Upsc Mains History Q&A

8/10/2019 Upsc Mains History Q&A

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Topic: Reasons for the decline of the Mughal Empire

Question : Critically explain the reasons for the decline of the Mughal Empire?

Answer:The traditional historiography held the weak successors and incompetent commanders as being responsible

for the decline of the Mughal Empire.

Sir J. N. Sarkar understood the revolts by the Marathas, Jats and Sikhs against the background of the religious

bigotry of Aurangzeb. However, the reasons are not as simple as the one stated above. While some problems were

created under Aurangzebs rule, some were inbuilt in the Mughal system of administration and only heightened unde

Aurangzeb who had to face more than enough share of problems.

1.

While Aurangzeb expanded the Mughal Empire to its maximum boundaries, the campaigns greatly strained

the financial basis of the Mughal Empire.

2.

The Mughal system of governance was dependent on the personality of the Emperor. Strong Emperors like

Babur, Humayun, Akbar, Jahangir, Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb could exercise a greater degree of check and

balance over the vast aristocracy which was of different ethnic background- Turanis, Iranis, Afghans,

Sheikhjadas or the Indian Muslims and the Hindus (the Rajputs and the Marathas). Lineage or the ethnic

identity was the most important consideration for alliances. It was further expanded by Aurangzebs conques

of the two Deccani kingdoms of Bijapur in 1685 and Golconda in 1689. Their aristocracy, collectively called

the Deccani group, was also absorbed in the Mughal ranks Each faction sought to influence the Emperor in

order to gain concessions and more importantly mansabs. The later Mughals could not keep a check on thecompetition between the divergent groups and matters were made more complicated due to the economic

crisis of the eighteenth century related with jagirs and mansabs.

3.

Mansabdari and jagirdari crisis? The institution of mansabdari was developed by Akbar and referred to the

military organization of the aristocracy Due to its nature each aristocrat/mansabdar was personally loyal to

the emperor. Each mansabdar had a dual numerical rank- jat that signified his personal rank and sawar,

which decided the number of horsemen he was required to maintain. The mansabdar was paid in cash but

mostly by grant of landed estate/jagir and out of its revenue, the mansabdar had to maintain his sawar

himself. The jagirs were usually non-transferable (tankha jagir) while other were transferable (vatan jagir).

Since the appointments, transference, dismissal or promotion of the jagirs was the sole prerogative of the

emperor, there existed a patron-client relationship between the emperor and the ruling classes. However,

beginning with the last years of Aurangzebs reign there was a marked shrinkage in the number of jagirs

which could not meet the ever growing ranks of mansabdars. And more than often the jagirs that were

allotted were not economically viable, especially those in the Deccan were not fertile and not sufficient

enough to meet the needs of the mansabdars. This jagirdari crisis is believed to have intensified the court

politics with each faction vying for better jagirs. Under the later Mughals, this crisis kept intensifying and

weakened the position of the Emperor. The crisis meant that the emperor was not assured of support and

loyalty of the ruling class and this in turn destabilized the military base of the Emperor.

4.

Militarily, the Mughal army was weak due to lack of technological innovation and organization. There were

contingents of soldiers who owed allegiance to their immediate overlords. It lacked a national character.

5.

The Deccan campaign of Aurangzeb proved to be suicidal for the Mughal Empire The war with the Marathas

preoccupied Aurangzeb keeping him away from Delhi, the center for power, for most part of the last twentyyears of his life. His absence from seat of the Mughal Empire meant that the provisional governors/subedars

were beyond his reach and could exercise greater authority in their provinces The Deccan campaign also

proved to be a drain on the military strength of the army and the Empires treasury.

6.

The continuous campaigns also affected the livelihood of the peasantry. Peasants were allowed to retain the

bare minimum of the surplus-produce; the rest was collected as the land revenue out of which the governing

class derived its wealth. High land revenue, corruption of the revenue farmers, jagirdars, and petty officials

led to over exploitation of the peasants many of whom left agriculture altogether trade was also disturbed

especially in the Deccan All of this precipitated the gradual collapse of the Mughal Empire. Even in north

India, the heart of Mughal India, many zamindars defied the Mughal authority by often withholding the


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revenues from it. These zamindars due to their closeness with the peasants who had their own grievance,

could mobilize them. The Jat peasants in north India, the Sikhs in the Punjab, the Maratha sadars and the

Rajputs of Rajasthan who withdrew their allegiance to the Mughal Emperor all rose up in acts of defiance.

7.

Matters were worsened by the series of tribal incursions or raids in India from Central Asia, Eurasia and

Afghanistan in the eighteenth century. In 1730s, the Marathas under Shivaji gained access to vast tracts of

Central India. In 1738, they even plundered the suburbs of Delhi. Nadir Shah from Persia invaded and sacke

Delhi in 1738-39 during the reign of Muhammad Shah. In 1748, the first Afghan invasion was repelled but

under the leadership of Ahmad Shah Abdali, Punjab was conquered and he then sacked Delhi in 1756-57.

Mughals sought help from the Marathas who were led by Sadasiv Rao Bhao but the latter too were defeated

by Abdali at the Battle of Panipat in 1761 (1761 is also the time-frame when the East India Company is

gaining strength in Bengal). But soon due to an army revolt Abdali was forced to retreat to Afghanistan.

However, the damage to Delhi and the Mughal Empire was done.

8.

Due to the weakening of the Mughal Empire many Provincial Governors like those of Bengal, Awadh,

Hyderabad and Carnatic established independent kingdoms by 1740s. The period of the later Mughals was

marked by the use of the regional powers and gradual decline of the Mughal suzerainty. Thus, by the end of

the eighteenth century the Mughal Emperor was confined to a narrow stretch around the city of Delhi

Chapter : Rise of The Regional Powers

Topic: Battle of Buxar (1764) and its ImpactIn 1763 Mir Kasim fled from Bengal and formed an alliance with the Mughal Emperor Shah Alam II and Shuja-ud-

daula of Awadh. However, in Battle of Buxar in 1764, the combined forces were defeated and Treaty of Allahabad

was signed in 1765 In accordance with the treaty Shah Alam II granted the diwani of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa to th

Company. This grant meant that the Company could collect the revenues from the province.

Importance of this battle- Before the grant of diwani, the English used to bring bullion to trade with India The

balance of trade was in the favour of India But after gaining the diwani rights, the English bought Indian goods from

the revenues collected from the province of Bengal and then exported them Due to this the balance of trade no

longer favoured India but led to greater exploitation of the country by the English. The Battle of Buxar had importan

political consequences for India.

The Battle of Buxar in 1764 and the subsequent treaty of Allahabad in 1765 officially marked the end of the nawabirule in Bengal and the beginning of the dual government by the Company. The Treaty of Allahabad gave the diwani

rights from the Emperor whereby the Company gained the right to collect revenues from the subedar of Bengal but

sent an annual payment to the Emperor. But before this, the Company had gained the nizamat (police,

administration of justice and military defence) powers from nawab Najm-ud-duala in February 1765. Combination of

these two powers gave the Company virtual run of the government. The Company, on the other hand, was not eage

to govern as their primary aim was to utilize the revenues from Bengal to purchase goods and trade further. The

Company thus exercised the powers through its Indian agents yet retaining the actual powers in their own hands.

This led to a system of dual government or Double Government under Clive. This system of government was

divested off all responsibility to the people which led to the breakdown of administration, disruption of law and order

general decline in trade and commerce, heightened, exploitation of the populace, all of which led to significant

reduction in the revenues- collected by the Company, which in turn, made the Company exploit the people more. Th

outbreak of the Great Famine of 1770 brought to light the sorry state of affairs of Bengal and the need for some

concrete steps was felt.

The Regulating Act of 1773 sought to rectify the problems created under Clive. The Company instead of showing

profits was in fact in debt to the Bank of England and the Government. The servants of the Company were too busy

with making private profits. The Prime Minister Lord North decided to tighten the reins over the Company when its

charter was due for renewal in 1773. The Regulating Act established the office of Governor-General at Fort William

and among other clauses imposed a banned the servants of the Company from receiving gifts and pecuniary

advantages from Indian Princes or Zamindars.Warren Hastings was appointed as the Governor of Bengal in 1773 and

the dual system of administration of Bengal was transferred in the hands of the servants of the Company. From the


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In the late eighteenth and beginning of the nineteenth century, England .was undergoing Industrial Revolution. This

meant that the machines were replacing the human labour in production. Machines made possible production of

goods on a large scale which were significantly cheaper than hand-made goods. England now needed an outlet to se

these goods and raw material to feed its rising industries.

The East India Company by several means was able to change the balance of trade in its own favour. Under the

conditions of the farman granted by the Emperor Farrukhsiyar in 1717, a dastak was given to the East India

Company that had to be signed by the President of the Calcutta Council. Dastak exempted the goods covered by the

English factory from payment of custom duties. The dastaks were not applicable for the private trade of the

individual servants of the Company as these duties formed an important source of revenues. This was one of the

bones of contention between the English and Siraj-ud-daula and reason for the Battle of Plassey in 1757.

Defeat of Siraj gave the British the freedom to exploit Indian sources and acted as a stepping stone in Indian politics

The British installed Mr. Jafar, a weak Nawab, on the throne. In estimation within the seven years after the battle of

Plassey in 1757, the puppet Nawabs had to give East India Company more than 5 million pounds sterling in terms of

payments for support, concessions granted and so on. And this amount flowed out of India in the form of bullion. The

servants of the Company even overlook the trade in commodities which had thus far remained prohibited to all

Europeans, like tobacco, betel nut and salt.

The East India Company benefited further after the winning the Battle of Buxar in 1764 and the subsequent signing

of the Treaty of Allahabad whereby the East India Company gained the diwani rights of Bihar, Bengal and Orissa.

This meant that the Company gained the rights to collect the revenues. The surplus that is one left after giving theNawab his dues, was used to buy Indian goods for exporting to England and elsewhere. Thus, revenues were drained

out of India and helped in the accumulation of capital in Britain.

Topic: Drain of wealth

Question : Discuss in brief the theory of Drain of wealth?

Answer:

The main gist of the drain of wealth theory was that a large part of Indias national wealth or total annual product

was exported to England for which the Indians got no adequate economic or material returns. This one way drain of

Indias wealth was the major cause of her poverty. The colonial government was utilizing Indian resources- revenue

agriculture, and industry not for developing India but for utilization in Britain. And had these resources been utilised

within India then they could have been invested and the income of the people would have increased. Ranade opined

that one-third of Indias national income was being drained away-in one form or the other.

HOW WAS THIS DRAIN TAKING PLACE?

1.

The salaries and pensions of British civil and military officials working in India, interests on loans taken by th

Indian Government, profits of British capitalists in India were all being met by the revenues collected in

India. This was one way money was being drained away from India.

2.

The drain took the form of an excess of exports over imports for which India got no economic or material

return. This excess of export over imports according to A C Banerjee was possible through three means.

Firstly, it implies private fortunes obtained by the Companys servants in the form of illegal presents and

perquisites from Indian princes and other persons in Bengal. Secondly, Companys servants earned large

incomes through their participation in the inland trade. And lastly, fortune made through private trade by the

British Free Merchants. In fact, 1/3 of Indias total savings, almost the entire land revenue collection and 1/2

of government revenues comprised a portion of the drain.

3.

East India Company also provided military help to the Indian Princes in their fight for power against a rival

claimant(s). In this manner in the period of 1761-1771 alone, the Companys Government earned a net

amount of 1,190,000 from the Indian princes. Large part of this money went in to the personal pockets of

the British. Some of it was used to buy Indian products which were sold across Europe. The profit thus


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development of the economic critique of colonial policies that the true exploitative nature of British colonialism was

discovered and gradually this criticism evolved into political criticism of the British.

Main Proponents of Economic Nationalism- The leaders who developed this economic criticism were known as the

moderates and are also popularly clubbed as the economic nationalists - Dadabhai Naoroji the Grand Old Man of

India wrote (1867) Poverty and Un-British Rule in India; and he is also known as the high priest of the drain theory

Justice Mahadev Govind Ranade; Romesh Chandra Dutt wrote Economic History of Indias (1901) G.V. Joshi; G.

Subramanya Iyer; G.K. Gokhale; Prithwis Chandra Ray; R.C. Dutt wrote Indian Today.

These early leaders, who were in essence intellectuals of India, were from the sections of the society that had

benefited from western education, and the job opportunities thrown up by the colonial rule, law, Indian Civil

Services, doctors, and so on. They in fact had an implicit faith in the goodness and practicality of the British

Government. They believed that the colonial government would help India on her path to modernisation along the

lines of Britain in all spheres of economy. This does not imply that they were blind to the negative aspects of being

under the rule of a foreign government. They simply believed that India was yet not ready to stand on her own legs

and needed British rule which would guide and develop India.

The place of Dadabhai Naoroji is unique in that he was a businessman and a publicist settled in England. The early

leaders-intellectuals were deeply influenced by Naoroji and they all came to know each other during the 1860s and

1870s while they were either studying for ICS or law. They sought to make the British Indian government aware of

the true economic conditions of India and suggest changes to the government which Would work as the framework

for India s development but under the aegis of the British. The early leaders were primarily concerned with fosteringbetter understanding of the Indian situation amongst the British so as to help them in governing India better.

However, deeper they studied they observed that the positive steps in the direction of building Indian economy were

too slow and too mild and that Indian economy was in reality under-developing and regressing. The lack of economic

development was evident in the frequency of famines and the widespread poverty.

Naorojis paper The Poverty and Un-British Rule in India printed in 1867 was one of the most important books in the

literature of economic nationalism. The book made a case that the policies of colonial Government were destructive

and despotic to the Indians and UN-British and suicidal to Britain. On the other hand, a truly British course could and

would certainly be vastly beneficial both to Britain and India and that the British were falling short of applying the

nobler British ideals in India. The truly British course was to transform Indias-economy and develop it along the line

of modernisation. The economic nationalist praised and acknowledged the non-material consequences of the British

rule-liberation from superstition, and education, etc but as far as the material consequences were concerned British

had a lot to fulfill. The debates led to questioning of the moral basis of British rule in India. It was advocated that a

government could enjoy a long political rule only as long as it enjoyed the confidence of the people in the morality of

the state and failure to do so was suicidal to the continuation of British rule. And this confidence exists when people

believe that the state is responsible, in a constructive way, for the welfare of the people. It was accepted that the

British rule had done much good for India but the economic nationalists opined the British were not fulfilling their

moral responsibility. The school of thought that emerged from the writings of these figures is called Economic

Nationalism.

Due to the efforts of the economic nationalists poverty became the central theme of critique. They asserted that

India was poor not because poverty was inherent and natural to India nor was it inherited from the past but that it

was recent; and in fact, the result of the colonial policies. India which was in essence a manufacturing industry was

transformed into a raw-material producing industry by the colonial economic policies.

The economic nationalists made popular the notion that the interest of British imperialism lay in keeping the

economy of India subordinate to that of the British. They discovered that exploitation of India took place not through

the simpler forms of outright plunder but by more disguised forms like- foreign investment, discriminatory protective

tariffs, free trade and so on. For them Indias poverty exemplified the lack of national development. According to RC

Dutt if the taxes paid by the Indians are spent within the country then the money would circulate within her

boundary and give boost to trade, industries and agriculture. The money would also then reach the people of India in

some form or the other. Bit if, like in the drain, the taxes paid by the Indiana were being unilaterally taken out of

India and spent abroad then Indian economy would suffer. The economic nationalists thus, came to believe that


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Indias salvation lay in developing its economy which meant developing modern industries based on modern

technology and capitalist enterprise. Another very important line of thought that they developed was that Indian

industries had to be developed by using Indian capital and not foreign capital as foreign capital replaced and

suppressed Indian capital and became a tool for further exploitation of India.

The drain of wealth theory was the fundamental critique of colonialism developed by the economic nationalists. In

course of debates, researches and printing, other aspects of colonial economic policies in foreign trade, railways,

tariffs, currency and exchange, finance and labour legislation came under scrutiny for their role in exploitation of

India. They studied the decline of the handicraft industries and identified the deliberate policy of the British of

discouraging indigenous industries in order to help the British manufacturers. The criticism that grew out of the

economic policies of the colonial government eroded the moral confidence of the people in the Government. They

exposed the explosive character of the Governments policy Economic criticism was just the first step towards

political critique of the British Government. The economic nationalists created a situation in which the antagonism

between the rulers and the ruled went on developing As it continued and when combined with other issues (early

demands of Indian National Congress) struggle for political power became inevitable.

Topic: British Land Revenue Policy

Question : Briefly Discuss the British land revenue Policy?

Answer:

Revenues are an important source of every economy. The basic questions that go into collection and implementation

of revenues can be summarized in terms of - How much to collect? Who will collect? When to collect? And how to

collect? The land revenue policies followed during colonialism did not materialize overnight but were the results of

two odd decades of debates- philosophical and ideological, and experiments.

In the pre-colonial days land relations and revenue administration in India were marked by several layers of more or

less powerful intermediate local authorities positioned between the Central Government and the actual tillers of land

From the beginning the reach of the central authority had been rather narrow and based on collaboration with

several allies- local rajas, landowners, zamindars and so on. The land revenue was collected from the peasants and

sent to the centre through these several intermediate channels zamindars, landlords, nawabs and so on, each of

which kept aside their own share, leaving little for the peasants. It is also commonly believed that with the breakup

of the Mughal Empire the number of intermediaries of extraction increased considerably leading to a decline in the

conditions of the peasantry. In 1790, 12 big zamindari houses together paid more than 53% of the revenue

assessed in Bengal.

To this circle of powers was added the British, who had originally come to trade. The question of land revenue and

the means to secure it was central to the interests of the British. The British acquisition of the revenues of Bengal did

not start in one go. But it was a gradual process that started with a single territory and then after gaining diwani

rights in 1765 extended over to the entire Presidency.

The land revenue system emerged as a consequence of experiments. Three main systems of land revenue emerged

in different parts of British territory in India - Permanent Settlement (or Zarnindari), Ryotwari Settlement and

Mahalwari Settlement. But whatever be the legitimising credo, the tax on the land saw a continuous increase. The

revenue was exorbitant and left less than subsistence for the farmers.Given the importance of the revenues, the task of organizing and administering the revenues was quite formidable

yet imperative to the British But what complicated their task was their lack of knowledge of the agrarian system of

India. They understood little about the land relations. Wherever they went they faced a confusing array, of quasi-

feudal rights and obligations that were difficult to put in a concrete and identifiable terms. Apart from the lack of

knowledge about the local dialects, the various rules and obligations were recorded only in memory and were

considered as good as written ones. On the Governments behalf there was an absence of communication between

different levels of administration and the ever present corruption of some of the officials in the early years of the

Companys administration. Moreover, the tenure of the local officers wastoo short to permit them consistency in

policies. The company, by and large, had to depend on the local amils and their contacts. The honesty of these in


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turn was itself doubtful. So you have this situation where for the 7 years after the grant of the diwani there was an

absence of lack of unified policy of revenue administrations.

The peasants, to say the least continued to suffer under the extractions. In the years after the grant of the Diwani

there emerged a dual system of revenue administration. The Nawabi administration was retained with Muhammad

Reza Khan as the Naib Diwan. While the native officials were in charge of collecting the revenue, European officers

had supervisory authority over them. But as mentioned earlier, corruption was rampant.

The famine of 1769-70 was disastrous in terms of its extent and Wiped out almost one-third of the Bengal

population. The company came under severe criticism but mainly because it was unable to pay the shareholders.

Reza Khan was conveniently charged with embezzlement and with him out of the picture, Warren Hastings, the newl

appointed Governor, could ensure that the British had the sole charge of manning the revenue administration.

Warren Hastings (1772-85) assumed that all land belonged to the sovereign, and introduced a- system of revenue

farming in 1772 whereby revenue collecting rights were auctioned to the highest bidder. These auctions did not give

ownership rights to the winning bidder. This led to havoc in the Bengal countryside. The revenue demand on the

peasant was often so high that it could not be collected. As a result of this what took place was an institutional

plunder of the farmlands. The system failed and led to misery and depopulation. The land revenues failed, however,

in spite of the utmost coercion. In a minute of September 18, 1789, Lord Cornwallis remarked, I may safely assert

that one- third of the Companys territory in Hindustan is now a jungle inhabited only by wild beasts.

(i) Permanent Settlement - Nature and Demerits

Lord Comwallis was sent to India in 1784 to improve the conditions and rectify the errors made by the revenue

policies of Warren Hastings Cornwallis on his appointment took a completely different view of the issue.

The main idea behind Permanent Settlement Cornwallis believed that it was the zamindar and not the sovereign who

was the proprietor of the land. This concept formed the basis of the Permanent Settlement. The whole concept of

permanent settlement that finally took shape was based on Cornwallis understanding and his image of the improvin

English landlords who secured in their land-ownership and had much to gain from introducing reforms and adopting

techniques to enhance agriculture output. The idea was to take away the feudalistic features of the zamindars

collection of transit duties, deciding civil cases, and reforming them by fashioning them along the lines of English

landlords.

How much to collect?The land revenue under Permanent Settlement was to be fixed or assessed for ever. This, it

was believed, would lead to reduction in corruption. Moreover, since it was assessed for ever, the revenue was fixed

at the absolute maximum. Taking the revenues of 1789-90 as a yardstick, the revenues were fixed at 26.8 million

Rupees.

Who was to collect it?The zamindars. By nature of the settlement, the zamindars were invested with ownership

rights of land. In the pre-settlement days, they had only enjoyed right in revenue collection. With a fixed land tax,

zamindars could securely invest in increasing their income without any fear of having the increased taxes taken awa

by the Company. Cornwallis made this motivation quite clear in a declaration when the demand of government is

fixed, an opportunity is afforded to .the landholder of increasing his profits, by the improve ment of his lands. The

Court of Directors also hoped to guarantee the Companys income which was constantly plagued by defaulting

zamindars that fell into arrears, making it impossible for them to budget their spending accurately.

When to Collect?The zamindars were to pay a fixed amount of revenue by the sun-set of a particular day. Inabilityto hand over the revenue meant sale of his zamindari land.

DEMERITS OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT ON THE ZAMINDARS

While the Permanent Settlement was pro-zamindar, yet the way in which it eventually worked out even the

zamindars lost. Default meant loss of his land. The threat of losing land very real more so because the revenue was

fixed at a very high rate and the ryots could not often meet it. There were instances of sale of zamnidari lands.

Given the precarious position of the zamindars, they did not transform into improving landlords as expected of them

But infact many of them simply sub-let their land to different categories of people leading to a process popularly

called sub-infeudation. In the end, the peasants lost out because the burden of rent kept increasing with every sub-


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infeudation. The way in which Permanent Settlement worked out led to fragmentation of land and creation of multipl

intermediaries. Usually, the large estate would be partitioned into chain of multiple intermediaries leading to

fragmentation of land to the extent that by the late nineteenth century 88.5% of the 110,456 permanently settled

estates of Bengal and Bihar were less than 500 acres in size. This also meant that the actual producers were too

oppressed and burdened with the revenue demands that they could not undertake improvements. And on the other

hand, it also created a hierarchy of rentiers who would be dependent on the revenue derived from the primary

produces. This led to a situation where the entrepreneurial spirit was institutionally destroyed.

DEMERITS OF PERMANENT SETTLEMENT ON THE RYOTSThe change in the status of the zamindars however, meant that the peasants actually lost out because the peasants

customary occupancy rights were transformed into that of tenancy. The manner of implementation of the Permanent

Settlement actually increased the insecurity of the peasants. The settlement fixed was quite high and it was not

usually met. They became victim of over-assessment; they had nobody (a zamindar) to help them out, when falling

short of dues. It also left no room for respite in times of food shortage due to any calamity. Furthermore, the

Regulating Acts of 1799 and 1812 gave the zamindars the right to evict the ryots and seize the land in case of the

ryots failure in payment of the rent.

The ryots or the peasants who were the actual tillers of the land and who paid their dues to the super-ordinate

zamindars were the one who did not really benefit from the Permanent Settlement.

The fragmentation of land meant that they had to part with a larger portion of their produce. The customaryoccupancy rights which the peasants held in relation to the land was taken away and they were transformed into

tenants who could be evicted exploited and thus insecure in their hold of land. Cornwallis to provide the peasants

with some measure of protection did include the issue of pattas or written agreements between the ryot and the

zamindars that would state the amount to be paid but offered little protection to the peasants who were not literate

and feared misuse of the pattas. The Permanent Settlement overall infact increased the coercive power of the

zamindars.

However, instead of being a solution for ensuring a flowing avenue of revenues, Permanent Settlement led to

increasing disappointment. The zamindars did not turn into the improving landlords, and since the revenue was fixed

any increase procured from the land was appropriated by the zamindars. Nonetheless, PS was extended to the

Madras Presidency where in the absence of substantial zamindari class, the local polygars were recognized as

zamindars.

(ii) Ryotwari Settlement : Nature and Demerits

Ryotwari settlement was the land revenue system that took shape under Alexander Reed in 1792 in Bararmahal and

was then extended by Thomas Munro from 1801 in the Ceded Districts. From.1820s it was extended to parts of

Madras and Bombay Presidencies, East Bengal and portions of Assam and Coorg (part of present Karnataka)

Main idea behind it- The Madras government suffered from perpetual acute financial crunch due to continuous

warfare. It came to be believed that the revenues due to the Government could be increased by by passing the

several intermediaries and making direct contract with the ryots.

Who was to collect it? The settlement was made directly with the ryot who was recognized as the owner of his plot o

land subject to the payment of revenue. The Ryotwari Settlement technically created individual proprietary rights inland which were vested in peasants. This was in direct contrast with the Permanent Settlement which vested the

rights in the zamindar.

How was it to be collected and how much? What was visualized was a field assessment system where the rent was t

be fixed permanently through a survey of lands and required a detailed land survey covering area of the field, quality

of the soil and average produce of every piece of land. However, in reality the assessment was based on guesswork

which led to over-assessment of revenue and like other settlements, increased the tax burden of the ryots.

DEMERITS OF THE RYOTWARI SETTLEMENTS


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Ryotwari Settlement being badly administered led to problems for the cultivators. By the Saharanpur Rules of1855

the Government demand was fixed on the discretion of the revenue officers at each recurring settlement. This mean

that the ryot had no fixity of rental, no security against the enhancement of the rent and no adequate motive for

Investing in agricultural improvement.

In Ryotwari areas, since the cultivators were under heavy tax burden, they had to resort to loans from local money

lenders and thus fall into further penury.

Even though the ryotwari settlement was based survey of land and other such measures, the peasants, the revenue

assessment was usually more than what the ryot could extract from his field.

(iii) Mahalwari Settlement: Nature and Demerits

The main idea and where was it introduced? In the North Western Provinces of the Bengal Presidency (most of this

area is now in Uttar Pradesh) Holt Mackenzie devised a new system that came into effect in 1822. He felt that the

village was an important social institution in north Indian society and needed to be preserved Mahalwari system was

introduced in order to rectify problems which had arisen in the other two land revenue settlements. The first concern

was to ensure a stable income. Thus, in the Mahalwari. Settlement, the settlement was to be made village by village

and estate (mahal) by estate. Secondly, lambardars were created as intermediaries between the state and the ryots

but unlike in the permanent settlement they were not invested with perpetual rights. Thirdly, while the state

reserved to itself the right of direct management of the agricultural economy it did not worry itself with cultivation

and revenue collection as it did in the ryotwari system. And lastly, though the cultivation was done individually, therevenue was to be paid collectively by the village as a whole. This had the capacity to reduce the individual insecurit

and distress.

Who was to collect it?The settlement was made not with individual landlords, the basis of the assessment of the

revenue was the produce of a mahal or estate for which the villagers as a whole, both collectively and individually,

were responsible for the payment of revenue for the whole village through the medium of the village headman or

lambardar.

How and how much?The revenue was not fixed forever but for a limited period of thirty years at some places and

twenty years at other places. Individual villager was to contribute in accordance with his holding. The revenue was

fixed according to the yielding capacity of the soil, the nature of crop it produced and its prices. Once the

assessment, was done, it continued for the full term of the settlement.

On what basis?The Revenue was fixed on the basis of periodical assessment by the officers in consultation with th

lambardar and the village bodies.

DEMERITS OF MAHALWARI SETTLEMENT

The lambardars and other village headmen enjoyed more privileges which they abused for their profits. Since they

acted as the intermediaries between the villagers and the Government, many of the lambardars brouht large areas o

village land under their control.

The ryots were often reduced to the status of tenants, subtenants, co-sharers, and so on. These ryots like in the

other two land revenue settlements after meeting the revenue demand were left with very little to survive on. They

were overburdened and rack-rented.

Topic: Indian Society in the Early 19th Century

Question : Give a brief description of the Indian Society in the early nineteenth century?

Answer:

Society and, religion in India have passed through numerous phases of change. In the long and chequered history of

India there had been periods of progress regeneration and reform, as well as periods of decay, dissolution and

degeneration. The eighteenth century witnessed the latter tendencies. While in Europe it was the age of

enlightenment, but in India, it was a period of stagnation. Indian society, as a whole remained detached from and

indifferent to the political developments. The innumerable village communities over the length and breadth of the

land led their self-contained and more or less secluded life as before. Social rigidity and irrational social practices


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became conspicuous feature of the eighteenth century India. The disease was more aggravated by the outer aspects

of contemporary religions which became even more dogmatic. In the eighteenth century, idolatry and fatalism had

been extended to extremes Islam, too, had become an intolerant religion in the heyday of Islamic glory, the Sufi

preachers preached tolerance, but from the later part of the seventeenth century the Muslim rulers assumed religiou

bigotry as a part of their State Policy. With religions attaching more importance to external form than to inner reality

religious superstitions, began to pervade all aspects of social life. Infanticide, child marriage, polygamy, the burning

of widows and other social evils, were all interpreted as religiously valid, and hence there was no qualm of conscienc

even in most horrible performances. Similarly, such social systems as caste, untouchability, seclusion of women and

slavery were all considered as sanctified by the shastras, and therefore, absolutely valid and estimable. Thus the

eighteenth century was an age of intolerant institutions and irrational customs. That was the last great epoch of

social inequality in India. With the impact of westem ideas and the rise of Hindu reform movements in the

subsequent century, caste was assailed and there began a slow slackening of rigid attitudes towards untouchability.

However, in spite of reform movements, throughout the nineteenth century the caste inertia continued without any

spectacular improvement in the position of the untouchables.

Topic: Impact of West on Modern India

Question : Critically Examine the Impact of West on Modern India?

Answer :

In the eighteenth century, Indian society was rigid within itself, but not closed to external influences. By the first hal

of the eighteenth century, the Europeans had become a definite factor in Indian politics. By way of a historic acciden

the eighteenth century was an age of unusual mental and physical activities that Europe came nearer to India.

During the second half of the eighteenth century and the early decades of the nineteenth century the effects of that

impact became manifest.

European influence operated in three spheres economic, religious and political. The trade and commerce which the

Europeans carried on ruinously influenced the total Indian Economy It was through their religions and political

activities that the Europeans, on necessity, came very close to the Indian ways of life. Or, more precisely, they broke

through the seclusion of the Indian society for the purpose of preaching their own religion as well as introducing thei

own political and legal systems. India, too, had to understand the West. The impact was not merely on imposition. It

was also in the nature of an accommodation.

The religious activities of the European missionaries brought Christianity to a direct confrontation with Hinduism. For

India it was a blessing in disguise that the Christian missionaries felt so strongly against some of her socio-religious

customs. Practised through ignorance they were required to be exposed by an external agency. Indirectly, the

Christian crusade against Hinduism inspired higher Hindu minds a sense of inwardness to discover in the inner core

of their own religion, concepts of monotheism, and all other higher philosophies to feel proud of thus the impact of

Christianity led to external and internal change.

Bengali literature, too, began to develop under the patronage of the missionaries. The missionaries established a

printing press at Serampore. The press also caused the birth of journalism. The impact of the west was also felt

politically. The leader of the new administration could not, of necessity, have been composed only of Englishmen; its

lower rungs had to be filled with Indians. The people, long accustomed to dealing with foreigners in trade, feltattracted to join their administration. There was the necessity for them to learn English. Early in the nineteenth

century, Calcutta led the way in the new desire to acquire knowledge of the English language. In other parts of India

a similar desire was awakened. In 1817, the famous Hindu College was founded in Calcutta with encouragement

from David Hare, Rammohan Roy and Radhakanta Dev. In 1818, some Christian missionaries, with the help of some

influential Indians established an English School at Banares. In any case, the greater impact of the West was bound

to percolate through education, with far-reaching consequences.

There was yet another platform on which West-East understanding took shape. At first, to the leaders of Indian

thought, Englishmen either as traders rulers or missionaries were enemies of the Indian culture, religion and

traditions. But such an antagonistic attitude began to subside because of the unique role of some notable Englishme


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who dedicated their Indian careers to discovering India. William Jones founded the Asiatic Society of Bengal in 1784.

With earnest compatriots like Charles Wilkins and H.T. Colobrooke, he initiated the, great movement of discovering

India. The history and literature, and many facets of Indian civilization began to emerge steadily out of the limbo of

oblivion. The more Western scholarship threw light on India, the greater research and learning.

The nineteenth century in the history of India possessed the same characteristics which the eighteenth century

possessed in the history of Europe. It was an age of enlightenment and awakening, of renaissance and reforms, of

rationalism and progress, which all ultimately culminated in a growing consciousness of the need for liberty and

unity.

Throughout the nineteenth century there followed phase after phase of various reform movements in India to

renovate the society and rationalise religious thoughts. The first in the series was the movement initiated by Raja

Rammohan Roy.

Topic: Political-Religious Movements in the Early Phase of Colonial Expansion

Question : Briefly discuss the major political-religious movements in the early phase of colonial

expansion?

Answer:

These movements erupted in the early phase of colonial expansion. In this phase religion provided the framework to

locate and understand the colonial rule and articulate resistance. The main politico-religious movements were the

Faqir Uprising, Sanyasi Rebellion, Pagal Panthis, Tariqah-i-Muhammadiya, Wahabi Movement, Faraizi Movement and

Kuka Revolt.

(A) Faqir Uprising (Bengal, 1776-77): Faqirs were a group of wandering-Muslim religious mendicants. Shortly after

the annexation of Bengal in 1776-77, Majnum Shah, the leader of these Faqirs, began to levy contributions on the

zamindars and peasants and, defied the British authority. After Majnum Shahs death, Chirag Ali Shah, supported by

Pathans, Rajputs and the disbanded Indian soldiers extended the operations to the northern districts of Bengal. Two

famous Hindu leaders who supported him were Bhawani Pathak and Devi Chaudhurani, a woman. The Faqirs led by-

Chirag Ali Shah gained considerable strength and attacked English factories, seized their goods, cash, arms and

ammunitions. There were a number of skirmishes between the Faqirs and Companys troops. The Faqirs were finally

brought under control at the beginning of the nineteenth certury.

Sanyasi Uprising (Bengal, 1770-l820s): The Hindu Naga and Giri armed Sanyasis once formed a part of the armies o

the Nawabs of Awadh and Bengal, and also of the Maratha and Rajput chiefs. The immediate cause of the rebellion

was the restrictions, imposed on the pilgrims visiting the holy places. The Sanyasis raided the English factories and

collected contributions from the towns, leading to a series of conflicts between the large bands of Sanyasis and the

British forces. After nearly half-a-century long strife, the Sanyasi Uprising ended in the second quarter of the

nineteenth century.

The Sanyasi-Faqir resistance had some commons features. Both groups of mendicants lived on alms provided by

their followers. The Company officials, who little understood the religious institutions of the country, took their alms

collection drive for unauthorised impositions on the inhabitants of the village. The Government thus issued decrees

banning collection of alms by the organised groups like the Fakirs and Sanyasis. These groups also enjoyed rent free

tenures. Both the groups lost this privilege under the British In response, they started a resistance movementagainst the feringhee rulers. The resistance gained a ready support from the peasantry who were hard pressed unde

the new land revenue policy of the Companys Government. The conditions of the peasantry were worsened by the

Great Famine of 1769-70, a by-product of the systemic loot of the countryside by the rapacious landlords and their

agents. Furthermore, a settled society being considered as an ideal type by the Company meant that the wandering

groups, like that of the Faqirs and Sanyasis, were often looked upon with suspicion and efforts law and order.

The Sanyasis presented a formidable force, defeating the British forces several time, especially in 1773, and the

struggle continued till the end of 1800. The cause of Faqir-Sanyasis was formed the background for the work

Anandmath, by the famous Bengali novelist, Bankim Chandra Chatterjee. Vande Matram, which was to become the

national song during the Swadeshi Movement, was penned in the same novel.


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(a) Non-frontier tribes constitute 89 per cent of the total tribal population. The non-frontier tribes were mainly

confined to Central India, West-CentraI India and Andhra. Among the tribes that participated in the movements were

Khonds, avara, Santhal, Munda, Oraon, Koya, Kol, Gond and Bhil. The uprisings of these tribes were quite volatile

and constitute some of the major uprisings.

(b) Frontier tribes of the seven North-eastern frontier states of Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Assam,

Manipur, Mizoram and Tripura. Tribals are located on the fringes of the mainstream society and constitute the lower

stratum. Tribals, adivasis or aboriginals were usually the original inhabitants of vast tracts in western, central,

southern eastern and north-eastern parts of the country. With the exception of the North-East, they had been

reduced to a minority with the influx of outsiders and exposed to rapid changes. Barring a few, especially the frontie

tribes, most tribes had some form of contact with the mainstream society. The socio-economic differentiation

amongst them in comparison to the mainstream society was significantly less. The tribes were politically autonomou

and had their own system of justice.

Economic base- Shifting agriculture, hunting, fishing and forest produce formed the mainstay of their economic base

Use of forests products and shifting agriculture were very important parts of the tribal economy.

1.

Imposition of land Revenue Settlement. Expansion of agriculture by the non-tribals to tribal areas or over

forest cover led to erosion of the tribal traditions of joint ownership and increased the socio-economic

differentiation in the egalitarian structure of the tribal society.

2.

Work of Christian missionaries brought about further changes in the socio economic and cultural equation of

the tribals and the mainstream society. Plus, in turbulent times, the tendency of the missionaries to refuse totake up arms or in discouraging people from rising against the Government made the missionaries to be

viewed as extensions of colonialism and were often attacked by the rebels.

3.

Increasing demand for wood from early nineteenth century first for the RoyaI- Navy and then Railways, led

to increasing control of government over forests lands. Why would this be a problem? The establishment of a

Forest Department in 1864, Government Forests Act (1865) and Indian Forests Act (1878) together

established complete government monopoly over Indian forest land. Shifting agriculture, a widespread

practice amongst the various tribal communities was banned from 1864 onwards in the reserved forests.

Restrictions were imposed on the previously sanctioned timber and grazing facilities.

4.

Extension of settled agriculture led to influx of non-tribals in the tribal areas. These outsiders exploited them

and extension of settled agriculture led to the loss of land by the tribals which reduced them to agriculture

labourers.

5.

Some of the tribal uprisings took place in reaction to the efforts of the landlords to impose taxes on the

customary use of timber and grazing facilities, police exactions, new excise regulations, exploitation by low

country traders and money-lenders, and restrictions on shifting cultivation in forests.

6.

The rebellions by the non-frontier tribals were usually reactions against outsiders (dikus), local landlords and

rulers, the support provided to the latter by the British administration and intervention by them in the life of

the tribals. The indigenous names for these tribal movements were meli, hool and ulgulan.

7.

Introduction of the notion of private property. Land could be bought, sold or mortgaged which led to loss of

land by the tribals.

Topic: Causes of the Revolt of 1857

Question : Briefly discuss the causes of the revolt of 1857?

Answer:

The revolt did not happen overnight. From the beginning of the political influence .of the British after the Battle of

Plassey in 1757, the British faced resistance from various sections of the society. The miscellaneous populace had

been harbouring resentment against the British. Due to the nature of the early historiography of the revolt, which

was written by officials turned historians, it was believed to be a mere mutiny of the sepoys in Bengal and Meerut,

which was later joined by the civil populace. However, an analysis shows that such a simplistic view is limited in its

scope. It is difficult to highlight a single cause for the outbreak of the revolt. There were multiple grievances, which


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were acutely felt by the different sections of the society. While noting the anti-British sentiments in the revolt it is

equally essential to take into account the fact that the revolt in later stages was directed against the landlords,

banias and money-lenders. The landlords in the British period were principally the creation of the new revenue

policies introduced under them and had become vehicles of peasant exploitation.

Social and Religious Causes: From the early decades of the nineteenth century, the British had abandoned its policy

of non-interference in the socio-religious life of the Indians. Abolition of Sati in 1829 under Lord Bentinck, the Hindu

Widow Remarriage Act of 1856, and western education all led to disruption in the social world of the people After the

Charter of 1813, the Christian missionaries were allowed to enter India and carry on with their mission of

proselytizing. This, combined with the Religious Disabilities Act of 1856, which sought to do away with the previous

ban on Christian converts from Hinduism in inheriting property, created a feeling amongst the people of threat to

their religion and way of life.

Economic Causes: British rule led to breakdown of the village self-sufficiency and also disturbed order of land

settlements in India. The British ordered an enquiry into the title deeds of the landed estates in Bengal and its

adjoining areas, Bombay Provinces and North-Western Provinces Many people who had held lands before the coming

of the British lost their lands under the reorganisation of the land titles. Added to this was the commercialisation of

agriculture which burdened the peasantry, adoption of free trade imperialism from 1800, de-industrilization and drai

of wealth all of which led to overall decline of the economy.

Military Grievances: The sepoys of the Bengal army were recruited mainly from the North-West Provinces, and

Awadh. It had a high proportion of high caste men, Bhumihar, Brahmins and Rajputs of the Ganges Valley. Given thesocial status of the sepoys, in the early years of the Company rule, the British tolerated and even encouraged the

caste privileges and customs within the Bengal Army. But by 1820s, these customs -and privileges were threatened

by the modernizing forces that sought to introduce a stricter universalised military culture. In accordance with the

changes, the sepoys were prohibited to observe some customary practices, like wearing a saffron mark on their

forehead, growing beard and wearing turbans. The sepoys who had become accustomed to very high ritual status

were extremely sensitive to suggestions that threatened their caste rules.

Serving abroad was also against the caste-rules of the sepoys and this clashed with the need to defend the growing

British Empire outside India. The mutiny in Afghanistan during 1839-42 was met with reprisals and led the Company

to widen the recruitment base of the Bengal army to include other castes and regional groups. The sepoys had

refused to serve in Burma and it led to the passing of the General Services Enlistment Act by Lord Cannings

Government in 1856. It compelled the sepoys to serve abroad, if the need arose.

In 1856, in accordance with the new rules, the soldiers no longer received extra allowance bhatta for service outside

their own regions because they were no longer considered to be foreign missions. This affected the extra pay of the

sepoys. But the English soldiers in the Indian army continued to receive this allowance. Thus, the denial of this

allowance amounted to gross discrimination against the sepoys.

Also, the Indian sepoys were discriminated against in terms of promotion and salary. While the sepoys outnumbered

the European soldiers, the former were not promoted to higher posts in the army.

Political Causes: -Annexation of Awadh in 1856 was a blow to the prestige of the ruling classes, the local population

and the sepoys. Apart from Delhi, Awadh was the second most important centre of the revolt. Multiple causes were

present here in their true form. About three-fourth of the Companys sepoys were recruited from Awadh and most of

them were simply peasants in uniform. Thus, any change in the agrarian set-up and in the cultural fabric would also

be acutely felt by them; Annexation of Awadh in 1856 on the pretext maladministration became an important cause

for many of those who participated. The annexation led to disbanding of the Nawabs army and also affected the

entire aristocracy, which in turn severely affected the economy of the region. In Awadh, many taulkdars who lost

their property as a result of the Summary Settlement in 1856 supported the rebels. The revolt was perhaps of the

highest intensity in Awadh.

Initially, when the British were expanding their hold over India and consolidating their rule, they were careful in

showing due deference to Indian Princes and their privileges. But as their confidence grew, there was an attempt by

the British to take away the nominal authority of the native. Princes and their pensions were greatly reduced. This

created unease among the various regional kingdoms. The earlier treaties made with the Indian Princes came to be


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executed. As a collective punishment for his act and in an attempt to circumvent a possible revolt, the entire

regiment was subsequently disbanded.

On May 11, 1857 a band of discontented sepoys from Meerut marched to Red Fort, Delhi and appealed to an aging

Mughal Emperor Bhahdur Shah II, who had been reduced to the status of a pensioner of the British, to become the

leader of their Revolt and hailed him as the Emperor of Hindustan. This marked the beginning of the widespread

uprising by the sepoys. On June 4, the sepoys of 2nd Calvary and the 1st Native Infantry rose up in mutiny in

Kanpur, killing many British men, women and children.

The Cawnpore (now Kanpur in U.P.) Massacre is the most infamous event in the revolts history. The rebels under

Nana Sahib attacked the British in Kanpur on June 6, 1857. The British suffered heavy losses. The British, who were

besieged in Kanpur, were promised a safe passage by Nana Sahib to Allahbad on June 27, 1857. However, under

some circumstances, the details of which are still debated, the captives were attacked in their boats while on the

river. The remaining were held at Bibigarh. The rebels on hearing the news of the British rescue troops approaching

from Allahabad, hacked all the captives, which included 120 women and some children, to death and threw them in a

well in the compound. As the details of the massacre spread, the counter-atrocities by the British increased and the

rebels lost many pro-Indian rebel supporters amongst the non-Indian populace.

Prominent Leaders of the Revolttc "Prominent Leaders of the Revolt"

Bahadur Shah II, Nana Sahib, Begum Hazrat Mahal, Rani Lakshmibai of Jhansi, Khan Bahadur Khan of Rohilkhand,

Kunwar Singh of Arrah, Maulvi Ahmad-ullah of Faizabad, Tantia Tope and Prince Firoz Shah of the Mughal royal

family and raised the banner of the revolt in Mandasor (M.P.)

Topic: Reasons of the Failure of the Revolt of 1857.

Question : Briefly discuss the reasons of the failure of the revolt of 1857?

Answer:

1.

The revolt of 1857 failed because it suffered from weak leadership and was hardly organized. This proved a

major handicap when dealing with the well trained and equipped British troops.

2.

The revolt failed to extend to all parts of the country, and large sections of the population did not support it.

And some sections infact threw their support behind the British. Some of the loyalists were the Nizam of

Hyderabad, Sikander Begum of Bhopal, Sir Jang Bahadur (Minister of Nepal) and Maharaja Sindhia of

Gwalior. There was absence of support from the intelligentsia.

3.

The different groups of rebels fought for different reasons and served their respective leaders. Each sought

restoration of the order of their leaders. By hailing Bahadur Shah as the Emperor of Hindustan, the rebels

sought to revert back to the medieval political order rather than replace it with an alternate political

authority. Nana Sahib and Tantia Tope sought to revive the Maratha power while Rani Lakshmibai, her own

control over the lost territories.

Topic: Causes Responsible for the Rise of Indian Freedom Struggle.

Ques. 1 : Briefly discuss the causes responsible for the rise of Indian freedom struggle?

Ans. At the beginning of the 19th century India was regarded as one of the few countries with least possibilities for

the rise of nationalism or the growth of national movement. The main reason for such assumptions was that the vastpopulation of India was not only politically and backward but also disunited by barriers of language, religion, culture

etc. The dearth of unifying sense of nationalism and patriotic feelings was one of the cogent contributing factors to

the foundation and consolidation of the British rule in India. Certain colonial scholars did not even regard India as a

nation. But India, throughout the course of her history had enjoyed inherent unity in diversity. This unity in diversity

greatly helped in the rise and growth of Indian National Movement. The 19th and early 20th centuries were an age o

democratic, liberal and nationalist ideas. The American War of Independence, the French Revolution, the Russian

Revolution of 1917 etc., greatly inspired the rise and growth of the National Movement in India. No doubt all these

external events, internal turmoils and self-realisation together inspired the rise and growth of the Indian National

Movement.


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Indias National Movement was truly Indian in the respect that it was worlds first struggle for freedom based on

truth and non-violence and its foundations was laid by the socio-religious reform movement of the 19th century.

CAUSES

Among the many causes responsible for the rise of the national movement the following deserve special mention:

1.

The Macaulavian system of education though conceived in the interests of efficient administration opened to

the newly educated Indians the foodgates of liberal European thought The liberal and radical thoughts of

European writers inspired the Indian intelligentsia with the ideals of liberty, nationality and self-government.

The spread and expansion of the English language gave to the Indians living in different linguistic regions a

common language-lingua franca.

2.

In the nineteenth century the development of vernacular languages was also phenomenal. The neo-educated

class conveyed their ideas of liberty and equality to the masses through the media of these vernaculars. The

vernacular literature greatly helped in arousing Indian nationalism.

3.

Socially, British Imperialism destroyed the old, order of society in India. After the Rebellion of 1857 and the

British administrators realised that the reactionary and feudal elements of society could serve as strong prop

of Imperialism. This change in policy exposed the hollowness of British professions and drove the English

Administrators and the progressive elements in opposite camps.

4.

The development of the various socio-religious movements prepared the ground for the growth of national

movements and watered the plant of patriotism. The reform movements sought an all-round improvement othe Indian society. They gave the people a sense of pride in Indian culture and heritage and taught them the

gospel of patriotism.

5.

The economic policy pursued by the British in India had resulted in a lopsided development of Indian

economy and impoverishment of the people. The economy of India was geared to the production of raw

materials needed for the developing machine industry of England. Such a policy also made India as a growin

market for English manufactured goods. The cumulative effect of British economic policies had resulted in

chrominisery and found expression in mass unrest. Periodical famines became a regular feature of Indian

economy.

6.

The natural process of conquest and consolidation brought the whole of India under a sing1e political set-up

A network of roads and railways linked the bigger towns and the country with the world market. The setting

up of an efficient posts and telegraphs system and the accompanying developments gave India the

appearance of unity and fostered the spirit of one-mindedness.

7.

The growth of the modern press and with it the public opinion was an offshoot of the English rule in India.

Despite the numerous restrictions imposed on the press from time to time, Indian journalism made rapid

strides. The Indian press created a strong public opinion opposed to imperialist policies, and played no

insignificant role in fostering patriotism and developing nationalism.

8.

The short-sighted acts and policies of Lord Lytton acted like catalytic agents. The maximum age limit for the

I.C.S. examination was reduced from 21 years to 19 years, thus making it impossible for Indians to compete

for it. Lytton put o the statute book two obnoxious measures the Vernacular Press Act and Indian Arms Act

(1878). Lyttons unpopular acts provoked a great storm of opposition in the country and led to the

organisation of various political associations for carrying on anti- Government propaganda in the country.9.

One unfortunate legacy of the Rebellion of 1857 was the feeling of racial bitterness between the rulers and

the ruled. The Anglo-Indian bureaucracy developed an attitude of arrogance and contempt towards the

Indians. The Indians were dubbed as belonging to an inferior race and no longer worthy of any trust. This

narrow approach evoked a reaction in the Indian mind and put the educated Indians on the defensive.

10.

ILLBERT BILL (1883 CONTROVERSY)

In 1880, there was a change of Government in England, and the Liberal Party under Gladstone came into power. He

was known for his liberal ideas and was a believer in moral principles. Good Government he pronounced, was no

substitute for self-government, It is our weakness and calamity, he said that we have not been able to give India

the blessing of free institutions. He sent Lord Ripen, a close friend and follower, to reform the structure of the


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Indian Government. The new Governor-GeneraI repealed the Vernacular Press Act of 1878, commenced industrial

legislation by passing the first Factories Act, and took steps to promote local self-government in big cities and towns

Ripon also sought to remove the individual distinction existing at that time between the European and Indian

members of the judiciary. Indian sessions judges and magistrates were not re-empowered to try European offenders

and this was a cause of great annoyance to the educated community of the country. In 1883, the Law Member of the

Viceroys Executive Council, Sir Courtenay Illbert, introduced in the Imperial Legislature a Bill, known after his name

as Illbert Bill, designed to remove The disability of Indian judges. The Anglo-Indian community opposed the

enactment of the Bill vehemently, and asserted that the Indian judges were not fit to administer justice to a White

offender. The European Defence Association, with branches in important cities of India, was formed to organize a

campaign against the Bill. There were protest meetings and agitation, and it was proposed to kidnap Ripon and hold

him to ransom. Even in England, the Government was under fire, Ripon had to bow to the storm and a compromise

was made which provided that European and British subjects were to have a right to claim trial by Jury of twelve,

atleast seven of whom, must be Europeans or Americans.

This manifestation of the British sense of racial superiority acted as a spark to the power magazine; it acted as an

eye-opener to Indians. They learnt the lesson that they would have to undergo a long period of sacrifice and

discipline if they wanted justice and equality in their own country. The educated class of people noted the extra-

ordinary force of a minority when organized and directed by a single aim, and they applied the inference to their own

situation. Demands began to arise for a national organization by means of which the grievances of the people agains

the British rule could be ventilated. A few thoughtful men, both Indians and English were not slow to measure thetrends in the country and they took steps to organize the mass discontentment into a peaceful channel.

11. Certain external factors like home-rule movement in Ireland, Unification of Germany, Italy; Victory of Japan over

an European power Russia in 1905 also produced nationalist and revolutionary feelings among the Indians.

12. Repressive and Reactionary Policies of Lord Curzon virtually made the Indian National Movement Militant. Some

of his most denounced utterances and actions were:

a) Curzon went back on Queen Victorias proclamation.

b) Calcutta Town Hall speech of Curzon Indians are cheats greatly injured the Indian conscience.

c) Bitter speeches at Dacca and to divide Hindus and Muslims.

d) Partition of Bengal in 1905, became the basis of militant nationalism in India. The nationalist came to the

conclusion that the constitutional agitation will not help in undoing the wrongs.

It is from here that Swadeshi and Boycott became political weapons. It is here that the Bengali youth learnt the cult

of Gita and Grenade to live in bondage is negation of life. We want end of British Rule.

The beginning of the Indian National Movement is rightly regarded with the foundation of the Indian National

Congress in 1885, which united the Indian nationalists of all shades and opinions into a common front of the

nationalists and soon the roots of national struggle for freedom spread to all parts of the country.

National Movement from 1885 to 1947, may broadly be divided into four parts:

1885-1905 - The moderate Phase of the Congress.

1905-1915 - Extremist and Home Rule Movements.

1916-1942 - The Gandhian Era and Militant Phase of the National Movement

1942-1947 - Indias march towards the attainment of freedom.

Topic: Moderates - Their Ideology, Methods, Demands and Limitations.

Question : Briefly discuss the moderates phase (1885-1905) of Indian National Congress?

Answer :

W.C. Bannerjees presidential speech at the first Congress session put forward its aims as

(a) promotion of friendship and personal intimacy amongst the countrymen,

(b) eradication of all possible prejudices relating to race, creed or province,

(c) Consolidation of the sentiments of national unity, and


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From the time of its inception, INC had some limitations. The foremost limitation, which also led to the split and

uneven curve of its popularity, was the exclusion of the non-elites from its membership. Professional groups-

journalists, educationists, reformers doctors, lawyers, religious men, merchants and bankers, were included in its

membership. INC was not yet anti-British government or rule. In its initial phase, INC sought to widen the governing

base by increasing the number of Indians in it. It was geared towards rectifying the un-Britishness of the British rule

in India. The moderates expected the British to guide India, help her conquer the cultural and social backwardness

and then transform into progressive country which would lead to establishment of representative government. For

them the interests of the British and Indians were similar rather than opposites.

An important limitation was that majority of the moderates were Hindus. Between the period of 1892-1909, Hindus

comprised 90% of the delegates attending the Congress. In spite of its claim as representing all communities,

ironically, it has been accused of being a Hindu party by some from its very inception. This was primarily because of

the fluidity of the members. e.g. many members of the Congress were also involved in cow protection Movement or

Nagri movement. Some held simultaneous membership of the Hindu Mahasabha and Congress.

Lacked confidence in the ability of the uneducated masses to participate in the political affairs.lt had limited social

appeal.

Was dominated by the English educated so drew most of their ideas from Western political tradition hence alienated

from the masses.

Did not envisage an end of the British rule.

Topic: Policy of Divide and Rule Muslim Communalism.

Question : Critically examine the British Policy of Divide and Rule?

Answer:

The Congress movement began to appear to the British authorities, in the opening years of the twentieth century, a

challenge to their rule, and they began to think of weakening it before it sent out of control They thought of putting

up a strong counterpoise to check the progress of the national organisation. Weaning away the Muslims from the

mainstream of nationalism was considered a convenient device. Mountstuart Elphinstone advised the British

Government thus: Divide et Impera (divide and rule) was the old Roman motto and it should be ours. The

authorities took up the cue and utilized it to their full advantage. They had already divided the country into princely

India and British India. The Uprising of 1857 made the British realize that they had gone too far in the policy of direc

rule and annexations.

After 1858, the princes had begun increasingly to pose into the fold of the Government, and they identified their

existence with the continuance of the British rule. After the formation of the Congress and its increasing strength and

popularity, the foreign masters decided to weaken the nationlist movement. Here, the division was sought to be

brought about between the Muslims and the Hindus. The authorities in London decided to utilize the racial, religious,

.and economic differences of the two communities to their own advantage.

During the last quarter of the nineteenth century the Muslims, under the leadership of Sir Sayed, were stirring with

thoughts of national unification and emancipation. This added to the anxiety of the British bureaucracy. An alliance o

the Hindus and Muslims, it was felt, would be too formidable for their dominance and this alliance was due, the

British realized, to their own policy of rendering the Muslims too weak for independent rebellion. The days of HinduAnglo alliance, it was thought, were gone and the days of Anglo-Muslim alliance should begin. The necessity of such

a reversal of policy was brought home to the British, particularly, by the publication of Sir William Huntersbook,

Indian Musulmans, as early as 1871. He pointed out how the Musulmans, especially in Bengal, had been suppresse

under the British Government; how they had been deprived of power and position, how they had been impoverished

and how they were denied facilities of education and economic betterment. Hunter urged that the chronic sense of

wrong which had grown in the hearts of the Muslims under the British rule must be removed. The Muslims if

contented and satisfied, he noted, would become the greatest bulwark of British power in India.

Hungers urgings became the precursor of change of attitude towards the Muslim community. The Mohammedan

Anglo-oriental College at Aligarh was patronized, and it became the agency for fermenting communal passion and


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schism. An Englishman, Beck, who became its Principal in 1883, carried forward the policy of befriending the Muslim

almost with a missionary zeal. He impressed upon Sir Sayed that the educational uplift of the Muslims had not

reached a stage when they could be trusted to confine themselves to constitutional agitation, and that if they were

roused they might once again express their discontent in the way they did in 1857. Sir Sayed was convinced that the

participation of the Muslims in the political agitation would be to their detriment. He was made to believe that the

Anglo-Muslim alliance was more to the advantage of the Muslim community than cooperation with the Hindus in the

national movement.

The love of the community prevailed over the love of motherland, and Sir Sayed adopted an openly hostile attitude

towards the Congress movement. Aligarh College became, the centre of Muslim Powers and the English principals

there, allegedly, poisoned the minds of young Muslims, creating a schism between them and the national

organisation. One year after the establishment of Congress, the Muslims were led to organize themselves into a

separate organizational, called the Mohammedan Educational Congress (MEC) that latter came to be known as the

Muslim Educational Conference. The Muslims began to secede from the Congress. Although a few enlightened and

open-minded Muslims, such as Abdul Rasul in Bengal Comurduddin Tyabji and Badruddin Tyabji in Bombay never

served from their allegiance to the national cause, the bulk of the Muslim community were led astray. The MEC held

its session at almost the same place and time as the Congress and diverted the attention of the Muslim masses. Of

the seventy-two delegates who came to the first session of the Congress, only to were Muslims; at the second

session, there were only 33 Muslims out of 440. When in 1890, the Muslim fraction increased to 156 out of 702, Sir

Sayed began to feel that their betterment lay in separation from, and not in unison with, the Congress.

Topic: Background to the rise of Neo-Nationalism.

Question : Briefly discuss the background to the rise of Neo-Nationalism?

Answer:

The rise and the popularity of the Neo-nationalists have also, to be located against the rise of religious revivalism.

One of the most peculiar trajectory taken by any movement was perhaps that taken by the social reform movements

of the early nineteenth Century. These reform movements e.g. Arya Samaj of Swami Dayanad and those that

perpetuated to the Village level, though started with the aim of countering colonial influences also fostered religious

orthodoxy and increasingly demarcated the communties. One such movement was that of Cow Protection with the

first Gaorakshini Sabha founded by Swami Dayanand in 1882. Initially, protection of cow was primarily aimed at the

beef eating English and also to a degree at the muslims Part of their aim was to petition government to stop cow

slaughter. Cow protection societies soon spranged up across UP, Bihar, etc. These efforts were furthered by the

decree of High Court of NWP in 1888 according to which, cow was not a religious object and thus its slaughter could

not be held as violation of the law.

The neo-nationalists had strong ties with India and they did not consider everything western as the best. They were

more critical of the English. Their ideas and notions were more in connection with the problems of the masses. They

were more reactionary than the moderates. They also encouraged the use of Swadeshi products for developing

Indian industries. The Swadeshi enterprise can be traced back to Gopalrao Deshmukh of Poona who advocated use o

indigenous products as early as 1849 and in Bengal it was encouraged through Hindu Mela or National Mela founded

by Nabagopal Mitra in 1867. Rabindranath Tagare called for self-reliance / atmasakti through Swadeshi and nationaleducation. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Arya Samajist advocated Swadeshi cult in the Punjab.

But since the neo-nationalists glorified the ancient past, they bypassed the medieval period which had Muslim power

structure at the main seat of power. So India came to be identified as being Hindu. For this reason the neo-

nationalists found very little support from the Muslims.

The main contribution of the neo-nationalists was in mobilizing the masses, educating them to participate in the

political struggle.

The categories of Moderate and Extremists emerged on the basis of methods used. The purpose of both groups was

same- not overthrow of the British Rule but obtaining a larger share of power for the people in the administration of

the country. The extremists made the demand for Swaraj OR Home-Rule OR Self-Government their main demand


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and not just administrative reforms. The extremists wanted Indians to get a larger share in the administration of the

country and end of British exploitation.

BUT the methods used by the neo-nationalists were different.

Moderates pleaded to through petitions and writings to the British government; the extremists believed that

Indians should be mobilized and take an active part in putting their demands.

The technique of agitation was to be based on the pride in Indias glorious past and religious traditions.

Their techniques instead of petitions were boycott and Swadeshi, non-cooperation with the British governmen

and passive resistance. The extremists wanted Swadeshi and boycott to extend to the whole of the country rather

than just Bengal. They were seen as methods of political warfare. The moderates stressed the economic aspect of

Swadeshi and boycott only as a temporary method.

Miserable Plight of Indians Abroad

The anti-British feelings were further roused by the treatment meted out to Indians in the British colonies in Africa

particularly in South Africa where they were treated as sub-castes. They could not own and build houses in certain

localities exclusively reserved for Europeans. They were disenfranchised, and in 1896 the indentured emigrants in

Natal (South Africa) were asked either to renew their indenture for labourer pay a poll-tax amounting to half their

annual earnings. By 1898, three more disabling laws were made, and the life of the Indians was made very hard.

While the then Viceroy, Lord Elgin, consented to these laws being passed, the Secretary of State, Lord George

Hamilton, characterized India a nation of savages. The important official organs, like the Civil and Military Gazette

of Lahore, openly abused the Indians. External Events

There was, during the nineteenth century, an all pervading belief in the military invincibility and technological

superiority of the European countries. The success of the British in India in suppressing the national Uprising of 1857

was largely attributed to the superiority. But some events took place on the international scene and these exploded

that myth. These were the defeat of Italy by Abysainia in 1896 and of Russia by Japan in 1905. These debacles

exercised an enlightening effect upon the Indian mind. The victory of the non-European nations was attributed to

their high sense of patriotism and spirit of sacrifice. The political leaders in India realized that if the Japanese and the

Abyssinians could defeat the Russians and the Italians respectively, the Indians could also liberate their land from th

scourge of British Imperialism.

The defeat of the forces of Imperial Russia by Japan served as a signal and the nationalist movement in India sprang

to life.

Reactionary Policies of Viceroy Curzon

Despite the, accumulating causes of despondency and irritation the main Congress body remained hopefully

cooperative It needed a Curzon, as super has put it to complete breach between a slow-moving Government and

politically conscious Indians. Lord Curzon was sent to India as Viceroy in 1898 with the firm object of strengthening

the foundations of the British rule. Two years after his stay in the country Curzon wrote: In my belief Congress is

tottering to its fall, and one of my great ambitions while in India is to assist it to a peaceful demise.

When he assumed charge of his office he began his policy of efficiency with the Calcutta Corporation Act (1899)

whereby the number of the elected members was reduced to half their original strength and the administration of th

Corporation was vested in General Committee. This measure was opposed by the Indian communities of Calcutta,

and twenty-eight members of the corporation resigned as a protest.

In order to solve the frontier problem Curzon formed a new Province known as the North West Frontier Province

consisting of the trans-Indus districts of Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu and Dera lsmail Khan, together with a few political

agencies. The new Province was inaugurated on King Edwards birthday in 1901, the

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