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UPSC Portal Study Kit for IAS Mains

Dear Student, Thank you for your interest in UPSC mains study material kit. Please check the contents and sample materials of the kit which are given below.

ARTICLES FROM THE HINDU & VARIOUS OTHER NEWS

PAPERS

This Section will be helpful for these following topics:

1. CONSTITUTION OF INDIAN AND INDIAN POLITY:

• Constitutional, legal, administrative and other issues emerging from the politico-administrative system prevalent in the country.

2. INDIA AND THE WORLD

• This part will include questions to test candidate’s awareness of India’s relationship with the world in various spheres such as the following:

• Foreign Affairs with special emphasis on India’s relations with neighbouring countries and in the region.

• Security and defence related matters. Nuclear policy, issues, and conflicts. • The Indian Diaspora and its contribution to India and the world.

3. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND INSTITUTIONS

• This part will include questions on important events in world affairs and on international institutions.


http://upscportal.com/civilservices/order-form/Study-Material-for-IAS-Mains-2011



National 1. WHO WILL JUDGE THE JUDGES? 2. PROTECTING WHISTLEBLOWERS 3. THE PROBLEM WITH EVMS 4. THE SLIPPERY SLOPE OF CORRUPTION 5. BROKEN WINDOW SYNDROME 6. INFORMATION AS A RIGHT 7. ‘SEDITION' VERSUS FREE SPEECH 8. CORRUPTION IN THE NEOLIBERAL ERA 9. PERILS OF BECOMING A REPUBLIC OF SCANDALS 10. PARLIAMENTARY DEMOCRACY' — IMPERILLED? 11. NRHM: ADDRESSING THE CHALLENGES 12. CAPITALISM: REGULATE, REWORK, TRANSFORM 13. RETOOLING LAWS FOR JUSTICE 14. THE MINISTER VERSUS THE CIVIL SERVANT

15. INDIA'S NUMBERS 16. LESSONS FROM THE KIDNAPPING 17. JUDICIAL STANDARDS & ACCOUNTABILITY BILL 18. NEW VIGILANTISM IN HIGHER EDUCATION 19. WHAT PRICE ‘FOREIGN PROVIDERS'? 20. JAN LOKPAL: AN ALTERNATIVE VIEW 21. ON THE RETURN OF CASTE IN THE CENSUS 22. MAINSTREAMING LDCS: ISTANBUL AND BEYOND

International 1. THE NEED FOR A THIRD PARTY IN WEST ASIA 2. CHANGING FACE OF RUSSIA-PAKISTAN TIES 3. ISRAEL-PALESTINE: THE TALKS WHICH ARE MEANT TO FAIL 4. WHAT THE U.S. ARMS DEAL WITH SAUDIA ARABIA MEANS 5. CHINA-AFRICA: EVALUATING A GROWING PARTNERSHIP 6. MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS: CHALLENGES AND THE WAY AHEAD 7. HISTORIC AGREEMENT ON THE HIGH NORTH 8. OBAMA TOURS ASIA AS U.S. INFLUENCE WANES 9. RUSSIA AND NATO: RECASTING TIES 10. CHINA AND NORTH KOREA 11. THE RETURN OF THE ASIANS 12. CHALLENGES BEFORE RISING ASIA 13. THE DARK SIDE OF GLOBALISATION 14. TUNISIA: THE FIRST ARAB REVOLUTION 15. YEAR OF TRANSITION FOR THE OPCW 16. UNIQUE AND ALMOST 50

Table of Contents





17. EASTERN PROMISE, WESTERN FEARS 18. A STARTER FOR NUCLEAR DISARMAMENT? 19. ARAB UNREST PROPELS TEHRAN AS RIYADH'S INFLUENCE DECLINES 20. RESETTING THE “RESET” IN U.S.-RUSSIA TIES 21. WATER WOES 22. SAVING CIVILIANS: MURKY GEOPOLITICS 23. U.N. INTERVENTION BROKE THE IMPASSE 24. NEW CALL IN ISRAEL FOR TWO-STATE SOLUTION 25. END TO A MISGUIDED SAGA AT THE UN 26. ROAD MAP FOR A TWO-STATE SOLUTION 27. REGIME CHANGE UNDER UNSC COVER 28. FRENCH COLONIAL PAST CASTS LONG SHADOW OVER POLICY IN AFRICA 29. TWENTY-FIVE YEARS AFTER CHERNOBYL 30. THE NEW GREAT GAME IN WEST ASIA? 31. WHAT THE END OF BIN LADEN MEANS 32. A FORK IN THE ROAD FOR THE U.S. IN SOUTH ASIA 33. THE MANUFACTURE OF CONSENSUS AND LEGITIMACY

India & The World 1. DEALING WITH INDIA-PAKISTAN PRISONERS 2. SOUTH ASIA BECKONS CHINA 3. SCO: 10 YEARS OF EVOLUTION AND IMPACT 4. LOOK EAST POLICY — MILLENNIA APART 5. IBSA: TALKING SHOP OR POWERHOUSE? 6. INDIA IN THE SECURITY COUNCIL 7. WHAT INDIA CAN BRING TO THE HIGH TABLE 8. MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS & INDIA 9. WHAT TO EXPECT FROM OBAMA'S VISIT 10. NEW ECONOMIC IDIOM IN LOOK EAST POLICY 11. UNSC: INDIA'S MEMBERSHIP AND THE ROAD AHEAD 12. TRADING ONE HYPHEN FOR ANOTHER 13. BETWEEN INDIA AND THE U.S., A DEFINING PARTNERSHIP 14. NOT SO BEAUTIFUL FROM THIS ANGLE 15. THE OBAMA VISIT: HOW SUCCESSFUL? 16. OBAMA AND INDIA'S FIGHT AGAINST TERROR 17. THE U.S. IS WALKING THE WALK 18. NATO AND SOUTH ASIAN SECURITY 19. INDO-RUSSIAN TIES: WHICH WAY? 20. TIME TO RESET THE INDIA-CHINA RELATIONSHIP 21. INDIA AND THE EAST: TIME FOR A REALITY CHECK 22. IS THE GLASS HALF FULL OR HALF EMPTY? 23. HORN OF AFRICA: WHY INDIA SHOULD CARE MORE 24. WHEN INDIA SITS AT THE HORSESHOE TABLE 25. 2010: INDIA'S UNDECLARED YEAR OF AFRICA 26. INDIA AND AFGHANISTAN: THE WAY FORWARD 27. INDIA-RUSSIA TIES IN THE NEOLIBERAL ERA 28. PUBLIC DIPLOMACY — THE TASKS AHEAD 29. RABINDRANATH TAGORE'S VISION OF INDIA AND CHINA 30. EGYPT: HOW INDIA SHOULD RESPOND 31. STRATEGIC THINKER PAR EXCELLENCE





32. ENGAGING INDIA'S FAR EAST 33. U.S. MOVE TO MENTOR INDIA IN NEW EAST ASIA 34. WE MOVED QUICKLY ON EVACUATION' 35. INDIA'S TRYST WITH LDCS: IS IT WORKING? 36. BRICS WORKS FOR SHARED PROSPERITY 37. PAKISTAN CONFRONTS U.S. AFGHAN STRATEGY 38. BRICS SET TO OUTSHINE IBSA? 39. SOME STICKS YET MORE CARROTS FOR PAKISTAN 40. MANMOHAN SINGH RESETS AFGHAN POLICY 41. INDIA'S HOUR IN AFRICA 42. THE EPR HAS IMPROVED SAFETY SYSTEMS' 43. INDIA'S STAKE IN AFRICA'S FUTURE 44. ‘AFTER MMRCA, STAY THE COURSE ON DEFENCE TIES'

Economics 1. UNCOVERING SECRET HOARDS 2. A NEW MEASURE AND OLD WORRIES 3. A STRATEGIC CORRECTIVE 4. POST-DATED CHEQUE FROM SEOUL 5. REFORMING MICROFINANCE 6. RAGHUVANSH PRASAD SINGH 7. GOING ROUND AND ROUND 8. CHANGING AN ESTABLISHED ORDER 9. CREATIVE ECONOMY AND DEVELOPMENT

Science & Technology & Others 1. ‘IN THE EVENT OF A NUCLEAR INCIDENT, VICTIMS MUST GET PROMPT COMPENSATION’ 2. DISTRIBUTE, PROCURE, STORE AND SOW 3. THE VERDICT ON AYODHYA: A HISTORIAN'S PERSPECTIVE 4. WHY WE NEED GM LABELLING 5. LANDMARK ACHIEVEMENT 6. RESCUING BIODIVERSITY 7. ENVIRONMENTALISTS VS NUCLEAR POWER 8. CANCUN: HELD TOGETHER BY OPTIMISM 9. A NEW PROTOCOL 10. DEVELOPMENT' VS ENVIRONMENT 11. GROWTH VERSUS ENVIRONMENT? 12. GREEN REFORM 13. TRACKING SHER KHAN 14. A SHOCKINGLY UNETHICAL TRIAL 15. BIG BROTHER RULES

Articles By C. Raja Mohan 1. WEST BY NORTHWEST

2. KARZAI IN PAKISTAN 3. OBAMA’S TROOP CUTS IN AFGHANISTAN 4. SHANGRI-LA DIALOGUE





5. THE CHANGING GAME 6. UNDOING THE NETWORK 7. CLINTON IN PAKISTAN: TERMS OF RE-ENGAGEMENT 8. RESTRAINING PAKISTAN 9. OUT TO AFRICA 10. WE SHALL PROTECT YOU 11. US-PAKISTAN EQUATIONS 12. THE KABUL GAME 13. SWEET AND SOUR 14. PAKISTAN’S NEXT COUP 15. AMERICAN EXIT? 16. AMERICAN EAGLE, AFGHAN CAGE 17. HAINAN BECKONS 18. A BAG OF BRICS 19. DISASTER DIPLOMACY 20. IT’S NOT WEST VS THE REST 21. WISE DALAI LAMA TESTS BOTH INDIA, CHINA 22. HOW TO INTERVENE 23. INDIA AND THE US CENTRAL COMMAND 24. ART OF THE DEAL 25. THE NEED TO GET SMART 26. HE DARED TO BREAK DOWN SILOS, CHANGE NATIONAL SECURITY DISCOURSE 27. INDIA’S BRIDGE TO THE PACIFIC 28. CHINA AND US RELATION 29. THE MYANMAR PATTERN 30. CHINA’S STAPLED VISA UNSTAPLES ITS STAND ON ARUNACHAL 31. THE GREAT POWER TEST 32. A CROWD OF THREE 33. AMERICAN REAMS 34. DEFENCE DIPLOMACY 35. BEYOND THE DEALS 36. UNSC: BEIJING OFFERS CONSULTATIONS AND UNDERSTANDING, BUT NO SUPPORT 37. OBAMA’S PARTING WORDS TO INDIA YES, WE CAN 38. DAY 1: OBAMA TALKS TERROR, ECONOMICS 39. INDIA-US NEGOTIATIONS CARRY ON TILL LAST MINUTE 40. INDIA MAY FACE HEAT ON OUTSOURCING; CTBT, CLIMATE ON BACK 41. IN THE SHADOW OF THE EAST





PRESS INFORMATION BUREAU

This Section will be helpful for these following topics: 1. CONSTITUTION OF INDIAN AND INDIAN POLITY:

• Constitutional, legal, administrative and other issues emerging from the politico-administrative system prevalent in the country.

2. INDIA AND THE WORLD

• This part will include questions to test candidate’s awareness of India’s relationship with the world in various spheres such as the following:

• Foreign Affairs with special emphasis on India’s relations with neighbouring countries and in the region.

• Security and defence related matters. Nuclear policy, issues, and conflicts. • The Indian Diaspora and its contribution to India and the world.

3. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS AND INSTITUTIONS

• This part will include questions on important events in world affairs and on international institutions.

Table of Contents 1. GANDHI’S ECONOMIC IDEAS IN TODAY’S CONTEXT 2. MAHATMA GANDHI – A PROTAGONIST OF PEACE 3. MINISTRY OF SOCIAL JUSTICE & EMPOWERMENT: TAKING CARE OF SENIOR CITIZENS 4. MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT AND FORESTS: MERCURY- ENVIRONMENTAL IMPLICATIONS AND TOXICITY 5. MINISTRY OF COMMERCE & INDUSTRY: THE PROMISING INDIAN EXPORTS SCENE 6. MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT AND FORESTS: INTERNATIONAL DAY FOR THE PRESERVATION OF THE OZONE LAYER 7. MINISTRY OF HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT: INDIA MARCHING TOWARDS GLOBAL KNOWLEDGE HUB 8. SPECIAL SERVICE AND FEATURES: TRANS FATTY ACIDS : HARMFUL EFFECTS ON HUMAN HEALTH 9. RAJIV GANDHI SCHEME FOR EMPOWERMENT OF ADOLESCENT GIRLS (SABLA) 10. SURVEY ON MALNUTRITION 11. INDIA MARCHES ON THE GROWTH PATH 12. INDIAN ECONOMY ON THE RIGHT TRACK 13. MINISTRY OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT : ON THE ROAD TO CLEANLINESS AND HYGIENE IN RURAL AREAS – TSC 14. MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT AND FORESTS : MANGROVES-SHELTER BELT AGAINST





CYCLONE 15. MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT AND FORESTS : ENVIRONMENTAL ASSESSMENT OF INDUSTRIAL CLUSTERS 16. SPECIAL SERVICE AND FEATURES : SEVOTTAM FOR ENSURING EXCELLENCE IN SERVICES DARPG 17. MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT AND FORESTS : INDIA - A BIODIVERIY RICH NATION 18. SPECIAL SERVICE AND FEATURES : SWIFT, SAFE AND SURE: “PROJECT ARROW” OF THE INDIA POST 19. MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT AND FORESTS : BIODIVERSITY AND ITS VALUE 20. MINISTRY OF RURAL DEVELOPMENT : BRIDGING URBAN-RURAL DIVIDE - PROVIDING URBAN AMENITIES IN RURAL AREAS (PURA) 21. MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT AND FORESTS : ENVIRONMENT IMPACT ASSESSMENT 22. MINISTRY OF ENVIRONMENT AND FORESTS : EMISSIONS TRADING 23. SPECIAL SERVICE AND FEATURES : COMMONWEALTH GAMES 2010: UPHOLDING SPORTING TRADITION AND SPORTING SPIRIT 24. NIFTEM - EMPOWERING INDIA’S FOOD PROCESSING REVOLUTION THROUGH EDUCATION 25. INDIAN ECONOMY- THE MARCH CONTINUES ECONOMY 26. RTS/VNFIRST EVER SYSTEM OF AIR QUALITY FORECASTING AND RESEARCH- A SUCCESS 27. 5 YEARS OF ODIYA FILM MAKING : A FLASHBACK IFFI 2010 28. RICH HERITAGE OF C&AG OF INDIA - CELEBRATING 150 YEARS C & AG 29. DESERTIFICATION - ITS EXTENT IN THE COUNTRY 30. INDIA HOLDS THE KEY TO DEVELOPING COUNTRIES IN FUELLING GROWTH OF MSMES 31. THE STATE OF INDIAN ECONOMY - 2010 32. HORTICULTURE : A KEY TO ALL ROUND GROWTH OF AGRICULTURE 33. EDUCATION FOR GIRL CHILD : A SPRINGBOARD TO NATIONAL PROGRESS 34. KASHMIR RAIL LINK PROJECT 35. CONSUMER PROTECTION IN INDIA 36. DEVELOPMENT OF NATIONAL HIGHWAYS 37. ENSURING SUSTAINABLE DRINKING WATER SECURITY IN RURAL AREAS 38. ENHANCING THE BARGAINING POWER OF THE RURAL POOR MAHATMA GANDHI NREGA 39. E -PANCHAYAT- AN INNOVATIVE WAY FOR ENHANCED WORKING 40. “SCIENCE & TECHNOLOGY IN PURSUIT OF EXCELLENCE & SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT” 41. E-GOVERNANCE INITIATIVES-CHANGING LIVES FOR THE BETTER INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY REPUBLIC DAY 2011 42. INDIAN EDUCATION: LOOKING AHEAD EDUCATION REPUBLIC DAY 2011 43. NATIONAL VOTERS’ DAY - TO USHER A SENSE OF PRIDE AND PARTICIPATION AMONG YOUTH 44. NATIONAL URBAN SANITATION POLICY : URBAN DEVELOPMENT REPUBLIC DAY 2011 45. IMPROVING FORECASTING SERVICES 46. REVISED SERIES OF WHOLESALE PRICE INDEX (BASE 2004-05=100) TO REFLECT BETTER PRICE TRENDS 47. EMERGENCE OF INDIA AS A PREFERRED INVESTMENT DESTINATION INDUSTRIAL POLICY REPUBLIC DAY 2011 48. 98TH INDIAN SCIENCE CONGRESS 49. CENSUS 2011- EACH RESIDENT COUNTS 50. NASA CONFIRMS CHANDRAYAN’S DISCOVERY OF WATER ON MOON 51. GREEN PRODUCTIVITY FOR SUSTAINABLE ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT: NEED OF THE HOUR 52. SECURING OUR COASTLINE POST-26/11





53. SERICULTURE FOR DEVELOPING THE RURAL ECONOMY 54. SWABHIMAAN: A UNIQUE FINANCIAL INCLUSION INITIATIVE 55. GREEN INDIA MISSION – A WAY TO ENHANCE ECO-SYSTEMS 56. ‘BUSINESS CASE’ FOR CORPORATE SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITY 57. ORGANIC FARMING - A PATH TO SELF RELIANT 58. INDUSTRIAL OUTPUT & GROWTH: CHALLENGES, INTERVENTIONS & PROSPECTS 59. NATIONAL PROGRAMME FOR HEALTH CARE OF THE ELDERLY 60. WOMEN AND CHILDREN WELFARE SCHEMES: BREAKING NEW FRONTIERS 61. INDIA-ASEAN BUSINESS FAIR TO LEVERAGE BRAND INDIA – BILATERAL TRADE TO TOUCH US $ 70 BILLION IN NEXT THREE YEARS 62. INTEGRATED LOW COST SANITATION (ILCS) SCHEME 63. INCREASE IN INDIA’S TIGER POPULATION NEEDS TO BE SUSTAINED 64. MAKING CONTRACT LABOUR ACT MORE WORKER FRIENDLY 65. ANTIMICROBIAL RESISTANCE - NO ACTION TODAY, NO CURE TOMORROW 66. INTRODUCING E-GOVERNANCE IN PANCHAYATS 67. MINISTRY OF HOUSING & URBAN POVERTY ALLEVIATION AND PRIME MINISTER’S 15-POINT PROGRAMME FOR THE WELFARE OF MINORITY COMMUNITIES 68. CAPACITY BUILDING IN FORESTRY SECTOR 69. BRIDGING RURAL-URBAN DIVIDE THROUGH ICT FOR BETTER LIFE IN RURAL COMMUNITIES WORLD TELECOMMUNICATIONS DAY, MAY 17, 2011 70. NEED TO REGULATE INDIAN SURROGACY INDUSTRY 71. TAGORE - THE POET, SONGWRITER, PHILOSOPHER, ARTIST AND EDUCATOR 72. JAN LOKPAL : CURE WORSE THAN THE DISEASE 73. NFCH FOR PROMOTING COMMUNAL HARMONY PROACTIVELY 74. DEFENCE RESEARCH & DEVELOPMENT ORGANISATION: RECENT ACHIEVEMENTS AT A GLANCE 75. A FEATURE BY DTE OF PUBLIC RELATIONS, MINISTRY OF DEFENCE RASHTRIYA SWASTHYA BIMA YOJANA EXTENDED TO THE DOMESTIC WORKERS 76. CRIME AGAINST WOMEN 77. BIO-DIESEL – AN ECO-FRIENDLY FUEL 78. IN PURSUIT OF INCREASING EMPLOYMENT AND EMPLOYABILITY OF WOMEN 79. POPULATION STABILISATION- THE WAY AHEAD 80. INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR ON DEFENCE ACQUISITION : A CURTAIN RAISER





JAN LOKPAL: AN ALTERNATIVE VIEW

K.N. Panikkar Given the scale of corruption in India, the constitution of a Jan Lokpal will be a welcome initiative. But the proposed Lokpal has the makings of a super-monster.

After 42 years of hesitation and uncertainty, an institutional mechanism to deal with the all-pervasive incidence of corruption in India is in sight. What apparently moved the state machinery was the agitation spearheaded by Anna Hazare, which drew spontaneous support primarily in the metropolitan cities. Within five days of Anna Hazare starting a ‘fast unto death' at Jantar Mantar in New Delhi, the Government of India conceded his demand to constitute a committee to draft a bill to establish the institution of a Lokpal at the Centre.

This was quite different from the past practices of the Indian state. Remember Potti Sriramulu, who at the end of a prolonged fast sacrificed his life for the formation of Andhra Pradesh. And Irom Sharmila has been on a hunger strike for more than 10 years, demanding the repeal of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act.

Nevertheless, the developments leading to the constitution of the committee to draft a Lokpal bill, and the provisions of the draft bill, raise fundamental questions about the working of Indian democracy. Some of these questions demand urgent attention before a bill is piloted in Parliament.

In the matter of deciding the composition and the terms of reference of the committee, Anna Hazare appears to have exercised decisive influence. He chose the “representatives of civil society” and the government accepted his suggestions. The committee consists of five “representatives of civil society,” and five Union Ministers representing the government. Welcoming the initiative, the Prime Minister has said that the “coming together of the government and civil society is a step that augurs well for democracy.” But it should be apparent that no democratic principle was followed in the constitution of the committee. The civil society representatives were handpicked by Anna, and the government nominees do not reflect the diverse political opinion that is represented in Parliament.

A Magsaysay award winner, Anna Hazare brought to the movement against corruption his considerable reputation and the moral strength derived from his social work in a village in Maharashtra, Ralegan Siddhi. But the methods he has adopted to press his demand have raised eyebrows. Many people believe that the hunger strike he undertook and the ultimatum he served were coercive in nature and have no place in a democracy. The attempt made by some of his followers to equate him with Gandhiji need not be taken seriously, as neither his ideas nor his methods justify such a claim. Nevertheless, his Gandhian credentials have earned him recognition from the state and civil society. Although he claims to be apolitical, he entertains a deep distrust of politics and politicians.

Paradoxically, he has sought the help of the political system to deal with the malaise of corruption. If he had chosen the moral path, he would have addressed the social conditions that made corruption possible. Yet, supported by a few civil society activists and projected by a section of the English media as a saviour of the nation, Anna acquired a larger-than-life stature that appeared to have punctured the government's self-assurance.

His agitation has been lionised by some people as a second freedom struggle. But it appears to have escaped general notice that “the assertion of a few to represent the majority” without any representative character is essentially anti-democratic. The emotional, even unthinking, support that Anna Hazare commanded is understandable, given the widespread corruption indulged in by the political elite and the bureaucracy.

However, it is the timing of the agitation rather than the moral content of the campaign that accounts for the popular response. The neo-liberal policies pursued by the ruling elite had opened up the possibility

Sample Articles of the Booklet





of corruption in the massive transfer of public assets and the promotion of corporate interests through political patronage. Both the National Democratic Alliance led by the Bharatiya Janata Party and the United Progressive Alliance under the leadership of the Congress were bedfellows in promoting privatisation and inviting foreign capital to modernise India. The unprecedented levels of corruption in recent times are a concomitant of the economic conditions created by liberalisation.

Corruption is a complex issue that is embedded in bureaucratic rigidity and issues of economic access and political power. In this sense, the state is the main promoter of corruption. It cannot be reduced to a question of morality alone, nor can a solution be found by punishing individuals as a deterrent. Such a solution, however, will be most welcome to the state and its functionaries, and even to the liberal intelligentsia. It appears that corruption is a great unifier. For Anna Hazare's anti-corruption platform attracted the former police officer Kiran Bedi and Arya Samaj leader Swami Agnivesh, along with communalists like Ram Madhav and religious entrepreneurs such as Baba Ramdev and Sri Ravi Shankar on the same platform. Not only were communalists and rightwing elements part of his entourage, but Anna extended his ‘blessings' to the likes of Narendra Modi by praising the Gujarat model of development, ignoring in the process the moral problem that is so dear to his heart.

It is tragic that a person who believes that morality is neutral is being celebrated as the ‘saviour' of the nation in some quarters, including the government. But the state's favorable demeanour towards Anna is not surprising. So long as Anna Hazare, or for that matter anybody else, does not raise systemic and institutional issues, and only champions reformist measures, the state will have no problem in promoting them. In fact, the state's attempt will be to ‘instrumentalise' them.

As a result, Anna Hazare and his committee may end up as apologists for the state-run machinery of corruption. For it is not the absence of law that prevents action against the guilty, but the absence of a political will to do so. For a crisis-ridden government, the periodic appearance of the likes of Anna Hazare, and their reformist agendas, are safety valves. The government functionaries who are sharing the table with Anna now may help create another fortress around the beleaguered state.

The committee that was quickly constituted on the basis of mutual consent between Anna and the government has started its deliberations. More than one draft bill was presented at its first meeting, and therefore it is premature to discuss the provisions. Yet, there are some visible directions. Anna Hazare's authoritarian approach to social problems, as is evident in the social ambience created in Ralegan Siddhi, and the principle of centralisation of authority that the state follows (in the matter of the National Council for Higher Education and Research Bill, for instance) find a common resonance in the drafts. They envision the Lokpal functioning in a social vacuum as a super-judicial authority, undermining the existing judicial system — which, all said and done, has withstood the pressures and preserved the rights of citizens. There is nothing in the draft to suggest that the Lokpal will bring to bear a greater sense of transparency and accountability of the system than what the existing institutions have so far achieved.

The aim of the bill is not to prevent corruption but to punish the corrupt. In this respect, the draft does not provide an approach that is qualitatively different from that of the existing institutions of the state. Only when a transparent system is put in place will the prevention of corruption become possible. Social audit does not necessarily create such transparency. The process of decision-making has to be fundamentally altered in order to ensure transparency. The targets should be the conditions that make corruption possible; that requires a complete overhauling of the existing mode of government management.

Given the scale and influence of corruption in India, the constitution of a Jan Lokpal will be a welcome initiative. But the proposed Lokpal has the makings of a super-monster. By absorbing all existing anti-corruption agencies, the Lokpal will have complete powers of independent investigation and prosecution. It will be an institution with overriding powers — but without any accountability. As such, it goes against all norms of democratic functioning. If the Jan Lokpal is to live up to its jan character, its authoritarian and centralised structure should be dispensed with and it should be turned into an instrument of people's empowerment. A beginning towards this end should be made at the formative stage itself by sending the draft bill to every panchayat for discussion, so that nation's conscience is truly aroused.





JAN LOKPAL : CURE WORSE THAN THE DISEASE Kapil Sibal*

The provisions of the Jan Lokpal Bill, proposed by Shri Anna Hazare and his nominees must be analyzed, keeping in mind the broad features of our constitutional structure. Under our Constitution, the Executive is answerable to Parliament as well as to the Judiciary. To Parliament: when Members from the Opposition seek explanations from Government for policy decisions, comment and analyze proposed Government legislation and seek information from Government. Through robust Parliamentary procedures including debates, the people of India are informed of the manner in which the Executive functions. The Legislature, namely the two Houses of Parliament, is answerable to the Court which has the power, through judicial review, to strike down legislation on the touchstone of our Constitution. Our Legislators are also responsible and accountable to their constituents when they seek re-election after the dissolution of the House. The Judiciary, independent of both the Executive and the Legislature is accountable through an open and public judicial process. The hierarchy of courts helps correct judicial errors. Individual judges are also accountable through the process of impeachment by the Legislature. That has thus far not worked very well. We need to ensure greater accountability of the judiciary by framing a law which on the one hand protects judicial autonomy and independence, and at the same time ensures strict accountability. In other words, each limb of the State, the pillars of our constitutional system, is accountable, one way or the other. That is the essence of our Parliamentary Democracy.

It is this essence which is in danger and is sought to be breached by the Jan Lokpal Bill proposed by Shri Anna Hazare and his nominees. The Lokpal, according to the proposed Bill is an unelected executive body with independent investigation and prosecution agencies, answerable to none. It is not answerable to the Government, being outside it, since it will have the sole power to investigate all public servants. It is not answerable to the Legislature. Outside Government, we will have no access to its functioning, a prerequisite in informing Parliament. Besides, it will have the power to investigate all Members of Parliament. It is not answerable to the Judiciary except when it initiates the judicial process by taking recourse to the provisions of the Code of Criminal Procedure. Besides, it will have the unique power to investigate members of the Judiciary. Such an entity not accountable to any constitutional authority cannot be constitutionally justified.

One argument opposing the above proposition is that the same logic applies to the Judiciary because it too is not answerable to either the Executive or the Legislature. This logic is erroneous for two reasons: (1) All judicial proceedings are open to the public and judicial decisions are subject to revision, appeal and review. Judicial errors are liable to be corrected by superior courts. The Lokpal on the other hand is essentially an investigating agency. (2) The independence of the Judiciary cannot be equated to the independence of an executive authority being the Lokpal, the prime function of which is to investigate and prosecute. The Judiciary seeks to protect citizens. The Lokpal seeks to prosecute them. Autonomy of the Judiciary must be protected since the Judiciary resolves disputes. It is not mandated to prosecute people. The second argument is that the Lokpal is just like the Election Commission and the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG), also independent constitutional authorities. Again the comparison is odious. The Election Commission’s functions are regulatory and periodic and the CAG’s function is to analyze expenditure of Government Departments and agencies funded by the Government to ensure that moneys allocated are not wastefully employed.

It is, therefore, clear that in the scheme of things, an unelected Lokpal who is not accountable, is anathema to our concept of Parliamentary Democracy.

Another broad feature which is worrisome is the general premise underlying the Jan Lokpal Bill. It proceeds on the assumption that corruption has been institutionalized and is all pervasive; that there is confluence of interests in Government Departments when a subordinate public servant charged with corruption is protected by his superior since the fruits of corruption are shared by all. Consequently, corrupt acts are not dealt with and if dealt with, are delayed. The same applies to the political process since the political class is corrupt and seeks to protect itself by not enacting laws which make them accountable. These assumptions are not entirely accurate. The premise is that if a Lokpal is set up outside the Government, there would be no confluence of interests and the Lokpal will be able to cleanse the system. I find this premise inherently faulty.

Let us assume for a moment that we have put in place a Lokpal which has within its ambit, all Central Government employees (about 4 million) and a Lokayukta in every State which has in its ambit all State Government employees (about 7-8 million). If the Lokpal or Lokayuktas are to deal with corrupt acts of





about 10-12 million people, what is required is a mammoth machinery both in terms of manpower and otherwise to deal with individual acts of corruption by Government employees. Where would that machinery come from? Part of the human resource that is required will have to be transferred to the Lokpal from existing investigating agencies. The human resource in the CBI that deals with corruption under the Prevention of Corruption Act, 1988 will have to be, to some extent, transferred along with personnel from other investigating agencies of Government. Besides, over the years, the Lokpal will have to separately recruit investigating and prosecuting officers for disparate needs. It is not understood as to how the existing officers transferred to the Lokpal and the new recruits of the Lokpal will suddenly become chaste and incorruptible merely because they happen to function under the Lokpal. The danger of setting up such a structure is that it may end up as a Frankenstein Monster without accountability and act as an oppressive institution outside the State. This consequence is far more dangerous. The cure, in that case, would be worse than the disease. You cannot have an Executive outside the constitutional framework, answerable to nobody, because the chances of such an organization corrupted by the sheer lust for power are much greater than the Executive functioning within a constitutional framework, where checks and balances ensure accountability.

The jurisdiction of the Jan Lokpal Bill is all pervasive. It covers all public servants including members of the higher Judiciary. This Legislation seeks to break new ground. It is an attempt to reign in and discipline members of the higher Judiciary. This has far reaching consequences. First, some eminent Jurists believe it might fall foul of the basic structure of the Constitution. The autonomy and independence of the Judiciary is protected under the Constitution, which allows a member of the higher Judiciary to be removed only through the cumbersome impeachment process. The intent was to ensure that justice is administered without fear or favour. Instead, we need a robust Judicial Accountability Bill.

The Jan Lokpal Bill provides an alternative machinery wherein 11 unelected wise men will have the sole authority to prosecute a member of the higher Judiciary. The consequences are even worse, when you consider that under it the Jan Lokpal Bill will have independent investigating and prosecuting agencies. No judge will ever dare differ with the views of a prosecutor of the Jan Lokpal since he might face prosecution himself if his orders are misunderstood.

One of the litigants to a dispute is always unhappy with the outcome of a Court proceeding. Presently, unhappy litigants are willing to face the wrath of the Court by hurling unsubstantiated scandalous allegations against Judges. With the Jan Lokpal in place, these allegations will be made on a daily basis, threatening the autonomy of the judicial process, vitiating the course of justice. We cannot allow this to happen.

The second matter of concern is that the Jan Lokpal seeks to arrogate to itself the power to discipline Government servants. This would require a Constitutional amendment. At present, the tenure of a Government servant is protected by the procedural requirements embedded in Article 311 of the Constitution. Besides, the quantum of punishment is required to be determined by the Union Public Service Commission on a reference made to it under Article 320 (3)(c) of the Constitution. In the event of such an amendment, the Jan Lokpal will have the authority to discipline all employees of the Central Government. This is a directional shift from the existing Constitutional structure and interferes directly in matters of mal-administration.

This will paralyze Government functioning. Government servants will be fearful of possible disciplinary proceedings and loath to obey the hierarchy of officers above them. No Government can and should allow this to happen. Everyday complaints will be lodged by Government servants against each other to settle personal grievances. Decision-making will be a casualty for fear of a complaint by a colleague. Those far removed from administration are providing solutions, which are both utopian and impractical.

The Jan Lokpal also wishes to bring the office of the Prime Minister under its jurisdiction. In a democracy, all public servants are accountable. None can object in principle to such a proposition. The issue is whether the Jan Lokpal consisting of 11 wise-men should be given that authority? One Jurist has recently opined that past experience does not show that all our Prime Ministers have been angels. I humbly submit that this also holds true of our judges. That all are not angels. Our future experience is also likely to prove that members of the Jan Lokpal are also not angels. Independence does not make functionaries angelic.

None of us is being more loyal than the King when we seek to protect, not the individual, but the office of the Prime Minister. Given the nature of our polity, quick-fire unsubstantiated allegations made for political mileage are likely to paralyze Institutions. The office of the Prime Minister is the lynchpin of our Parliamentary democracy. An independent non-angelic Jan Lokpal could well destabilize the entire system





and investigate a Prime Minister only to find out that the allegations were not true. That is a distinct possibility. Such an eventuality will diminish Parliamentary democracy.

Under the present system, the Prime Minister is not immune from prosecution. In a given case, when facts are in the public domain, the system will not allow a corrupt Prime Minister continue in office. The reference to Jacques Chirac by an eminent jurist is inapt because his prosecution started several years after demitting office, since the French President has immunity from prosecution while in office. Besides, the prosecution relates to a time when he was the Mayor of Paris (1977 – 1995). Reference to Silvio Berlusconi is equally inappropriate.

Given an unstable neighbourhood and terrorism being a real threat, weakening the Institution of the Prime Minister would be a monumental folly.

Yet another concern is the attempt by the Jan Lokpal to prosecute Members of Parliament, who are protected under Article 105(2) of the Constitution only for speeches made, and the right to vote exercised, in the House. These are two precious rights. To allow them to be the subject of investigation would encourage members of an intensely polarized polity to question every speech made and every vote cast. This is hardly a recipe for a mature solution. Such a power vested in the Lokpal would again require an amendment to the Constitution. The remedy lies with the Ethics Committees of Parliament to be far more vigilant and unrelenting in dealing with Members against whom there is prima facie proof of corrupt practices and for the Speaker to sanction persecution.

Other controversial provisions of the Jan Lokpal Bill include transferring the CVC and the anti-corruption wing of the CBI to the Jan Lokpal; the Lokpal under Section 5 of the Indian Telegraph Act becoming an authority, authorized to interfere and monitor messages, voice and data transmitted through telephone, internet or any other media without reference to existing legal procedures; having the authority to bind the Finance Minister to its budgetary demands; issuing directions in public interest during the course of an investigation for taking action as recommended by the Jan Lokpal; impose on business entities who may be beneficiaries of corrupt acts, fine up to 5 times the loss caused to the public and having it recovered from the assets of the business entity as well as personal assets of its Managing Director and others. (PIB Features)

Union Cabinet Minister and a Member of the Joint Drafting Committee of the Lokpal Bill.

UNSC: INDIA'S MEMBERSHIP AND THE ROAD AHEAD

C.S.R. Murthy What are the opportunities and challenges awaiting India in its new role as a non-permanent member?

India's latest election, with the highest number of votes cast in the United Nations General Assembly, to serve a two-year term as non-permanent member of the Security Council commencing in January 2011 is a worthy development that should prompt informed appreciation of its importance. On the one hand, the election, no doubt, is a clear recognition of the long and rich reputation our country has earned in the U.N., besides being an acknowledgment of the growing importance India continues to gain in matters of multilateral governance. On the other hand, it could be dismissed as being too little too late a development to quench India's vexatious thirst for status of a permanent member. What are the opportunities and challenges awaiting India in its new role? How is the non-permanent membership relevant to pursuing our aspiration for permanent membership? A useful basis for such speculation should be a stock-taking of the patterns in India's performance in the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) on the occasions when it served as a non-permanent member previously.

At the San Francisco Conference where U.N. structural architecture was finalised, India not only supported the need for permanent members in the UNSC, but also persuaded the powerful countries to accept an eligibility criteria for election to the non-permanent membership category. No comparable criteria guided the selection of permanent members, while the non-permanent members are to satisfy tough criteria of contribution to peace and equitable geographical representation. Our approach to the U.N. is characterised by, to borrow Jawaharlal Nehru's words, “wholehearted co-operation” through full participation “in its councils to which her geographical position, and contribution towards peaceful progress





entitle her.” How tough, nevertheless, is the route to non-permanent membership became clear from the fact that, after establishment of the U.N., it took four years for India to enter the UNSC through the election route. Inclusive of the ensuing stint, India has to its credit only seven terms (mostly) representing the Asian region in a span of 65 years. Earlier term

Between the first two terms it had during the 1950s-1960s, there was a gap of 15 years, while India will assume its seat now after a lapse of 19 years since its previous term ended in 1992. The years it served in the Council coincided with “testing times” for the Security Council and the U.N. at large. Major conflict situations occurred during the time India was a member, the Korean war during 1950-51, the two Arab-Israeli wars in 1967 and then in 1973, Israel's first invasion of Lebanon (1977), and the first Gulf war against Iraq (1991). During the time of its non-permanent membership of the UNSC, the Indian delegations had espoused certain fundamental principles that should govern relations among Member States. These are the principles of non-use of force, the respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of States, and the peaceful settlement of disputes. The principle of the inadmissibility of territorial acquisition by force is absolutely fundamental to India's approach.

In terms of quality of participation, strikingly India's contribution at the UNSC mirrors the larger picture of India's role at the United Nations, encompassing a good mix of maturity, moderation, pragmatism and propriety. India not merely abstained in the vote on the resolutions adopted on the question of Jammu and Kashmir, but also ceded its turn to preside over the Council meeting in March 1951 because the Kashmir question appeared on the agenda. Moderation was manifest in the total absence of a negative vote, while abstentions remained few and far between. The characteristics of flexibility and pragmatism were evident in plenty in terms of a willingness to work with others in helping the process of drafting or refining texts that had the potential of obtaining the widest possible support. It is naturally difficult to categorically assert whether such an undoubtedly enviable performance decorated by the gifts of devotion and dexterity is a rarity among countries (developed or developing) which have served on the Council as non-permanent members.

The Indian delegation being greeted upon India's election Again, India strove to be part of the democratic majority helping in the adoption of broadly acceptable

decisions and resolutions. On the one hand it was part of 59 per cent of the resolutions adopted either unanimously or without a vote. Even in regard to the aggregate of 113 adopted resolutions (41 per cent) which attracted division, India cast an affirmative vote on 101 (89 per cent). Only on no more than a dozen occasions has it stood aside without joining the concurring majority. To be sure, India had not voted against any resolution, but has resorted to abstentions only to signal its reservations. Interestingly, India was never a loner as an abstaining country; it had the company of China, the USSR, Yugoslavia, Zimbabwe on many occasions. Six abstentions (50 per cent) pertained to the last term during 1991-92. Those abstentions exemplified India's sensitivity to negative implications of the adopted resolutions for such important issues of principle as respect to state sovereignty, non-discrimination among Member States of the U.N., unconditional and immediate ceasefire, recourse to coercive action after exhausting all other options, respect for the jurisdiction of other organs, and so forth.

India sought to take pains to bring Non-Aligned member countries together in the UNSC. Side by side, India seemed to place high hopes in the potential of the non-permanent members in the Council to play the role of constructive peace makers. Such a strategy was advocated, although in vain, during the Gulf war soon after it entered the Council in 1991. Earlier in the mid-1980s, India moved a proposal aimed at a long overdue increase in the non-permanent seats in the Council reflecting “more adequately the enhanced membership of the Organisation.” However, the primacy of this move was lost when it became a part of the larger demand since 1992 to expand the Council in both permanent and non-permanent categories. The role of IBSA

No doubt, India's self perception is more robust than what it was in 1991-92. Whether India will make a

difference to the deliberations and outcomes in the UNSC during its upcoming tenure will depend less on solo heroic propensity than on the effective partnerships and positive consensus it is able to build and sustain involving, first, sister non-permanent members and then the permanent members. It is encouraging that India, Brazil, and South Africa will be working together for a year in the Council which could become a nucleus of a larger coalition on salient issues. Will these three countries make history in the





Council by being together or miss the opportunity as the Non-Aligned troika (India, Egypt, and Yugoslavia) did when they sat in the Council when the Korean conflict erupted in 1950 will be the moot question. If the past is a guide, India may not be keen to adopt a confrontationist posture and vote alone against a resolution, but more keen to work to be part of legitimate, transparent, effective Council.

Looking East, properly: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's three-nation tour of East Asia was much more than a sum of its

parts. Since the 1990s, when India was looking to build new alliances in the wake of the Soviet Union's collapse, ‘Look East' has been a mantra with successive governments in New Delhi. But India's economic, political, and strategic relationship with the region was slower to develop than with the United States or Europe. The economic setback the Asian Tigers suffered in the closing years of the 20th century slowed it down further. The last few years have seen Delhi hastening to inject more purpose to its engagement with the East Asian countries. That India is now a major economic power has made this equally meaningful for the countries in the region. The India-ASEAN free trade agreement signed in 2009, awaiting implementation, is limited to goods and excludes services and investment but with a combined market of 1.8 billion people, it holds major potential for both sides. Prime Minister Singh's visit was intended to strengthen relations with ASEAN and the ASEAN-driven East Asia Summit and also to firm up bilateral relations in the region. Aside from marking the conclusion of negotiations on a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement with Japan, the visit clinched a Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement with Malaysia, scheduled to be signed into effect in January 2011. New Delhi is confident that similar agreements with Thailand and Indonesia will follow. The announcement of visa-on-arrival facility for nationals of Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, and Philippines signals that New Delhi is not snobbishly restricting relations to the more prosperous countries in the region.

Another positive outcome of the visit was the meeting between Prime Minister Singh and Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao. Considering that some have seen India's energetic diplomacy in East Asia as a gambit to counter China's influence in the region, it was particularly relevant that Premier Wen recalled an earlier statement by the Indian Prime Minister that there is enough space in the world for both countries to realise their development aspirations, and added that there was enough space also for China and India to have cooperation in all areas. The meeting between the two leaders has set the stage for the two countries to work at addressing a trust gap that has developed in recent months. The timing of the East Asia tour, a few days before the arrival of President Barack Obama in India, was coincidental, but it has served to remind the people of India that East and West are equally crucial to the country's external relations. New Delhi can take satisfaction from a week well spent.

Off-mark on India's UNSC dream A statement in President Barack Obama's address to the Lok Sabha that “in the years ahead, I look

forward to a reformed United Nations Security Council that includes India as a permanent member” has generated much euphoria in India and an equal amount of anger in Pakistan. India has seen it as an endorsement by the United States of its longstanding efforts to get into the elite club of the world's big powers. In Islamabad, the Cabinet met to “express serious concern and strong disappointment” over what it saw as an act of betrayal by Washington. Both reactions are way off the mark. True, this was the first time a President of the United States expressed such a sentiment. Successive administrations have preferred to talk around the subject. In this sense, Mr. Obama's words represent a symbolic shift in policy. Yet they were nowhere close to an explicit statement of support for India's bid for a permanent seat on the Security Council. Compared to the 2005 statement by Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice that the “United States unambiguously supports a permanent seat for Japan on the United Nations Security Council,” President Obama's formulation sounds like a vague promise. Further, his reference to New Delhi's “increased responsibility” was a clear indication that India would first need to pass American tests of responsible conduct in international affairs. With or without U.S. support, India has a long way to go in its quest for permanent membership of the Security Council. The U.N. has spent years discussing reforms and the comity of nations is far from reaching an agreement on them. President Obama's omission of a timeline in his assurance to India was





telling. There is no consensus on any big-ticket item on the reforms agenda, including the expansion of the Security Council and veto powers for the new permanent members. Islamabad could not be unaware of this. Its denunciation of what it has described as India's “chequered” track record in adhering to U.N principles and resolutions suggests that the anger is directed at the larger symbolism of the Obama statement for India-U.S ties. New Delhi and Islamabad have always viewed with suspicion each other's relations with Washington, and the warmth that was apparent during the Obama visit, combined with the frenzied anti-Pakistan sentiments in the Indian broadcast media during the visit, have not gone down well in Pakistan. Since India's permanent membership of the UNSC looks today like a pie in the sky, it is best to treat the Pakistan Cabinet's statement as an over-the-top rant that does not deserve a serious response.

INDIAN EDUCATION: LOOKING AHEAD EDUCATION REPUBLIC DAY 2011 Shri Kapil Sibal*

As India continues to make sustained and significant economic progress there is need to tackle much more aggressively the problems of structural inequities, especially on the education front. Consider the fact that more than 100 million youth - the combined labour forces of Britain, France, Italy and Spain - are projected to join the workforce by 2020. This is a great potential resource provided the workforce is empowered with education and skills to leverage on the available global opportunities. If we fail to provide our youth with the requisite education and skills we will not only fail to utilize our demographic advantage but we will end up alienating large sections of our young population as well. This has made it imperative for us to expand our education base so as to be able to provide quality, affordable and merit-based education for the entire young population. To make this a reality, I have set out three principles that we must broadly embrace: First, access…providing access to educational opportunities to all who desire and need it; second, affordability…making education a reality by reducing financial barriers; and third, building quality and accountability…that we are teaching what is relevant and at global levels and delivering good value for money. The expansion in education, over the second decade of the twenty-first century, that we are envisaging, is unprecedented in modern history. Let us assess the situation.

Presently the Gross Enrolment Ratio in higher education is a mere 15% we seek to enhance it to 30% by the end of 2020, in real terms it would mean tripling of the enrollment from around 13 million to 40 million. At the secondary school level around 40 million students enroll in 9th to 12th standard every year, if only 10% were to enroll for vocational educational, that is 4 million as against the present 1 million seats this will mean a mammoth expansion of vocational education. In regard to school education the demand has grown by leaps and bounds - everybody, from the poorest of the poor to the well off, acknowledges the value of education. Our data reveals that nearly 100 per cent children are enrolled in primary school; 98% of our habitations have a primary school within one kilometre, and 92% have an upper primary school within three kilometres. Transition rates from primary to upper primary levels have improved substantially. As a result many more children from much marginalized backgrounds are accessing school. But despite these impressive statistics, as many as 10 million children in the age group 6-14 years may be still not attending school due to the huge dropout rate. The Right to Free & Compulsory Education Act (RTE Act) that has come into effect from 2010 is aimed to ensure that these out of school children get the right to education. The progress in universalisation of elementary education over the first decade is truly inspiring. Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), which is the main vehicle for implementation of RTE Act. has helped to open more than 300,000 new schools, construct 250,000 school buildings, 11,00,000 additional classrooms, and 3,40,000 toilets, appoint over 11 lakh teachers, provide in-service training to over 14 lakh teachers and supply free textbooks to 8.70 crore children, with the result that an additional 40 million students have been enrolled. While we are making massive efforts to boost educational attendance and attainment at the elementary school level, we are also working for enhancing the enrollment and the quality at the middle and secondary school levels too to take care of not only the influx of students from the elementary stream but by motivating the present dropouts to enroll. I am thus hoping to enhance the Gross Enrollment Ratio (GER) of secondary education from around 50% presently to over 75% by the end of the decade. A Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA) programme has been launched for the purpose. Already over 5 lakh teachers have been provided in-service training. And by the end of the decade I expect that each child passing out from the secondary school should be computer literate as we have mounted a mammoth programme of ICT in schools. Other initiatives include a continuous and comprehensive evaluation system for CBSE board for class 10 from the year 2011, and uniform Pan-India curriculum for





math and science for board exams from 2011 academic session and uniform curriculum in commerce by 2012.

In regard to vocational education, it is presently not very attractive to those who are unable to pursue higher education. We are thus seeking to devise a vocational education and training system, National Vocational Qualification Framework, that is meant to meet the needs and aspirations of the students, the labour market and to be in tune with the ethos and values of the local community and society. This framework would set common principles and guidelines for a nationally recognized qualification system, covering schools, vocational education institutes and institutes of higher education with qualifications ranging from secondary to doctorate level, leading to international recognition of national standards. The framework will be a competency based modular approach with provision for credit accumulation and transfer. Students would have the scope for vertical and horizontal mobility with multiple entry and exits. This would be especially useful to promote the creative genius of every child including children with special needs. Sector Skill Councils and Industry would collaborate in the development of quality standards, competencies, model curricula, assessment standards and testing procedures. Linkage between education providers and employers would be ensured.

In regard to higher education we have taken several steps to address the expansion, by setting up: 16 new Central universities in the various States, 8 new IITs in Bihar, Andhra Pradesh, Rajasthan, Orissa, Gujarat, Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, and

Madhya Pradesh, 7 new IIMs, 5 Indian Institute of Science Education and Research (IISERs) at Pune, Kolkata, Mohali, Bhopal and

Thiruvananthapuram , 10 new NITs at Arunachal Pradesh, Sikkim, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram, Goa, Delhi,

Uttarakhand and Puducherry, 20 new Indian Institutes of Information Technology (IIITs) up on a Public Private Partnership (PPP)

basis , and 374 Model Degree Colleges, one each in identified educationally Backward Districts where Gross

Enrolment Ratio is less than National average. Further with the view to facilitate teaching resource sharing and providing access to open educational

resources we have set up the National Mission on Education through ICT to link twenty thousand of degree colleges and ten thousand departments within universities. The private sector is also contributing in this effort. In order to increase the number of quality faculty positions in science, a scheme of Operation Faculty Recharge is being launched to provide appointment for 1000 faculty positions created and to be filled at national level through global advertisement. We have taken several concurrent steps to address the quality aspects in higher education. We have introduced in Parliament the National Accreditation Regulatory Authority for Higher Educational Institutions Bill, 2010 to provide for mandatory accreditation of all educational institutions and another bill to set up a National Commission for Higher Education and Research (NCHER) for regulating higher education. This is in accordance with the general principle of moving from “inspection approval” based mechanism of recognizing institutions to a “verification assessment” method. On the academic front the semester system has been initiated, regular up gradation and updating of syllabi has been mandated and choice-based credit system introduced. We are working on a national depository for holding in electronic form of all academic degrees, diplomas and certificates issued by all educational institutions.

There are several other initiatives that we have taken such as improving the quality of teachers and faculty at various education levels, redressal of disputes, prohibition of malpractices and others which will materialize soon and whose impact will be felt in the course of next two years or so.

Thus my vision is that within this decade every Indian, including the disadvantaged, the marginalized and the minorities, will have access to quality and affordable education be it at the primary, secondary or professional level. Indian education of future will thus be: Different and unique. Dynamic, vigorous, bold and functional, serving the needs of not only of the Indian society but the global community I am confident that India will emerge as the international hub for education in the next 20 years and what the BPO and IT sectors are today for India, education should be in 2030. (PIB Features)

*Minister of Human Resource Development





DEFENCE RESEARCH & DEVELOPMENT ORGANISATION: RECENT

ACHIEVEMENTS AT A GLANCE DRDO has made many significant achievements during the recent past, including the last year. Many

important systems were inducted/accepted by the services. The production value of systems based on technologies developed by DRDO (inducted/accepted/orders placed) during the past one decade is well over Rs.1,10,000/- crores.

Agni, the 3500 km range ballistic missile was successfully launched with user’s participation. Training flights were held by the users for various missiles that are already inducted. These included two flight tests each of Agni – I, Agni – II and Dhanush (from naval ships) and five flights of Prithvi II (P– II). Orders worth over Rs. 25000 crores for surface-to-air missile- AKASH have been placed by the users. These include 8 squadron for IAF and 2 regiments for the Army. Successful flight tests of Endo-Atmospheric Interceptor for 2000 km class target were carried out. Each flight led to a direct target hit and disintegration of the target. Capabilities of NAG, the third generation anti-tank missile, which is a vehicle mounted system was demonstrated in a series of user trials. Advanced versions of BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, the only one of its kind in the world, were developed and flight-tested. Thus, BrahMos block II with target discrimination precision strike capabilities was test-fired. Similarly, BrahMos block III with capability for steep diving from high altitudes and high maneuvers at multiple points during supersonic flight. Development of advanced missile systems is a continuous effort and requires systematic development of more and more advanced technologies. RLG based Inertial Navigation System was developed, qualified and tested. Active Radar Seeker for advanced missions was developed. A Fibre Optics Gyro was successfully developed and tested on board.

In the area of Aeronautics, Tejas, the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) concluded its extensive flight tests including weapon trials, dropping of bombs, jettisoning drop tanks and night flights; leading to its Initial Operational Clearance (IOC) on 10th January, 2011. Over 1640 flights covering a period of over 969 hours have been completed by Tejas Mark 01. The first prototype of LCA Navy was rolled out and its induction tests were concluded. In tune with changing war of scenario, major thrust has been given to develop Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV). Successful flight trials of RUSTAM-1, a UAV with endurance of 14 hours and altitude ceiling of 8,000 meters demonstrated the capabilities for automated / remotely piloted landing/ take-off and associated technologies. NISHANT, another UAV developed by DRDO was ready for induction by the Army. A medium sized aerostat based platform was developed for surveillance applications. A novel method was developed and flight-tested for an in-flight structural monitoring of the manned as well as unmanned aircraft structures. The scheme was flight tested on a NISHANT UAV. Besides, over 100 test flights of a 3,000 gram Micro Aerial Vehicle (MAV) designed and developed by DRDO were carried out. A Laser Seeker Kit – ‘SUDARSHAN’, for 1,000 pound bombs was developed and initial demand for significant number of seekers kits has been received from the users. Major milestones in the indigenous development of fighter aircraft engine was achieved with the completion of “Official Altitude Testing” (OAT) of Kaveri Gas Turbine Engine for simulated operating conditions. Subsequently, the flights of Kaveri engine were successfully carried out on a Flying Test Bed (FTB) proving the technological capability and maturity of the indigenous efforts. This is the first time that an indigenously developed gas turbine engine for fighter aircraft has been flown on a FTB board. DRDO has developed expertise in the field of testing and certification for various components sub-systems and systems as well as complete airborne platforms. Thus, Initial Operational Clearance of LCA and Advanced Light Helicopter MK – III were major activities in this area.

Advanced Active-cum-Passive integrated sonar system HUMSA NG was designed, developed and installed on various ships of Indian Navy. Autonomous Underwater Vehicle (AUV) capable of navigation was demonstrated at sea. A Carbon Dioxide Curtailment System for submarines was designed and developed. The system has been accepted by the user. SANJEEVANI MK II, a device designed and developed to locate victims trapped under the debris was handed over to National Disaster Management Authority (NDMA) and Kerala Govt. Fire Services.

An advanced facility was created to undertake full scale processing of large Rocket motors. The facility was commissioned and the casting of various motors commenced. Development of PINAKA – Multi Barrel Rocket Launcher System was achieved with the successful transfer of technology to production agencies, two regiments of PINAKA (worth Rs 1300 crores) have been raised by Army which is likely to place orders for another two regiments. The Transfer of Technology (ToT) for multimode grenade was completed, for





which Army has placed an order for 10 lakh grenades. Under Barrel Grenade Launcher (UBGL) for INSAS and AK-47 rifle was introduced into service with order for 10,000 Launchers. The state-of-the-art microcontroller based system Instant Fire Detection & Suppression System (IFDSS) BMP-2/2K developed for providing protection against fire to the troops & engine compartment, was accepted by the Army. Production order worth Rs. 168 crores has been received.

MBT Arjun Mark I was successfully inducted in the Army and two regiments of Arjun Main Battle Tank have been raised. A Carrier Command Post Tracked (CCPT) vehicle was accepted by the Army for induction. A modified Armoured Amphibious Dozer (AAD) completed its user trials. User trials of remotely operated vehicle (ROV DAKSH) were successfully carried out and LSP order for 20 numbers is being executed. Design of Snow Gallery for protection of personnel and equipment from avalanches and design of Instrumented Composite Tower for studies on avalanches were completed.

In the field of electronics and electro-optics, many systems were inducted/accepted by the services. 3D medium range surveillance radar - ROHINI and its naval variant REVATHI were inducted. 3D low-level light weight radar - Aslesha (for IAF) as well as Bharani (for Army) was accepted by the user. The engineered version of upgraded Weapon Locating Radar (WLR – Swathi) developed by DRDO was realized by the production agency. The electronic warfare system SAMYUKTA (naval variant) and SUJAV were inducted. Orders have been received for the Combat Net Radio (CNR) with anti-jamming features. A holographic sight for rifles/carbines was developed for aiming in closed quarter battle role and was accepted by the users.

Even with the most advanced weapon systems, the man behind machine is the most crucial factor in winning the war. The Life Sciences laboratories of DRDO continued to develop technology to maximize the operational efficiency of our soldiers and provide them with adequate support and protection. Some of the major achievements are highlighted. Three mobile laboratories for nuclear, biological and chemical defence were handed over to the user and rigorous training was imparted to them. An upgraded first-aid kit for protection against chemical and biological agents as well as the nuclear radiation were accepted by the services. Technology for producing DRDO developed kits for detection of swine flu was transferred to the production agency. The Combat Free Fall (CFF) protection system to meet the requirements of high altitude paratrooper’s mission requirements was designed developed and is under limited series production. A Submarine Escape Set (SES) for escape from an abandoned submarine from depths of 100m was designed and developed. Navy has projected a requirement of over 400 suits. Greenhouses were established at power plant locations such as Siachen Base camp, Chushul, Battalik etc and an average of 1400 kg vegetables of high nutritive values were produced in each greenhouse by standardizing the practices and procedures. About 5000 MT of vegetables are locally grown for meeting Army’s requirements A Computerized Pilot Selection System (CPSS) was designed, developed and accepted by the Air Force. Series production of systems for deployment at all the Air Force Selection Boards of the IAF is underway. Yoga Training Modules have been developed for toning up cardio-respiratory, respiratory, endocrine and nervous systems to maintain optimum physical fitness and mental health of troops deployed at high altitude extreme climates. Yoga training was provided to over 2000 personnel who were to be deployed at Siachen Glacier. MoU has been signed with Indian Railways for joint development of Biotoilets to be installed in rail coaches. Biotoilets have been installed in Lakshadweep Islands and NE region of India for safe disposal of human waste and MoUs signed with Indian Railways & Min. of Urban Development for installation in rail coaches & homes. MoU with Ministry of Urban Development is under process for joint development of biotoilets and their installation under mass civilian program.

Advanced materials have been always at the core of weapon systems and military hardware. Significant milestones were achieved in this critical area. A low-alloy steel “DMR-1700” with ultrahigh strength and high fracture toughness was developed as a cost effective replacement of 250 grade maraging steel. The alloy was successfully proven by successful demonstration in the intended application. A 500 ton per annum capacity titanium sponge plant based on DRDO technology was set up at Kerala Minerals and Metals Limited (KMML). The Plant was inaugurated by the Hon’ble Raksha Mantri on 27 Feb 2011. Light-weight composite armour for Mi-17-IV helicopter of IAF has successfully undergone integration and flight-trials. Technology developed for vacuum investment casting of gas turbine blades for Kaveri engine was extended for making high pressure turbine blades for land-based gas turbine for power generation. The runways at strategic locations often require rapid repairs. Many of these locations are in extreme cold regions where the normal concrete does not set in easily. Technology for rapid repair of runways in cold regions was developed and successfully demonstrated at sub zero temperature.





A dedicated team of DRDO engineers executed highly specialized nature of Civil works at some of the most difficult and hazardous area within the stipulated time frame. Agreements for co-operation / co-development in frontline areas of science, technology and engineering were signed with several countries.

With “Balasya Mulam Vigyanam” as the mool mantra, DRDO continues its march towards building self-reliance in critical defence technology.

YOJANA & KURUKSHETRA


1. Current National Issues and Topics of Social Relevance:

• The Indian economy and issues relating to planning, mobilization of resources, growth, development and employment.

• Issues arising from the social and economic exclusion of large sections from the benefits of development.

• Other issues relating to the development and management of human resource. • Health issues including the management of Public Health, Health education and ethical concerns

regarding health-care, medical research and pharmaceuticals. •

Table of Contents (Yojana)

1. Sustainable food security. 2. Revamping Public Distribution System 3. Food Security The challenges Ahead 4. 3G Telephony in India 5. Storage to food security 6. E-Governance for Improving rural livelihood 7. North East: Developing infrastructure 8. North East: Disaster Risk and Vulnerability 9. Climate Change and Indian Agriculture 10. Strengthening small farm sector 11. Rainfed agriculture - concerns, opportunities and strategies 12. Genetically modified food. 13. Horticulture in India: Status and prospects. 14. Organic farming problem and prospects 15. Grass roots level democracy in India: An assessment 16. Women in Panchyats - a review 17. Agriculture in the union budget 18. Budgeting for health and education 19. Tax Proposals 20. National Knowledge network 21. Tribal neglect and limitation of budget centric approach to development. 22. Evaluating the status of women right in India.





23. Right to corruption free Governance. 24. Human rights law in India: Right to water and social justice. 25. Human Rights and the role of judiciary 26. Socio Economic condition of handloom workers in India 27. Integrated coastal zone management. 28. The possibilities of Aadhar Number. 29. Financial inclusion, financial deepening and economic growth. 30. Broadening base of e-governance in India. 31. Identification Numbers around the world. 32. The emergence of hydroponics 33. Financial Committees of the parliament of India. 34. Census of India - 2011. Some highlights. 35. India’s 15th population census: some key findings 36. Child sex ratios in India: The emerging pattern 32. Demographic change: Issues and challenges. 38. Literacy trend in the country 39. Population growth and millennium development goals in India. 40. Recent steps to check Black Money





Sample Articles of the Booklet t

































(Kurukshetra)

1. Tribal Developments in India 2. Tribal displacement 3. Status of tribal in India 4. Bioremediation 5. Migration 6. Role of migration in urban growth 7. Bridging urban rural divide 8. Summary of the report on migration and poverty 9. Rural employment generation programme in India 10. Socio-economic conditions of agricultural labour in India 11. Rural India 12. Pattern of rural workforce participation in India 13. M.N.R.E.G.A. 14. What’s gone wrong with micro finance? 15. Development of Irrigation during 5 years plan in India 16. Need to augment irrigation capacity in agriculture 17. Creatng new irrigation potential 18. The global water crisis 19. Water problem in India 20. Food security in India: Key issues 21. Draft national food security bill 22. Food security in India: policy issues and challenges 23. Union budget 2011-12: What does it imply for inclusion growth? 24. Critical review of the union budget 2011-12: Agriculture growth and development 25. Union Budget: Rural development the main focus 26. National knowledge network 27. e-governance initiating in rural India 28. MNREGA: Boon or bane to Indian agriculture 29. The challenge of educating rural India 30. Right to eduction 31. Universalization of education 32. Credit facilities in rural India 33. Performance of rural credit scheme in India


















SCIENCE REPORTER


1. Developments in the Field of Science & Technology, IT and space: In this part, questions will test the candidate’s awareness of the developments in the field of science and technology, information technology, space and basic ideas about computers, robotics, nanotechnology, biotechnology and related issues regarding intellectual property rights.

Table of Contents 1. The future is small. (Nano technology)

2. Nano energy – solution to the energy crises. 3. Nano technology – To the aid of the defence sector. 4. Nano – medicine 5. Biodiversity 6. Is there life beyond earth? 7. Spectrum 8. Biotechnology 9. Artificial Intelligence. 10. Interview of prof. C.N.R. Rao 11. Green chemistry 12. Fukushima nuclear accident 13. Interview of Dr. Baldev Raj 14. Quake, Tsunami, Fukushima 15. Radiation Alert 16. Melatonin wonder molecule 17. 2011 International year of forest 18. Forest for people, people for forest. 19. Urban forest fighting for survival 20. After math of super cyclone 21. Synthia– the first man made cell 22. The legacy of Yuri Gagarin. 23. When blue ice falls from the sky. 24. Cold fusion. 25. Dolphines – sentinels of the sea 26. War and Peach: Conflict and cooperation in an insect society. 27. The sage of DNA Bar code


















































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