needed a lot more strokes cause I don’t think that they were getting

them necessarily at home. A lot of the Black children that I started teaching were

from single parent homes, they were bussed into southeast Cartersville, which at the

time was all White and now still predominantly White. And those kids, a lot of the

Black kids could have just easily fallen through the cracks, and I’m sure that some of

them did. But I realized then that I needed to change my method of teaching. I

needed to soften things. I needed to be there if they needed me.

Marie adapted a more personal approach to teaching. She realized that the hands-off

method that she was using was not in alignment with the needs of her students.

In response to what she realized as an ineffective approach, Marie in an attempt to better

connect with her African American students developed an after school program. The goal

of this program was to provide support to them in their areas of weakness and also to spend

more time with them.

Of course, we have the after school program now and that helps because I can

encourage mine [students] to stay. Stay with me. Let me work with you on that. Let’s

do some one on one or some small group work there. I had a long list of kids who

stayed and worked with me on their science projects this year. A lot of those were

minority students. Just trying to find some time in the day to let them know that

they’re special enough that I don’t mind giving my time to them.

While spending time with them in the after school program, Marie stated that she noticed

that her students were most responsive when she interacted with them with a ‘‘mothering

attitude.’’ This was eye opening for Marie.

The students’ response to Marie in the afterschool program substantiated her views on

their needs as well as validated this approach as a solution. She was able to develop

relationships with them and provide the support that the students really needed from her as

their teacher.

I think that one of their major needs is that they need positive attention. They very

seldom get that I think. Often times, they are stereotyped; they are talked to in a

different tone than other students. They are talked to as if they can accept more

criticism, I think in harsher tones than a lot of the White students are. You know they

are human beings just like everyone else. They can benefit from that positive

attention. They can benefit from that soft tone and those strokes of encouragement. I

think that is one of their major needs outside of the academic realm.


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Marie recognized that the responses to the students could be based upon the influence of

stereotypes. She was disturbed by the possibility that her colleagues’ interactions with the

students could be skewed based on society’s typecasting of them.

Marie began to pay more attention to her interactions with her students, seeking

opportunities to provide positive feedback and reinforcement.

Most of them are going to make it. They want to be successful and they like to

please—just like adults do. They like to please. They also eat up praise. They love it.

Oh, you are so smart. How did you come up with that answer? And, maybe another

one would say, oh she just looked in the book. Well, wasn’t she observant, she knew

where to go for that answer, things like that. They love that. They do. This is the first

class and I guess because I’ve concentrated so heavily with them on trying [to do the

work]. I guess they’re my guinea pig class in a sense because of this diversity, and I

knew how low the scores were…So, I put a lot of heart and soul into working with

them and trying to build up some trust in them.

Marie’s strategy for improving the low scores of her students was providing positive

reinforcement and building trust. She believed that this attention would improve their

dispositions and promote their participation and achievement.

While Marie’s interactions and communicative patterns changed, her basic philosophy

did not. She continued to make demands of her African American students and have high

expectations, striving to enhance their confidence in themselves and actualize their potential.

I still do think that it is very difficult for black students to make their mark in school

when it comes so easily for others. You see names in sports but you don’t see names on

the honor roll lists. There are some (academic) awards our children just don’t receive.

The myth of Black inferiority ceases to be a myth when the outcomes align with the

implied messages (i.e. lack of academic awards, over representation in sports, not being

listed on the honor roll list), which makes challenging this notion very difficult. Marie’s

discussions seem to recognize this challenge. Neither of the teachers accepted this myth as

a reality and endeavored to prevent their African American students from succumbing to

society’s pressures to forfeit the idea of a bright future.

Teachers’ sociocultural awareness informed their perspectives of students’ needsand behaviors

The teachers’ sociocultural awareness caused them to view their students with empathy,

positioning themselves as advocates. Both teachers processed their students’ behaviors

within the context of the circumstances of their lives. In the classroom their responses to

the students showed regard for their students’ welfare, as well as a commitment to min-

imizing the impact of adverse conditions on their achievement.

Lynn: Students need to feel secure

To address the students’ insecurities, Lynn began with the first and obvious area of distrust,

her racial identity, which was the primary reason that she referred to herself as a ‘‘dumb ole

White woman.’’ She wanted to ensure her students that she was aware of how her realities

differed from theirs. Lynn understood their home situations and empathized with their

dilemmas.


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I guess the biggest one for me is the realization that not every child has a safe place

to go home to–a safe place to fall when they go home. It may not be a quiet place. It

may not be a secure place.

Lynn was alarmed by the notion that some of her students did not have a safe place to live.

She believed that this lack of safety would have negative impact on the students’ learning

and was motivated to make certain that they felt safe when they were in her classroom.

Lynn recognized the potential impact of the students’ home lives on their classroom

dispositions. She accepted that she may have to fill a void in the students’ lives to make up

for their shortcomings.

Education at home may not be valued. Maybe someone’s not there at home to check to

see if they’ve done their homework and to give them their snack when they reach the

door, and say now get your homework done and let me hear what your day was. There’s

more of an independence with a lot of the children. There’s more of an expectation on

the part of myself. There’s more guidance. There’s more of you’ve got to bring your

book [to school]. Yeah, you’ve got to organize it this way because they are so inde-

pendent many times they’re not used to having someone guide and tell them what to do.

Lynn’s concern for her students took into account their lack of control over their life’s

conditions. She was never patronizing, nor could she be considered as exemplifying

privileged pity.

Repeatedly, she explained students’ behaviors as reactions to their frustrations due to

their life’s circumstances.

I noticed that discipline gets worse right before the holidays. And I firmly believe

that the children know and in many cases this is the best thing they’ve got. They

won’t admit it –that they want to be here– but it is a secure place—it’s a structured

place. When they go home for 10 days, for 15 days, there’s nothing really to go

home to. And that was awareness for me.

Behaviors that would be characterized negatively in some settings were perceived

differently by Lynn, and these differences were reflected in her management of the

classroom. The learning environment; however, should not be construed as a climate of

tolerance for inappropriate behaviors. Observations of her classroom revealed that it was

far from chaotic. The exchanges occurring between her and her students, as well as her

students with each other, were generally cooperative and respectful.

Lynn considered management of the circumstances that her students brought to the

classroom as an expectation for her as their teacher. She was nonjudgmental of her stu-

dents. She assumed responsibility for creating an effective learning environment.

The reality is that you’re going to have every kid in the world with all the baggage in

the world, every color, every nationality, etc…and you’re going to have interruptions

and you’re going to have to go with it – because that’s your job.

This view of her students also translated into an acceptance of responsibility for helping

them to overcome their obstacles to support their learning.

Marie: Students behaviors can be misconstrued

Marie recognized that sometimes students’ unwelcoming behaviors are in response to their

dissatisfaction with particular circumstances, or a sign of distrust. She also pointed out that in

some cases, students’ defensive attitudes could be attributed to earlier negative experiences.


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A lot of times minority students come in with a defensive attitude throughout ele-

mentary school until they reach us, and I think it stems from how they are treated

throughout their earlier years of schooling.

She considered these attitudes to be defense mechanisms, and not because they had ‘‘bad’’

attitudes. In addition, she was aware that these ‘‘noncompliant,’’ ‘‘defensive’’ behaviors

were not always acts of defiance but could also be considered acts of resistance.

She further illustrated this point in her reflection about a personal experience in which

one of her students stole her wallet.

Other teachers and I were eating lunch in a middle kitchen, there were no classes in

there, the principal came in and said he had just chased a boy and that he found my

wallet. When I talked to him later about why he had done it, he said, ‘‘Because you

embarrassed me about something in class today.’’ So that was his way of getting back

at me. I couldn’t even remember what I said to him because for me it had just rolled

off of my back. It was enough to hurt his feelings to the point that he thought I’ll get

back at you and take your wallet. You never know how a child is going to react to

something that you say, so you don’t want to back them into a corner with words or

you know with any kinds of physical means as well. That was a big lesson for me

that day.

Again, Marie viewed the students’ behavior in terms of the circumstances that may have

provoked it and even accepted partial responsibility for it. She refrained from negatively

labeling this child even though he had wronged her.

She continued by explaining how negative dispositions towards the teacher could affect

student outcomes:

You have to make some kind of connection. If the child does not like the teacher he

is not going to try. That is middle school nature. They aren’t going to try to push and

do what they should do for themselves if they don’t feel that the teacher cares about

them.

Marie concluded that the ethic of caring was critical to the students’ participation and

achievement. She believed that the students’ feeling that their teacher cared about them

would encourage them to be focused and do what was expected of them.

Marie recognized the need for teachers to make efforts to connect with the students. She

focused her efforts on building and sustaining positive relationships with them, hoping that

they would be encouraged to put forth effort to succeed.

I am going to get them to want to learn. If they don’t feel comfortable with me, then

they aren’t going to learn what I’m trying to teach them. I have to hook them first. I

have to get them to realize that they want to learn this information and that they are a

little interested in it. The work is on us; a lot of it is, especially if we are going to get

them to reach their fullest potential.

Like Lynn, Marie accepted the charge of motivating students despite their challenges. She

considered it her responsibility to inspire a desire to learn in her students.

Conclusively, it appears that the teachers’ primary goals for teaching their African

American students consisted of establishing trust and developing and maintaining positive

relationships with their African American students. Their strategies for achieving these

goals entailed providing safe and secure environments, motivation, high expectations, open

communication, availability, optimism, genuine concern, and belief in their abilities. These


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strategies align with pivotal needs for the African American students identified by these

teachers such as the lack of resources, lack of confidence, biases of stereotypes, messages

of inferiority, lack of interest, and insecurities to name a few. These teachers’ discussions

of their learning environments revealed the importance of accommodating these socio-

cultural needs to achieving effectiveness when teaching science subject matter to African

American students.

Discussion

The sociocultural implications that laced the teachers’ beliefs and practices were based

upon how society positioned their students ethnically. To expose these implications as they

were embedded within the teachers’ discussions, a framework detecting the covert man-

ifestations of race was essential. CRT is such a framework and is based upon the following

tenets (Delgado and Stefancic 2004): (1) racism as normal in American culture (2) White

over color hierarchy as it exists mentally and materially and (3) race as a social con-

struction. CRT exposes racism as it exists inherently within the structures and systems of

society, to the point that it could go unnoticed, reinforcing status quo and social inequities.

The myth of Black inferiority is one such example. The strength of this myth lies in its

universality, pervading all of the domains in which African Americans function, and all

people, to include African Americans themselves. It can only be visualized through its

aftermaths, such as achievement gaps, school failure rates, low percentages of enrollment

in advanced placement courses, as well as low percentages represented in STEM disci-

plines and careers. Nationwide, African American communities are grappling with these

outcomes, warranting the need to examine dynamics specific to this group. Typically,

efforts to remedy these outcomes occur in the form of intervention programs aimed at

improving students’ academic performance, like tutoring, which may or may not be suc-

cessful. This research was conducted to investigate factors influencing the achievement of

African American students from these middle school teachers’ science classrooms con-

sidering their consistent track record of effectiveness. CRT was used to analyze the extent

to which the African American students’ racial identities and ensuing social inequities

influenced teachers’ philosophies and practices.

While this research applied the definitives of CRT as a whole, as a theoretical frame-

work for exposing the inherent nature of racism as perpetuated within society, all three of

the tenets of CRT were evidenced in some form in both teachers’ discussions. Lynn’s

discussions of how her Whiteness is depicted as superior exemplify the tenet, White over

color hierarchy. Lynn recognized the status afforded to Whiteness in this society that

distinguished them from other ethnicities. She challenged this notion personally to ascribe

to a philosophy of equality that would be respectful and conducive to her role as a teacher

of students from diverse ethnic backgrounds. Secondly, her discussions of how ‘‘acting

White’’ could influence the students’ work habits and academic performance exemplify the

tenet, race as a social construction. Lynn recognized that there were characterizations

assigned to racial groups in society that distinguished them. She realized that these

characterizations could be considered truths and in this case, her African American stu-

dents would have to decide whether or not they would want to be associated with what was

considered the White way of being. Finally, Lynn’s discussions of using the phrase ‘‘dumb

ole White woman’’ to clear the air with her students exemplify the tenet, racism as normal.

Lynn realized that there were normal innuendoes associated with race in society that are

unspoken, yet present in the atmosphere. She openly exposed the concept of race to her


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students to confront and counter their preconceptions and minimize the potential for these

ideas to negatively impact her relationships with them.

For Marie, her discussion of the inequities in society making it more difficult for

African Americans to be successful exemplifies the tenet, racism as normal. Marie believed

that the opportunities for African American students to be successful were limited in that

they were competing against privileged Whites who undoubtedly were better situated in

society. That’s why she stated that they needed to be really strong students so that they

could be in a better position to gain access. Secondly, Marie’s discussions of how difficult

it is for the students to achieve at the level of the White students exemplify the tenet, White

over color hierarchy. Marie was acutely aware of and sensitive to the achievement dis-

parities between the African American and White students as she recounted how the

African American students weren’t on the honor roll and were not recognized for academic

excellence. She was concerned that these results aligned with the messages of inferiority

and was disheartened about that. Finally, Marie’s discussions of the disparities in treatment

of African American students by her colleagues exemplify the tenet, race as a social

construction. Marie was troubled about the disparities in the treatment of the African

American students by her colleagues. She felt that these teachers’ behaviors could be

attributed to their acceptance of the characterizations communicated by the stereotypes of

African Americans. While these teachers did not specifically mention racism in the dis-

cussions of their practices, their statements hinted an understanding of how it can be used

as a tool for stratification, disenfranchising ethnic groups, particularly African Americans.

This understanding of race as a tool for social inequities framed the thoughts that guided

the teachers’ practices with their African American students. They were both keenly aware

of the implied concept of inferiority and how it could impact students’ learning. Lynn

resisted the notion of superiority assigned to her as a White woman in how she viewed

herself, and considered it detrimental to her ability to establish relationships with her

students. Marie was concerned about the messages of inferiority from two vantage points,

the teachers and the students. She was concerned that the teachers harbored inferior per-

ceptions of the students and treated them disrespectfully. She was also concerned that the

students may have felt inferior, and as a result would be less apt to fully participate in the

classroom discussions. It is important to note that in the teachers’ discussion of their

teaching philosophies and practices, neither of them mentioned integrating multicultural

content into the curriculum. Nor did they discuss introducing images reflecting the stu-

dents’ ethnicity into the curriculum. These middle school science teachers discussed their

practices in terms of how they sought to either eliminate or reverse the impact of social

inequities.

The social consciousness of both teachers was a constant guide for them when

instructing and interacting with their students. They were concerned about how the neg-

ative associations with the African American identity were impacting the students’ self

perceptions and efficacy. For example, Lynn said that she sought to ensure that all of her

students experienced a level of success regardless to their level of competency. Marie

shared that she purposefully called upon her African American students to answer ques-

tions, particularly difficult questions, was in lieu of the stereotypes regarding African

American students not being expected to know the answers. Theresa Perry (2003), wrote a

book in which she was trying to understand African American achievement in terms of the

extra psychosocial and cognitive abilities that students must possess because they are

African Americans, to be able to achieve at high levels. She was particularly interested in

the fact that some institutions can take African American students with the same disad-

vantages and routinely achieve highly positive results, while other institutions receive the


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opposite results. She attributes these positive outcomes to the segregated schools’ emphasis

of empowerment through self-worth adopted by modern institutions that counter the myth

of inferiority.

Most, if not all of the historically Black segregated schools that African-American

children attended were intentionally organized in opposition to the ideology of Black

inferiority. In other words, in addition to being sites of learning, they also instituted

practices and expected behaviors and outcomes that not only promoted education—

an act of insurgency in its own right—but also were designed to counter the ideology

of African Americans’ intellectual inferiority and ideologies that saw African

Americans as not quite equal and as less than human. Everything about these

institutions was supposed to affirm Black humanity, Black intelligence, and Black

achievement. (p. 88).

The practices of these middle school science teachers align with the primary emphasis of

her discussion of the mission and goals of the Black segregated schools. These teachers

concentrated on developing students’ self-worth and efficacy in order to promote their

attainment of curriculum objectives.

The significance of the findings of this study is that race matters, in that these teachers

strategies were informed by an awareness of how society’s constructions on race could

influence what their students thought about their teachers, themselves and their academic

achievement. These factors existed as a part of the background information for the African

American students, and these teachers used this information to construct their learning

environments and plan their instruction. The philosophies and practices of the teachers in

this study took into account their students’ realities as African Americans, which chal-

lenges the current trends for multicultural education to become more focused on curric-

ulum inclusion and liberal in its treatment of differences. Sleeter (1989) advocated that the

field of multicultural education must realign itself with its original mission, as mentioned

in the earlier discussion of the literature on the ethnic studies movement, which is to

challenge oppression. The nature of the challenge has changed due to the fact that

oppression in today’s society is not as blatant. Yet the fallout of oppression, disillusioned

and disenfranchised African American students, are realities that must be understood in

order to have positive impact.

The teachers’ intervention extended beyond mere sympathy or even cultural ideas and

topics added to the curriculum. Their sociocultural awareness provoked their advocacy as

they were determined to remove any barrier that would interfere with their students’

achievement. Chubbuck (2010) describes advocacy as a component of teaching for social

justice. She describes this role as challenging any element of schooling that could repro-

duce social inequities. Chubbuck (2010) lists the following elements of schooling as

having the potential to reproduce social inequities: teacher demographics, disciplinary

practices, testing and tracking, retention practices, curriculum, graduation rates and

instructional strategies.

While sociocultural awareness as explained by Villegas and Lucas (2002) and Geneva

Gay (2000) is expressed as a component of culturally responsive teaching, the findings

from this study distinguish sociocultural awareness as the ‘‘brain’’ which informs the

remaining culturally responsive qualities identified by Villegas and Lucas (2002): having

an affirming view of students; embracing constructivist views about teaching and learning;

designing instruction that builds on what students already know while stretching them

beyond the familiar; and being familiar with students’ prior knowledge. Summatively, it


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appears that sociocultural awareness builds trust and creates learning environments that

engage and motivate students, encouraging their responsiveness to class expectations.

From a science education perspective, the instructional strategies employed by these

teachers; inquiry based, collaborative groups and exploratory activities would be consid-

ered ‘‘best practices’’ for all students in science classrooms. Moreover, students from all

backgrounds can have situations in their lives that might disadvantage them and interfere

with their learning. Agreeably, disadvantages for all students warrant attention. Yet, dis-

advantages that are assigned to an entire group through social channels imperceptibly,

compound the problems for African American students. The myth of Black inferiority

includes all African Americans despite their life circumstances. As evidenced by the

discussions of the teachers in this study, many of their students depended on them to move

beyond the limits imposed by these hegemonies.

Sociocultural awareness provides depth of understanding to teachers’ interventions. For

example, the culturally responsive quality, ‘‘affirming view of their students,’’ takes on

new meaning when considering individuals from socially disenfranchised groups.

Understandably, processing and broaching racial matters can cause some to feel uncom-

fortable. However, in this era marked by the demands of high stakes testing and

increasingly diverse classrooms, teaching philosophies that either ignore or minimize the

representations of race in society may fall short in meeting the instructional demands and

needs of ethnically diverse students. Commonly, teachers who are preparing to teach in

diverse settings seek workshops and recommendations from specialists on instructional

strategies to use in their classrooms. Generally, the recommendations consist of strategies

for appropriately integrating cultural content into the standard curriculum. The findings of

this study are significant in that the teachers articulated the needs of their students as

having teachers who understood their realities, believed in them, and were trustworthy.

These findings are consistent with those of Rey, Smith, Yoon, Somers and Barnett (2007)

and Brand, Glasson and Green (2006). Rey et al. (2007) explored the significance of

relationships between teachers and urban African American children. Using a child report

questionnaire, they found that children who perceived positive relationships with their

teachers behaved better and were more motivated. Brand et al. (2006) in a qualitative study

investigating the sociocultural factors influencing urban African American students’

learning in science and mathematics found positive teacher relationships to be critical to

the students’ motivation and achievement.

Recognizing the limitations in making generalizations considering the nature of the

study in terms of researcher interpretations, as well as its size and scope, findings of this

study can also have implications for pre-service teacher education. The implications appear

to be particularly relevant for science education considering the exclusivity that science is

afforded in society, and that the images of significance represented in school science are

generally White and males. Findings suggest the need for pre-service teachers to be

cognizant of the messages communicated by these stratifications, and how they privilege

some while displacing others. There is also an expression of pre-service teachers’ need to

be acutely aware of the impact that these messages can have on the learning environment

to include teachers and students. This awareness leads to ownership, not in accepting

blame for the problems, but in assuming responsibility for the society in which we live.

The implications discussed from these research findings are also substantiated in lit-

erature. Chubbuck (2010) in a discussion of her practitioner research as a teacher educator

uses the term ‘‘demographic imperative’’ to explain the growing trend in the disparities

between the ethnic differences of teacher and student populations. She discusses the need

for pre-service teachers to possess dispositions of fairness, and to be oriented from these


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dispositions to socially just teaching practices. Chubbuck (2010) examines the processes

for orienting these dispositions and described a framework for accomplishing this goal as a

combination of individual and structural analysis. This framework translates into self-

awareness through deep personal reflection coupled with an awareness of how societal

structures have impacted their future students’ lives. Chubbuck (2010) describes her goal

as a teacher educator as helping mainstream pre-service teachers learn to see beyond their

personal, racial, cultural and socioeconomic experience to recognize how societal struc-

tures have imposed privilege and discrimination. She further emphasizes that these

awarenesses need to be transformed into advocacy and practices of social justice.

Giroux (1992), in a discussion of a racism course taught by Bob Suzuki, which focused

on highlighting Whiteness as an ethnicity, and connecting White students to their ethnic

histories made the following commentary.

By helping them to recover and interrogate their own histories, he found that the

White students ‘‘could relate more empathetically to the problems of people of color

and become more open to understanding their experiences and perspectives (p. 10).

Giroux (1992) emphasized that while it is very important for teachers to listen

empathetically to children of color, it is extremely important that they understand how

dominant institutions contributed to massive unemployment among African Americans,

segregated schools, racist aggression and substandard housing. These social, cultural,

economic, and political ramifications of race exist as constructs of influence over African

American students’ lives. Yet, the findings of this study indicate that these factors are less

impactful on students having teachers who are socially conscious.

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Author Biographies

Tamara Wallace is an assistant professor in the School of Teacher Education and Leadership in the Collegeof Education and Human Development at Radford University. She received her masters and doctoraldegrees in Curriculum and Instruction from Virginia Tech. Her research interests include socioculturalfactors influencing culturally responsive teaching practices. Her dissertation research focused on theintersection of race and culturally responsive teaching practice.

Brenda R. Brand is an associate professor of science education in the Department of Teaching andLearning at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University. She received her masters and doctoraldegrees in Curriculum and Instruction from Virginia Tech. Brand’s research focuses on sociocultural factorsinfluencing teaching and learning in science education with specific emphasis on individuals fromunderrepresented groups. She has investigated these factors from the perspective of pre-service andin-service teachers as well as minority students.


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Documents

Using critical race theory to analyze science teachers culturally responsive practices