THE VELIYYUDDIN TELHIS: NOTES ON THE SOURCES AND

THE VELIYYUDDIN TELHIS: NOTES ON THE SOURCES AND INTERRELATIONS BETWEEN KOÇI

BEY AND CONTEMPORARY WRITERS OF ADVICE TO KINGS

by

RHOADS MURPHEY

Burada ne~retti~im metnin yazar~~ ve ya~ad~~~~ tarih ortam~~

hakk~nda VIII. Türk Tarih Kongresinde k~saca bilgi vermi~tim.

Burada metnin tespitinden ba~ka noksan olsa dahi, bu tür literatürde

belli ba~l~~ temalar~n ba~ka kaynaklarda nas~l bir ifade ile geçti~ini

i~aret etme~e çal~~t~m. Tabiidir ki di~er metinler ne~redilmedikçe,

nasihatü' s - selatin literatürünün Osmanl~larda nas~l ortaya ç~kt~~~n~~

ve nas~l geli~ti~ini tam manasiyle anlamaya ve kar~~la~t~rmaya imkân

yoktur. Fakat hiç olmazsa belli ba~l~~ konularda bu gibi telhisleri

yazanlar~n hangi kaynaklardan istifade ettiklerini Veliyyüddin tel-hisiyle koydu~um notlar çerçevesinde gösterme~e gayret ettim. Ileride

bu konuda yeni çal~~malar yap~ld~~~~ ve di~er Osmanl~~ nasihatü's se-

latin tipi eserler ilmi bir ~ekilde bas~ld~~~~ zaman, bu müelliflerin fikir

bak~m~ndan nas~l birbirine ba~l~~ olduklar~~ ve ne ~ekilde birbirlerin-

den yararland~klar~~ daha aç~k bir ~ekilde ortaya ç~kacakt~r.

Burada makaleye ekledi~im iki metnin mahiyeti ve muhteva-

s~ndan k~saca söz etmek isterim. Birincisi Veliyyüddin Kitapl~~~nda

bulunan telhislerdir. Bu telhisler ~stanbulda Bayezit Devlet Kütüp-hanesi Veliyyüddin yazmalar~~ aras~nda 3205 numaradaki mecmuan~n

96. ile ~~ o6. varaklar~nda bulunmaktad~r ve on taneden ibarettir. Bun-lardan üç tanesi 1939 de M. K. Aksüt tarafindan yay~nlanan Kafi Bey

Risalesi'nde yer ald~~~~ için bunlar~~ burada tekrar verme~i gerekli gör-

medim. ~imdiye kadar hiç bir yerde bas~lmam~~~ olan yedi tane oriji-

nal telhisin metinlerini ve ~ngilizce özetlerini burada vermekteyim.

~kincisi Cevdet Telhisi. Bu telhis Istanbul'da Belediye kütüpha-nesi Muallim Cevdet Yazmalar~~ K52 numarada bir ka~~t üzerinde bu-

lunmaktad~r. Koçi Beyin telhisleriyle olan yak~n münasebetini göster-

mek maksadiyle bu telhisi de ilave ettim. Ili~kiyi tespit etmek için sa-

548

RHOADS MURPHEY

dece metni koymay~~ yeterli gördü~ümden Ingilizce özetini yapmad~m. Elimizdeki bu tek nüsha bir çok yanl~~~ ve atlamalar ihtiva etmekte-dir. Ba~ka nüshalar ortaya ç~kmad~kca bir düzeltme imkân~~ yoktur fakat baz~~ aç~k hatalara notlarda i~aret olundu.

In paper presented to the VIIIth International Congress of Turkish History the question of the authorship of the ten telhis taking up folios 96b - ~~ o6b in the mecmua of the Bayezid Devlet Library, Veliyyuddin collection number 3205, was briefly discussed °. The purpose of the present paper is first of all to present the complete text of the telhis, excluding the three telhis which appear in Aksüt's pub-lication of Koçi bey, accompained by an annotated English summary outlining in brief the main topics dealt with by the author. Secondly, by indicating in detailed notes accompanying the text parallel pas-sages in advice literature of a nearly contemporary date which add-ress the same questions raised in the Veliyyuddin telhis, to establish at least a primitive means of tracing through what sources and chan-nels various reform sentiments found their final expression. The real comparative work however can only begin when all of the available texts are published 2.

SUMMARY OF THE VELIYYUDDIN TELHIS

Telhis No. I : On the Measures which God Willing are most beneficial and best for the State.

— No more than four senior vezirs should be appointed at the same time.

1 A partial description of the contents of the Veliyuddin Manuscript n~~mber 3205 follows below:

Folios 1-33B Kitab-i nurnasne, al-mutercim 'an kitâb-i miskât al-envâr. According to Babinger, Geschichtsschreiber der Osman~n und ihre Werke, Leipzig 1927, p. 123, this was translated into Turkish in to 12/1604 from an original work of Ghazali in Arabic by a certain Ca`fer Bey.

Folios 34b-~ 6ob, short selections from Mustafa Ali, Sar~~ 'Abdullah and others mostly in the form of provcrbs or passages excerpted from longer works of Advice to Kings.

Folios ~~ 6ob- ~~ 7 ~~ b ; Münseât-i Veysi Efendi

Folios 17~ b-2o3a: Münseât-i Ilahi Efendi

2 See below note twenty.

THE VELIYYUDDIN TELHIS

549

2 - The imperial council (divan) should be convened four times a week, with the Sultan in attendance at least once every two or three weeks.

3 — Suitable husbands should be found for each of the Sultan's daughters. What the author implies bere is that while the Sultanas remained at court they were both a burden on the treasury and liable to interfere in matters of state.

4 — The number of imperial gatekeepers (kapucu ba~~) should

be reduced from seven to four. 5 — The coinage should be standardized and new mines be

opened to production. 6 — Ostentation should be forbidden. Each class should dress

according to its station and swords should be made not of silver but ordinary sharp steel.

Telhis No. II — On the Assigning of Offices to their proper owners and the necessity of refraining from excessive reassignment or changing of offices 3.

I - Provincial governor generals should be giyen long term appointments. Without permanent secure positions, the beys are

liable to resort to injustice and when injustice prevails the people are in discomfort and the country is in distress and disorder.

2 — The governor generals should be guaranteed the revenues assigned to them in the accounting registers (icmal defteri) and protec-

ted from the diversion of these revenues to other purpose whether through assignment as freehold property (mülk) or to meet the expenses

of maintaing a garrison (ocaklik). The author argues that if the go-vernors were giyen back their traditional means of support, with

3 This question of frequent transferal and short tenure of office continued to be a main grievance among the so - called "rebel governors" and the reformist group throughout the period which followed the composition of Koçi Bey's Risale.

For two instances where the principle of minimum three year terms for beylerbo,is

was proclaimed see Naima IV, 274, Istanbul ~~ 283, in connection with Varvar Ali

Pa~a's "rebellion in" 1058/1648, and Naima V, 199, Istanbul 1283 referring to

Ib~ir Mustafa Pa~a's "kanunname" from the year 1062/1652. In addition Ali devotes

a section of his Ara.sihatu's Selatin to this question. The on alt~nc~~ lazinz~, (Fatih MS,

fol. 63a-65a) begins with the following words: "erbab-i menasibin ‘az11 ve hidemât-1 mebrurenin refi` mukarrer olduktan sonra ekabir ricasiyle yine menasib verilme..."

550 RHOADS MURPHEY

strong warnings to refrain from the practice of devir 4 to supplement their incomes, their revenues would be sufficient to meet their expenses and they would not be tempted so much to extort from the peasantry.

3 — There should be checks on the orders of the defterdars. Tra-ditionally each order was received by at least three defterdars, and then recorded in the divan registers by mukataac~lar and muhasebeciler (tax - farm accountants and finance deparment clerks). However since the the year 1015/1606-7 when Sultan Ahmed named Ekmekci-zade Ahmed Pa~a defterdar with the rank of vezir, defterdars were em-powered to issue orders without any checks, a fact which grave rise to many abuses. The author therefore concludes that henceforth deflerdars should not be granted the rank of vezir Like the defterdar, the Ni~anc~~ (Chief of Chancellery) should be appointed not by virtue of his position or rank but for his understanding of the spirit of the law. (~er`-i ~erfe ve kanun-i münjfe muga)'ir olan evamiri te~his edip islaha kadir olan kimesne. . .). The ni~anc~~ should be chosen from among those having served either as secretaries in the imperial divan or from among the former reis al - kuttab (chief secretary in charge of foreign affairs). As in the case of the defterdar, the rank of vezir should not be granted to ni~anc~~ since as the author states these are high offices in which to serve is honor enough without need for false elevation.

Telhis No. III — On the Importance of detailed registry (Ru'us) of all assignments to posts of former pages in the Sultan's Privy Chamber.

— To avoid disputes and unjust dismissals the former positions and exact date of promotion of all the Sultan's palace staff should be carefi~lly recorded in the appointments register.

2 — No dismissal should be made without good cause before the alloted term has expired. Whereas the proper term for kad~s normally should have been two years the author complains that they were commonly changed every eighteen months.

3 — The number of timarl~~ Müteferrika (sons of the Elite), çav~u~~ (imperial messengers) and divan katibleri (council secretaries) should

4 "devir". For a more complete documentation of exactly what forms this abuse took see H. inalcik, "Adâletnâmeler", No. X dated Receb ~~ to18/September 30, 1609, in Belgeler II/3-4, (1967), pp. 49-142.


551

be frozen at between six and seven hundred, and their berats should also be duly registered by the governor generals.

The subject of complaint in this telhis is the serious lack of order which existed in the records of timar assignments. Taking advantage of the cor~fusion vezirs were able to assign timars to members of their own household even when these timars were not vacant or when their tenure was disputed. Examples of simultaneous claims to iden-tical timars and the loopholes in their registry through which false claims were made can be found in abundance in the Joklama and tahvil kalemi regsiters of the period housed in the Ba~bakanl~k archives in Istanbul. The prevention of these false claims and the organization and updating of the confused timar records was a major policy goal during Murad IV's reign. Some of the measures which were taken to achieve this goal will discussed along with the summary of telhis

numbers six and seven. Telhis No. IV — On the Necessity of Reassigning to their just

possessors the Properties unlawfully converted into private freehold (mülk) and mortmain Estates (Evkaf)

The question of illegally acquired estates was foremost in the minds of writers of advice to kings. The reason for its importance goes back to the Persian theory of the circle of justice which holds that the state is upheld by justice and justice by soldiery, which depended on a full treasury for its support. Therefore the process of diversion of properties formerly belonging to the Imperial Domain (Hevass-i Hümayun) into private hands was a phenomenon which caused these authors great concern. In this telhis the problem of pa-lace favorites taking an inordinate share of the state's sources of revenue is emphasized. It is the author's contention that the properties would be better used to maintain troops. In other words the integrity of the k~l~ç timars should be preserved and not be allowed to be assigned as retirement settlements (arpal~k) to former kapucu ba~~s (Gatekeepers at the Imperical Palaces) or as pocket money (pa~makl~k) for other palace favorites. To underline his point the author gives the example of four estates whose excess revenues after expenses alone would be sufficient to arm and maintain a force of three thousand fighting men. The four estates singled out for comment by the author were:

— The vakf of Mihrimah Sultan whose excess revenues (ze-

vaid) amounted to ten million akçe.

552 RHOADS MURPHEY

2 — The vakf of Rustem Pasa whose zevaid also amounted to ten million akçe.

3 — The evkaf property of Mehmed III's Dar al-Sa` adet a~asz (Chief Eunuch of the Harem) Mehmed A~a assigned from the cus-toms revenues of Silistre which amounted to one and a half million to two million akçe.

4 — The evkaf property of Mehmed III's kapu - agasz (Chief Gatekeeper) Gazanfer Aga assigned from the revenues in Kesendire near Selaniki whicl~~ amounted to thirteen million akçe.

In addition the author complains of the practice of assigning former timars as private freehold to the Sultan's favorites (mukarrib) and members of various vezirs' households, stating that merely to satisfy the whim of two hundred men it was not right to put into jeopardy the ~nilitary preparedness and financial solvency of the whole empire.

Telhis No. V: On the Importance of Securing the Confidence of the People in the Firmness of the Ruler's Decisions.

The underlying subject of this telhis is again the reform of the corrupt timar system. As indicated in the telhis by the phrase—

"sepetlerde olan ziamet ve timarlar~~ erbab-i istihkaka tevzi< eylemesine ve gediklüler'in ref< ine ve sefere me'mur olmalar~na ferman-i ali-~anlar~~ sad~r edip—".

Sultan Murad IV had already taken affirmative action to try to remedy the situation, but the author was concerned lest he waver in his purpose and make exceptions to the guidlines set forth in his f~rman thus undermining the effectiveness of the new regulations. The author therefore lays great emphasis on the Sultan's standing by his word and being firm (sabit-kadem). He f~~ rther praises the Sultan for his refusal to be influenced by the requests of Cafer Pa~a, Chief Adrniral 1632 - 1634. 5 Cafer Pa~a had apparently asked that an

8 The phrase "hala kapudan olan Ca‘fer Pa~a" makes it possible to date the composition of the Veliyyüddin Telhis somewhere between the years ~~ o41-44/163~ -34. Two tershane muhasebe defterleri from the Ba~bakanl~k archives in Istanbul make it clear that Ca<fer Pa~a was stili admiral at least as late as the last part of May 1634. The first register, Maliyeden Madevver Tasnifi No. 981 covers the expenses on naval preparations from 8 Cemaziül'-ahir 1042/December 23, 1632 to 19 Zi'l-

THE VELTYYUDDIN TELHIS

553

exception to the rules governing timar assignments be made in favor of his kethuda (steward). The author points out the dangerous precedent which an exception in this case would have set. In the remaining part of this telhis the author returns to the subject of the importance of reforming the timar system by making reference to the necessity of maintaining the strength of the provincial timar - based army as a balance to the growing influence and numerical strength of the Janissaries in the capital. The author points out that when the pro-vincial timar - based army was maintained at a minimum level of seventy to eighty thousand men the Janissaries, amounting to no more to ten thousand infantry men, were of necessity obedient to the wishes of the army commanders. However once the timar-based army was allowed to deteriorate and through misappropriation of timar

revenues and other causes its numbers declined, the army commanders had no numerical force to back up their orders and were obliged to cater to the wishes of the now dominant Janissaries. It was therefore imperative claimed the author that the sultan remain firm in his intention to reform the abuses in the timar system and stand firm by the decisions already promulgated in his ferman. The content

of this ferman is spelled out in telhis numbers six and seven dealing with the orders sent to Hüseyn Pa~a for the inspection of Rumelia 6.

Telhis No. VI : On the Imperial Order to be sent to the local timariots (ocak - oglu) of Rumelia.

Timars should be granted as a reward for faithful service to the sons of local sipahis and not set aside as favors to personal acquintances

hicce 1o42/June 27, 1633, while the second register, Maliyeden Mudevver Tasnifi

No. 980 covers the period gurre-i Receb 1o43/January 1, 1634 to gurre Zi'l - hicce 1043/end of May 1634. According to Naima, Vol. ili, 211-12, Istanbul 1280, he continued to hold the post of chief admiral until Safer io44/late June or early July 1634. His mediterranean campaign is briefly described by Katib Çelebi in Tuhfet'ul-

kibar fi esfari'-l-bihar, Istanbul 1329, p. 112.

1/ This Hüseyn Pa~a is referred to in Naima III, 134, Istanbul 1283, as having been entrusted with the general inspection of Rumeli in the year 1042/1632. Accor-ding to Topçular Kâtibi, fol. 272b, he was assigned to this duty at the time of the ayak divant inMay 1632 although he did not begin fulfilling the office until his arrivai at Sofya after having summoned all of the timar and zia~net holders into his presence at the beginning of Rebiü'l - ahir 1o42/mid - September 1632. For further detail on the exact nature of his instructions see note twenty - four below.

554

RHOADS MURPHEY

of influential men at court or other unqualified persons 7. The author suggests that in order to prevent unjust dismissal from a timar living, the travel expenses to Istanbul (harc-i râh) of legitimate claimants should be met by the divan and furthermore the governor general responsible for unjustly dispossessing a rightful timar holder should be properly punished. Also in order to insure that those who were assigned timars were indeed local si pahi' s sons each assignment should be witnessed by the local commander (alay- bey) and a number of legitimate timariots and zaims of the same region 8.

In order to prevent illegitimate claims from outsiders gaining credency the further precaution of listing the physical characteristics of the timar holder in his berât of assigment was practiced.

Telhis No. VII: On the Necessity for the Ordering of the timars in the Anatolian Provinces 99.

7 That revenues set aside for advancing the progress of the gaza should be thus misappropriated was considered a grave sin. This concept of mal-i mukatele is referred to in the Fatih 3497 manuscript of Ayn-i 'Ali in a fetva of the Seyhü'l-Islam Sunullah Efendi:

"bu mesele beyan~nda cevap ne vechiledir ki ba<z~~ kimesneler mal-i mukatele <add olunan ziamete ve timarlar~n nicesin birer tahrik ile al~p zabt edip her sene mahsullar~n eki u bel' eyleyip, mukabelesinde ne sefere gidip ve ne halife ve ve-kilin r~zasiyle seferden kal~p beytü'l - mala hiyanet eylese — t~marlar~n ihrac edip ahara verdirmege sebeb olsa nice kimesnenin ol suretten r~zk~n kat' etme~e sebeb olmagla <indallah isim olur mu? El - Cevab : Olmaz. Ihmal ederse isim ve hain olur. Öyle zalim ve hainlerin r~zk~~ de~il ~rk~~ kat' olunmak gerektir. Ald~klar~~ dahi beytü'l - mala redd olunmak laz~md~r".

This concept of timars granted in return for fighting for the faith was also known under the name of mal-i mukabele. See Ayn-i Ali Kavanin — page 61.

8 According to the author of the Kanun-i Sultani folio 135a, the traditional number of witnesses was twelve, two zai~ns and ten timariots residing in the same district.

sa It is clear by the tenor of the discussion in the ayak divan~~ of May 1632 (see note 10 below) that Murad IVth was determined to make an attempt empire-wide at reforming the corrupt timar system. With this view in mind, in addition to Hüseyn Pa~a's inspections in Rumeli, wide ranging inspections were carried out in Anatolia as well under the guidance of the Beylerbeyi of Anatolia Mehmet Pa~a. Tapu Defteri number 756 in the Ba~bakanl~k Archives in Istanbul indicates that 5,312 timar holders' berats were renewed at that time. According to Koçi Bey (Aksüt, p. 99) the Eyalet of Anadolu should have contained 7,300 k~l~ f timars. Nevertheless, that extensive inspections were indeed carried out is demonstrated clearly by a passage in Topçular Kitibi's history which lists the areas which were covered during the Anatolian timar inspections of 1632:


555

In conjunction with the inspection of Rumelia plans were also made for a yoklama in Anatolia. However in view of the powerful position of certain groups, in particular the Janissary clique in Istan-bul, who were opposed to these measures, the author recommends that the inspections be undertaken progressively rather than simul-taneously. He argues that after having ordered the timars in the Rumelian provinces during the first part of the year, that is until the first part of May, the Ruz-i Il~dr, the governor General of Rumelia could then proceed with a trustworthy and full troop of men to attend to the affairs of Anatolia without fear of opposition.

Having thus summarized seven of the telhis of the Veliyyuddin manuscript, a word should also be said about the common goals and intellectual biases shared by seventeenth century Ottoman writers of Advice literature. The inescapable fact of Ottoman decline and the general military setbacks beginning at the first part of the century gaye rise to what can be referred to as a kind of "crisis atmosphere". The climate of self - criticism and reassessment of basic values which dominates the reform literature of this period is strongly influenced by these political developments.

From the earliest examples in Middle Eastern literature of Advi-ce to Kings moral ethics and political theory were closely bound one to the other. The fate of the state was thought to have been dependent on the moral virtues of the ruler. The just ruler's state flourished while the state ruled by a tyrant was doomed to destruc-tion. A similar moral overtone dominates the Ottoman reform litera-ture of the seventeenth century though in this case it seems that the authors concentrated not only on the moral qualities of the rulers, but also bemoaned the general decline in public moral standards. The revulsion against ostentation (ziynet) and bribery (rü~vet), and the exp-ression of the desirability of maintaining social distinctions (yerlu yerinde)

which are repeated over and over again in the reform literature are further indications of this moral emphasis. There seems to be a con-

"Anadolu eyaleti mir-i miran vezir Mehmed Pa~a eyaletlerinde Kütahya sahras~nda züema ve erbab-~~ timarlar mevcutlarin yoklay~p mahlüllerin ihrac ederler. Ve Karaman beylerbeyisi Dilaver Pa~a da Konyada zuema ve erbab-~~

timarlar~~ mevcud yoklay~p, cedid berat ederlerdi. Ve Haleb ve ~am ve Trabzon dahi Erzerum yokla= ve Diyarbekirde yoklama ve Ekrad beylerbeyileri ve Rakka eyaleti yoklan~rd~." (Topçular Kat.. fol. 273a).

556 RHOADS MURPHEY

sensus among the authors that in addition to administrative reforms there existed an equal need for a spiritual reformation. The gazi ethic which had so strongly motivated the consciousness of the people during the age of expansion, was now eclipsed after the setbacks in the wars with Austria and Persia. As a result the authors of this period were seeking a kind of spiritual regeneration, a new ideal to bind society together. Interestingly enough, the historian Solakzade wrote a book of advice to kings around 1640 9 b in which he gives voice to the complaint that the values of the past had been lost and that his contemporaries were concerned only with personal advan-cement and th amassment of wealth rather than with the interests of the Muslim community as a whole. This sense of loss vis â vis the Golden Age of the past is also evident in the constant appeal among writers of Advice literature for a return to the "kanun-i kadim", the old order of the time of Süleyman the Magnificient when society functioned as a harmonious whole, each citizen performing his alloted task without undue ambition to rise beyond the limitations of his class. This concept of had, a carefully defined hierarchical station in life for all, the observation of which caused society to function har-moniously, and the transgression of which caused the unbalancing of the spheres, social unrest, loss of discipline and social disorder, is the central governing philosophy of the Ottomans formulated by the Sultan's advisors belonging to the professional secretarial (katib) class. The normative intellectual predispositions of this class of advisors to men in authority gives a characteristic stamp to the numer-ous works on reform in seventeenth century Ottoman literature.

0l.:,;11c o *~; utp34 L5.1 jjj

. J.) j) AS:).171

4:-LA 0U-34 4.! ,s r X...! 4,1GJp

4:3.7, 44.31! I 441 ax..1.4 .) 9 j> J.L.3 415- „5,:- I

gb See H. Sorweide, VERZEICHNIS, DER ORIENTALISCHEN HAND-SCHRIFTEN IN DEUTSCHLAND, Turkische Handschriften Vol. XIII/3, No. 126, MS Or. Oct. 1958, part 3, fol. 125b-172b.


557

I IJ L I . ji Le) 431,+. 4J J L4:g1

IIj~ . j .51.71 J.>Lb j.L.13.> :3..) J;

,j1c' .712'-?-i-S- I j f .l0.),111.2. j ljsp C.)1

‘.5 Lril (96B) iJj1.15..1 r1.1,;1SZJ I Lc°1.) 21;1 J j 4kc.1 jj

,s,15"..C1

.1° r.y.I

L., kL0

0-UL2.3

J UI jjJ 4.4.111.51„.p r11;.:.;1

JL~" j 4;1*.L°...)1?. bi; .c.--.1)1i 1.;. 1 j j

jt.; Jif . j.L.tijIj?- Jj.LJ.

LYS iI tiL! J rl!v1,5-1.

j„a~p ,!...[JJ. 3 JL SZi2 j J.. I ‘3.2.0 . ,~~ d~; 44)

L; :1.3

4:4.1 ..y.t.; (.51 j Jj J. 41.(c..1 4L> Ul

41_ -,›7 0..~.11.>1

j riS" .11 /.41 (97A)

.1-2:'•314 L.3.L! • JI ct. •~ i•• ..I ) 3 J L. S Jt-2.. ~•C4

-) -1•<;:_~•L"

10 This ayak divant took place on the twentieth of Zi'l - Kade 1041 /May ~ o, 1632 and is described by Naima III, 106-113, Istanbul 1283, and by Topçular Katibi, fol 272b et. seq A copy of the Hat-t Humayun issued at the conclusion of this meeting is recorded by Naima III. ~~ 13-115, ~stanbul 1283.

II In this passage the author makes reference to an earlier report submitted

to the Sultan. Since Koçi Bey was one of several authors all drawing on the same reform ideas and stemming from the same intellectual milieu it is difficult to estab-

lish with certainty to which report the author is referring. The author alludes to his old age (pir u e~nekdar kul) in this passage in a way reminiscent of the passage at the beginning of Aziz Efendi's Kanun-i Sultani, who also refers to a second report submitted to the Sultan in the following words :

"bundan akdem vüzera-i &zam hususu ve ba<z~~ ahval-i paye-i serir-i devlet... 'arz ve tahrir olunmu~idi. Lâkin ulufelü kul taifesi dahi tashihi ehemm-i muhirr~mat-dan olma~~n, tekrar... cesaret olunmu~tur." (Kanun-i Sultani, fol. 124a). According to Röhrborn's analysis of the Kanun-i Sultan~~ in Untersuchungen zur Osma-nischen Vervaltungsgeschichte Berlin 1974, p. ii this work was also written in the year 1042, but as in the case of Koçi Bey the identity of the author is unclear.

Although we have insufficient evidence at present to establish the exact date and

authorship of the various reports it is clear that they emit from close associates in

558

RHOADS MURPHEY

j~.s."

(97A - 97B) . (See Ali Kemal Aksüt; Koçi Bey Risalesi, Istanbul 1939, Telhis

No. XVI, pp. 61 - 62).

• ,..)1ilo..U;lA (.5.jl C.)11:L ry-JA

(97B- 99A) . (See Ali Kemal Aksüt; Koçi Bey Risalesi, Istanbul 1939, Telhis

No. XVII, pp. 63 - 64)•

jil &I4 J.,

JL,.7 Z~~ I , %; I ,!...1.112

l~s• j . c.)1> . J I 44.1

SI i

j j 1I j 41;1;

j>11; . . ' j L,z.4-I

j j

-) 11:^1 .7(r. 4...14' *L:4. • -)-111')-'1• 12 Z.~ i j . J

.11.j. I iT j J .) AÇ J ‘i j~i.) j

1.5"T . J-L-S as-ii jil

government circles and represent perhaps even the co - operative efforts of several officials who discussed together cures for the empire's adn~inistrative ills and sub-mitted their recommendations for the Sultan's consideration.

12 The sense here requires that one read "dört vezir" rather than the "dört divan" which is written. That the copyist of the Veliyuddin telhis was extremely careless is immediately clear from a comparison of the text of the three additional telhis as published by Aksüt and as they appear in the Veliyyüddin manuscript. On folio 97a of the Veliyyüddin text for instance (see Aksüt Telhis No. ii, pp. 61-62) the copist leaves out an entire phrase which renders the meaning of the sentence unintelligible. Even the title at the beginning of the Veliyyüddin telhis on folio 96a reads "bin otuz iki senesinde olan telhisat" whereas it is clear from the references to Ca`fer Pa~a and Hüseyn Pa~a (see notes four and five above) that it cannot have been presented before 1042. An additional place in the text requiring emendation is indicated in note number seventeen below.


559

. JJ1.1.1

(99B) lI 1,4, 45fI -

r7.-6 yjjjl Jc 1.1=1yj j J.tS

Jil

(s.~.!.1 jl•„).;:4iL o4.1).L .).! J.); 0.5,1;1,

c..4•••;1; j4,_),);

I

4,, t• • J" 4-••••••';" Jb fli(.5_713.r';•'"

<S-t;." .)5:.71. ‘-'1-:J1 • (..s-U-"_P

d~t>1 I L,: j•L':- •

L11.; •j~~ l . .

Ç.dS L?:- Ar.....ü; L!)YjJ JI L 1Si+1;

k:, <11--P jJl ~ j.,:rt... 44) 3303 . J.L.t.1.)); oi azim

44!

,:•••!.LÇ. lp

~ 00A) )31 ki j ojjl jL 1;

4,1 441 sLij (.),U1

jSei 441 j, j, J5j..5 14 J-11.L.e.

13 Aziz Efendi expresses his thoughts on this subject in the following way: "dört vezirin hasslar~~ kadimden muayyen ve defter-i icmalde mastur ve mu-kayyed...olup." (Aziz Efendi, fol. 12913). "hala nagâh yeniden üç vezir dahi nasb olunub, halen hilâf-i kanun yedi vezir..." (Aziz Efendi, fol. 130a).

Just before the accession of Murad IVth the number of kübbe vezirs had risen to eight. In the year 1030/1621 Topçular Katibi lists the following personages as vezirs:

"vezir-i 3:zam vezir Hüseyn Pa~a, vezir-i sani Mehmed Pa~a vezir-i salis Hasan Pa~a, vezir-i rabi`Mahmud Pa~a, vezir-i hamis Mehmed Pa~a, vezir-i sadis Recep Pa~a, vezir Mustafa Pa~a, vezir Dilaver Pa~a." (Top. Kat. 214b)

In describing the conven.ing of the divan on the ~~ 6th. of Rebiül-evvel 1038/Novem-ber 14, 1628 Naima lists nine vezirs not including the Ni~anc~~ Yusuf Pa~a and the defterdar Bekir Pa~a. See Naima II, 440, Istanbul 1282.

11 A similar sentiment is expressed in Hirz al-Mülük:

"lazim olan dahi budur ki e~er keri~ne-i muàzeme ve e~er hem~ire-i mu-fahhereleridir, aslen ve katèn vüzeraya ve beylerbeyilere tevzi` buyurulmay~p dört yüz bin be~~ yüz bin akçe hasslar ile sanca~a mutesarr~f bir namdar bey'c tevzi` buyurulup, onun dahi sanca~~~ ser hadd'da olmay~p iç - illerde olup ber vech-i te'bid mutesarr~f ola." (Hirz al - Mulük, fol. 12a).

560 RHOADS MURPHEY

j d.91

J*5k-••- • • (-O-I L;

j ,;„11.j; j

o...e...(Lt j d...":"9 i.~ uT j.. J. . •

j.d5b:-1 o„ k dJ. 4.11-

_SU

ji1j1 0.6.031 ,s 2..t. L11.3 I .Ltil

J LA'4-..°-•:•-•. JI 4,1» 4.;

i l (r....x.'; ":"J.; L; j1ij a,.1._(J1!

. ~~ J 15 ji.;i1

~~~

j 4U*-3 1 -7.:•;‘;

j./.4 2_1112 j

aLiil _7k:A j j.!..13 J.w.! jUji < l i j. 44.1 ‘.5 1S j

j jl; d_111.2 j 1; j.!

L L J.. . J • L !_;•• i-°14-1 • " Ji ~ -e•JI ~i (ioc~B)

••• - -9•3 CS-LC.. 1 • ..~ LL il ~:)-(CLI1jj S •••••-••• -.1-4- 4":s; -LL -3 11 ..1 1 j•••.••

31,../••• _71;1-',..•-• .~•Libi AL91 " 4•-••••')L1 - '!Ii 12 J- 5 ̀11-;

,.•31-•-•-- -1'._;•• 4-4."4-.<•!

j y 4S J.;=, .1'11; (5)11,- )-L2.1 LI

14a It should be read olup.

16 Parallels—

"ve rical'den zib u ziynet ref‘ olunmak evlâ ve enfa' d~r" (Aziz Ef. I3oa)

"ve vükela-i devlet'te ve ‘asker'de gümü~~ raht ve ziver yok idi. Her biri-

nin.., iyi at ve keskin k~l~ç...". (Aksüt, p. 25).

16 Parallels—

"ve bin be~~ tarihinden beru cem'an memâlik-i Islamiyye'den on dokuz

eyalet yer elden gitti". (Aksüt, p. 50)

"bin tarihinden beru Nemçe K~ral' memalik'ten otuz k~rk pare kale

ile palanka al~p, haz'el - ân ellerindedir. ~ah-i gumrah dahi bunca eyalet-

leri kabz edip yaln~z Gence ve ~irvan memleketinden bir M~s~r hazinesi se-

ne'de der-i devlet'e gelip vas~l olurdu". (Cevdet Telhis, See text supra).

Pages 11 - 13 in Yucel's edition of the Kitab al- Müstetab, list all the Ottoman

losses on the eastern borders with Iran.

THE VELIYYUDDIN TELHIS 561

. )4:41 441

~.5:5 L5-7; L5-1:g t..,'"1_1•714 IJ>-) 4?-;^ l.5.71-<•! (5.71

3",1,1 j ,~s j 4S~ l .

jj . f1.1;

j.5,14

,:>_>•.1.1-> 4.1c..1 J L3.-.Ç r.-1; J Jbi 314.-;-•

_IL LS-1. .1° ..11.1jj k jjjI L.I.ts • J 4-Ç 4J3 1 -47 J

4...q.1 J-L.1 cs«-l~j~~ j ?J; )J3l I J J.~p ji

,51.41 j 4111

J.412.1.! 4).3,1 j 441. 4.;,›

j j Ul j (PIÇ. • _P .."•••.1.?

I .5 1:£1.• ~~ • .; .71 4....*••••5' L 3 ••••

i3;95 YJ>sS .)1•kii i JJj. dJJ j 1 j il.. U3l

1̀":1 L.s• :-nk?.j t-!.

(..5.7k>1' J1-4 4.54.1 JL JI j d j J3 1 'It.; -P

J.2-1 ,55.£ J:L«, J ~~

L3_,1 .17 ,ç-141 L,;.t 441C'~~ j c..)1 j L54-c- ~~

J111 < :)-1:44._frd. • (.541 J 3l 441 JIJJ.).>1 -5..;,b :.)..kk~- J.1.; 3

.~;S" 4.,31.5 ,;.1_;L„!

ii 1.-1:4. ,j1

. (.5-41 >S.) ..) 1.;

j • j.5" 4.11.1.1 il 44.1 )1 j iib5.b rYS-

.

~_r~~ ji 0L bS ;_~_5?.1.44 . .

,,,u ~~(101B) 4;U...~~

j J-~ç 4.1)1

j L5.4:3 j . Al il j»...

17 S ince Ahmed reigned from ~ o ~~ 2-1026/1603- 16~~ 7 it is again clear that the

copiest made an error here in writing "bin be~" instead of "bin on be~" tarihinde.

More precisely the date of the defterdar Ahmed Pa~a's elevation to the vezirate

should be sometirne in the previous year, 1014. He is mentioned as holding that rank by Topçular Kâtibi in the following passage:

"Lakin Ba~~ defterdar olan vezir Ahmed Pa~a ol tarihde Rum ilinde hazine

tahsilinde ferman-i ~erif ile cern< ettiklerinde mustevfa, hazine ile mah-i Ra-

mazan'-i ~erifin evas~t~nda 1014 tarihinde asitane'ye gelirler eda-i hizmet

ederler" (Top. Kat. ~~ 18a). Bil:elen C. XLIII, 36

562 RHOADS MURPHEY

.9-) 4•:-! 71; 1 • .I1 -1? 7. 31.' 1 44..".!I. •=1.17-(L)1 ! )71•W ~:.`;) 14•"•£*-• • Ji-) 1.5 js.; L'•ij4 _j • J•k-s—,S-

Lib. • 4.1 ,Y.L4 ;J-L;

J " j'•••;1:•'. L3-/41 -12-:^•=;JJ L!"4;,• 4 4,3 L',01T

-L ti1> ji 4:3V ji 01...711.£

Ji°1 ,1--; 44.~~ ,ÇI,

di ril~~~~~...fr j ‘.5";- . I <S 4JI y~~ 45' 1 0 I

j11.5 1 • e 1 ilJ2 44 1 3,ly`"—*•"'W. jjI II J 443 4.1 J..91 J.;=

- 1..S• 441 J 45Z1 4.1?.j_jS" „.„.1 „S-1 . j1 . ,j.;G .71,-4:-. I

j..~S,5" .31;..c.I 5L.,a 1,1 . ,J,1

• Ly4; J J 1 • "; L;L,.. (io2A)

441 7.35 • J. J-Ç ,L1-15-

$,.. ~~ ,!..~..4.~~ _kr.; I I jtS ,S 31,1

. j.ks- js" j,411 31y js.:•4. ~. 1 j>j° J • JJ~~‘...91.3 J 1 ,L L? .1 1 r4ri7L1....";; 1-1 • J-5)1_,j,•> AlJj

(:•L. ••• -1?. 1 ° »; 1.7) • J•11. 1 4.:1-;;7 .7'1; Ls-Y. ‘11•'• 3ji (5.t1-; >11 (.57.

JL UJ I L3 Ç 1I IJA.; j ,i..1.[•1 4:71. . .j_;j1 .

. J.>

,8 A further reference to this method practiced by the beys and their agents to gain control over a large number of timars is made in an appendix (lahika) to Ayni 'Ali taken from an icmal register from the sancak of Ni~bolu:

"ve suba~~lar~n ve sipahilerin cüz'i behane ile timarlar~~ al~nmaya, me~er emr olunan hizmet'e varamayalar veya sefer-i Hamayun'a gitmeyeler veyahud Padi~ah~n emrine muhalif edeler veya katl-i nefs etmi~~ olalar, Katl-i nefs ettikleri dahi sancak beyi ve kadi ile ma`lum olmu~~ ola" (Risale., p. 104).


Iv

,19

j> jj; 4.Q.101

i l 3 dç 4.1 31

.L711.c.

‘.5 31;-•--t?L J

°.~• 45 'L;

ji j j j il o -l:.701e

( 02B) j i j ‘31J-1

J °•3 jL3,El

L • ii. S )1c:;. J• ° 4- 1,5

j1,..1;1—.. 4.:3 J1..3 Z~~ .1.J.:;1 j.j.; o il j.l~P ja- 1.-4.1

441 jL,10 ,:y.10 51, ,,15" . ii! . ja; j

5b. . 2° Jb.

19 See my comments in the English summary for the reasons why such im-

portance was attached to this question. Several other authors writing at almost

the same time also devote long sections of their works to this question and while

choosing different points of emphasis arrive at much the same conclusions. While

the author of the Veliyuddin telhis chooses as his target primarily the Darif s - Sa‘d-

det a~alart and their excessively large estates, in Hirzü'l - muluk the vezir-i a`zams,

particularly Sokollu Mehmed Pa~a, are singled out for blame. (See H~rzü'l - muluk,

p. ~~ 2b- ~~ 7b). In Aziz Efendi likewise (fol. 129b-130a) it is the vezirs who are principaly

blamed. Aziz Efendi recommends that the vezirs be reduced to the traditional number

of four and that hass revenues be assigned to these four vezirs only (see above note

thirteen). There are also passages in Koçi Bey's risale which closely parallel the ideas

expressed in this telhis from the Veliyüddin mecmua.

For instance:

on the vezirs be makes the following comments:

"onlar dahi nice umura müdahaleye ba~lay~p, guzat ve mukatele haklar~~

olan nice yüzy~l mukaddem feth olunrnu~~ kura ve mezari< birer tank ile kimin

pa~makl~k ve kimin arpal~k ve kimin temlik ettirip.., sonra her bir tevabiìne

nice timarlar ve zeametler ettirip, erbab-i seyfin dirliklerin kat' ettiler." (Aksüt,

p. 31).

on the subject of using these revenues to support troops rather than on

satisfying the whims of a few:

"Havass-i Hümayun karyeleri ve hilaf-i ~er temlikler ve vak~flar mahsulat~—

ulufelu kul taifesine tevzi< ve taksim olunsa 40,000-50,000 nefer ulufelerin

hazineye koyup t~mara ç~karlard~. 40,000 nefer yevmiyesi yirmi~er akçadan

...senevi 2,000 yük akçadan ziyade hazineye sai olup, irad masrafa galip olur".

(Aksüt, p. 56)

20 Compare Aziz Efendi folio ~~ 3oa - "ol makule hilaf-~~ ~er u kanun olan

vak~flarda sevab ihtimali yoktur. "The similarity of the language here and in the

passage which follows (see note twenty - two below) shows how closely associated

.~,m1_..t..31.

564

RHOADS MURPHEY

.5" ~~4.,1.c

L:3 .

JUL, , riT ,•„.5.2) L. Ja ~~ 1 .

.71; T .41 Lsp, J.. i ~~41.i. . .

I .j.;; j ,!..1;"[ j

51'=" • -) 4" 412-...›,. • )-5J 1 .! (I o3A) j diz-.

°J; ii L)i iJb Lytb JI..; oL~JJ il ii j j 441

J-L*--(t

jL..-

31,1 >C jl-C4;

3.) ‘5.1.11;,.p <..41 • i, i < ti .

'.~.L-c. 4sj33 5 ~~ JI;•'

LT'~. L5i" Ui jJj i •!-1:.1c- 4-:"' jd-• •

is~~ „ ~i J LJ,i ,:)1:J I ‘.24.,..t

4;5_,..

L. . I U:4 j j

4—Jl; j 4Jjj J < L14to L5.6LL liL . 21 j I

j.> j JJ

the authors of these various telhis and books of Advice to Kings were. The authors sometimes quoted almost verbatim from each others' works and often pirated their own phraseology repeating a similar idea in different contexts. However until the extent texts have all been published there can be no thought of solving the prob-lems of authorship, origin of the reform ideas and the historical development of the genre.

2 1 Such a measure was indeed carried out by the order of the defterdar Emir Pa~a in the year 1061/1651. Naima states, vol. V, p. 70, Istanbul 1283, that Emir Pa~a confiscated the salaries (vazife) of 30,000 such duâgüyân thus considerably reducing the financial burden on the treasury amounting at that time to seventeen million akça yearly. Although the figure of 30,000 is an exaggeration, the figures provided in register 6367 of the Maliyeden Müdevver Tasnifi in the Ba~bakanl~k Archives in Istanbul indicates that though their number amounted to only 7,088, the yearly expenses for the year 1064/1054 exceeded thirty - three million akça.


j ii ji;,1.; J.1.‹.,~.c. " 51; - 45" j

.3j.t.:..! j j..›..„S~. I 4 j j i cil~. (103B)

.! 22 jÇjit.da;1 31,1 j &.%.; J*

J-k-Ç•z!..A.,••=.-

. cs.517e.c.kj

d~....;i t L.JI ~~,pLZ.L.• 1 rAti1,1,

1 .)..) • jJ3t J:7"-i 471. 0

*-e•--L-G Lfl•L'•••1. <-114 J. LJ J-k;..,J. • ,..s-12•;1-:

j.); ji j 1C.3 fI

>Lj ;

• * L.S~~

jkfr; LU ••'. I Ii.) • (P111.0.

s:- C,145 44. 0

ii j ,5 31a; d.J.Jbl_.

L~11 3 3.Jt4.41—.

(g• j4.° ,s1 ~~ S~~-~~ I . 4.4 ~ t L.I 4.4L..*.e.;1•-

.,..J1; J•3 c.S1 LIP .-1; 14,!- 1:-‘•JJiJjJ

)1.4 - )1? ,;u, 3t1,

JL l . J.k.0 r.L; fj3t ri• (104A)

4; L..., j

44._>•!kÇL.. c..t9 ç >L.4 . il ~~..--;

jl..,>1 LJ j .! .; ~~ .S-

~sz J. .

r.,T ji~; ,.71;1 .»11' LJ, bU l.t.! ‘5,11i; 43.f.1.1,1

ji...715-11. 4i771' >lit Ç > ,1„.;3.Jjt ~?u• ,s j~ii; .

-; J~~ _t?.1-•" 1

j~.4; ;1! I . ,45"../.5" 31,1 r..k;

4„.b. r.t;

22 In a telhis from Koçi Bey's first risale the same idea is giyen the following

expression: "ve ziamet timar~~ eshabma tevzi"e mani < olup, vilayetin harab~na ba<is

olanlar hala add ol~mmak laz~m gelirse ancak otuz k~rk adam olur ziyade ol-

maz. Öyle olsa otuz k~rk adam~n hat~r~n~~ ria<yet için böyle bir devlet muhtel

ve mü~evve~~ olmas~n~~ ha~a ki sa<adetlü Padi~ah~m~z ca<iz göre." (Aksüt. p. 52)

566 RHOADS MURPHEY

VI

ri) ...e.:11.?.1 J,J.1 r,,

14-J,S J,LJil .

5.1. P` j..>i .).! -"

-; ~.-1,..!* I 471 jJjJ iJJJ;^ 4S. J-2'. • ° J. •

(104B) I jr. 4IL4I b I ZS.'" LiS j

J -P•L5. d,li JI il '41 ~.1, J il• • JJI,:•-• • il ji L.T".••a

11 •!..)1-(! ° J-C° '4 ; • J r it 4.1 .4;),JJI jjil iiLJ,I j.t_p

(s)/41 J1 ,.„..11.1. JI Jil k...21 J ji j L.ti j j il 4..;

L4-1.;•- 4•!. L.Ç.~•L<J SZLt

24

J. 4:-.1.)); 1 j'14 ~..k1

)-1: k.4'.""1". ':-••• 1£ • -; (S.): L9"8-)1

blez; il ~ j-J J7.A3 I ` ' 1 .)1;; j j jt 41-çj I

23 The question of preventing illegitimate outsiders (ecnebi) from attaining a timar assignment through false pretences is taken up in the folbwing places to name a few only:

Ali, Nasihat al - Selatin, 89a-92a Cevdet Telhis (see text supera). 'Ayn-i Ali, Kâvanin, pp. 70-75/Fâtih 3497, f. 30a-36b, Although in general

this manuscript follows the plan of the printed version an additional chapter on abuses and tricks by which timars were assigned to persons who were legally ineligible is included This chapter is entitled "ziamet ve timar hususunda vaki' olan ihtilale baìs ne oldu~un beyan eder,"

Hirz'ül - mülük, 41b - 5ob, section on mir-i miran. Aziz Efendi, 135a - 13513 Reis'ül - Küttab 1004, pp. 154a - 159b. (see note 24 below).

The prevention of inaccurate or falsified records of timar assignments was naturally the first step in reviving the timar-based provincial army and thus is fully treated by most of the reform group authors of Advice to Kings.

24 Copies of other correspondance recording the details of the orders sent to Hüseyn Pa~a and the instructions which he was giyen concerning how to carry out the timar inspections in Rumeli are to be found in Reis'ül - Küttâb 1004, 154a-


25 .))-1;j5 °S.1 .51 ‘31.."-.91 41;:•Cjil ‘:>1•••_);

44.1 r i;.s '-'1•!_~ l ‘.5./ I ji

4.."kc* Ls"-• J j1 ~ o5A) j .2 Jil 4.1 jI

Lc•_; j j L:3S. 1.«[.4 11..4- j

,s;,?-d cs_73 4kfriP J ~Y JL3 • "Lç 4""!

'LlÇ (..S.)r

J ;..)L. ‘:ilj J; Jl

1•1 • ; _7'1 45-4j• 26 j_,1,1 S:9.W» J14;

J.13 j C...414; .

.27

1591p. The most typical of the five documents copied in this ~necmua is the appoint- ment berat granted to Hüseyn Pa~a (Reis'ül - Küttâb 1004, f. 158a - 150) in the first part of Muharrem ~ o42/late July 1632, a short quote from which follows:

"ve hin-i yoklamada ve su'alde ahar~n berat~~ ile gelip hile ve al edenlerin ve ecnebiliklerin zahir olanlar~n ve yoklama ahirine de~in mahalline var~p yoklamayanlar~n ve tevaif-i mezbureden fevt olanlar~n ziarnet ve timarlar~~ Rumilinde sakin ulufelu kullar~ndan talib olanlara ulufeleri bedeli.., üzere tevcih edip,—."

25 The same abuse is referred to in Hirz al - muluk on f. 46a in the following passages "Mesela bir kimesne hem yarar ve hem sahih sipahizade olsa amma

fakir olup beylerbeyi'ye murad üzere rü~vet verme~e kudreti olmazsa ömrü mülazimet ile geçer, timar almak ihtimali yoktur Amma bir maldar ecnebi

timara duhul etmek dilerse, beylerbeyi ve defterdar kethudas~, ve defterdar hallu haline göre rü~vet" and

"Ecnebiler mal kuvveti ile timara duhul edip, sipahizadelerin ve eli emirlü-lerin eksen i fakir olmakla, fakir na - murad gezerler".

On the question of weathly timar holders sending others in their place to do their required military service see Cevdet Telhis (lines 20-28) and 'Ayn~' Ali, Fatih 3497 MS, fol. 33a-33b.

26 Compare Aziz Efendi, folio 135a where rather than openly accusing Hüseyn

Pa~a of deliberately misappropriating timars for family and personal friends, says rather that he put too much trust in the claims of and reports of his alay beys.

27 To show the extent of the favoritism and nepotism practiced by many beys

in the assigr~ment of timars, gives the example of the Beylerbeyi of Aleppo who

assigned timars to his retinue totaling to a value almost as great as his own income :

568 RHOADS MURPHEY

VII

o ,55 .3

d j.~.~;.14.1 il ÇIL, j I Z.~. j;11.> d;.L71.1,1 31,7 j

j 6.5,1:11.LILJlw ‘5.1 . j1js. j r„ 1-d- j I I j.5l-; 45..c- I g.."4 j

4.,i1; • , ,LL—L4

3JJ Lf.-* 31,-„~~ fl ~~L9j 05B) ,LI.dj S. Lk1 r„

J„~~ 441 JS

4Jy Jld j..~.; I jj j j ji ..~~/.1:J 31 L~_,4 .

r,„ „L; „~‘,3 Li J f JI i~~ .

j il d J..j1d1.; I 4.1,3_,;

iLdd 4,4

J -)17';-• Cs.•. 1.•• ~5:5•115' I. il :-LLCSt; :14 -1-(-•••

.3 ..71° $.• (S- 13 -,7;

41. J1" • .71 • " il C;1-;

. ji . ).3 j j1Jl.. ~~ J1,

( ~ o5B - 107B)

(See Ali Kemal Aksüt; Kafi Bey Risalesi, Istanbul 1939, Telhis No. XVIII, pp. 65 - 67).

CEVDET TELHIS

K 52

j j 4.1; j

J L. *-us '1 •4P1,SZl L'ç•• -)14.. «, d • -) Ji-t•4.1 L':; 441 15.~lii;

"Bu fakir... Haleb defterdar~~ iken... Karamandan... mir-i mirân-i vilayet-i Halebin on kerre yüz bin ile kendi vilayeti mukarrer iken, ikinci seneye var~nca sekiz kere yüz binle adamlar~n~n timar ve ziameti mükemmel oldu. ('Ali - Na-

sihdtu's - seldtin folio 8913)


. (.~ l,; ,;; ÇL8i JJ:t 411

;•-•• J' - • .LS". I)14: ; ....L P j

y_,11C.jjI,ç,141."5" .‘-3j.1.!

r'"' J^ 'LE" <SJJJ1<;;; )91 ;:? °S J

iJ .‘-:".•.° ~..f,? `141 41;‘1_31 1,4?. J ~c;

0b5- 4£.1J 44.1

_r"'" ~ z51 ‘L,S- SZJL 1ziLl

1••1;.P1 r.1.1 .j-(12 4,,L; L'. •

i 4;'•! JL l 3.,331 od.zjL.(.5.)1•• 1-3-• Ji _A-'1-•1

'Ir':

-)44•1

JUL! j;

j1 1.:_! )l jy ut U4i Jl j

j j.! •28 ~ ,1Ç (11..c csL.c.

J'Ltl•-,1 Q••;.);

441 Jy ,n1 j1:1

J1--(;•-•• ..~:1-5-1 Ii) • J-LIS-•

ii cs'"11°.: - J...J (5_71S1 J: -1

j c.£ j a Lt L jU $i jSZ xJ.j L.t1.4

j

j j1.4 j

L91 l,° 4.1 , L 1 0„.,1;

44.1 71" 1 L5-4" j JdJ jÇ j JL5Z4°idIj _9 4-1-4 ;

). 7.3 3k jSiL 4L . LlS j>4l;

45.- dil J 1 ~:.) .)r ~c.~~.,7

uJLI 1.7) • )4-:4.1 4.:".""9" J CL~9.3 9,1 9 4:•-• C.)1...);

j

,s,11.C.1 L:J j.! il J JÇ J Z- j i J JjJjl

( ) LJL1,1,11j.:4-1,1 .Jl j jS" jl j

28 Compare Aksüt, PP•

"ve Karadeniz taraf~ndan dahi Kazak-i bi-àk zuhur edip". Yeniköy ve nice bahceleri ihrak-~~ bi'n-nar ve emval-i müslimin garet ve hasaret eyledi ve ~err ü ~tirurlar~~ def< için Bo~azda kaleler yap~l~p, Istanbul etraf~~ muhafaza olunmak laz~m geldl,"

570 RHOADS MURPHEY

)4-1,5 J

cs. (.1 LA; di I Z..11 J.11S"..N j.1..; kim I U‘s.A....;

45j.,l 1.; 31..i; I I j~b I 29 j J.I.S" ..)."4.j jI I id~~

1,0 I •41> jajl 41+J j 140 J.)41; ii<.•; ‘7' L--!-) 1 1*.c

_lh ":-! L! (S-1 J ri 4;1 -1 L?"' •

J-ej J J

29 The wholesale "borrowing" in this passage again shows how interdepen-clent the authors of Advice lite -ature were. (See note twenty above). The passage in Aksüt beginning on page 53 with the phrase:

"Hatta lo~~ ~~ tarihinde Yemisçi Hasan Pa~a vezir-i a<zam" iken, ba<clehu 1022

tarihinde Nasuh Pa~a vezir-i a<zam iken zeamet ve timar sepetlerinden ihraç, ve erbab-~~ istihkaka tevzi< olunmas~~ bab~nda hat-i hümayun-i sa<âdet - makrun sad~r oldukta... cümlesi mevcud yoklama~la bir timar zuhure gelmedi"

and ending on page 54 with the words:

"bir timara on adem yap~~~p.., in~allah.., bir timar saklanmay~p cümlesi zuhura gelir".

follows almost word for word the corresponding passage in the Cevdet Telhis, See supra lines 23-38).

PARTIAL LIST OF WORKS CITED AND ABBREVIATIONS

KAVAN~N Ayn-i AÜ, Kâvanin-i Al-i Osman der hulasa-i mezamin-i defter-i Divan,

Istanbul 1280

RiSALE - Ayn-i ALI, Risale-i vazife - harân ve meratib-i bendegân-i Al-i Osman, Istanbul I 28o

FATill 3497 " " " untitled manuscript of the kavanin in the Süleymaniye Library, Fatih No. 3497

Aziz EF. - Aziz Efendi (?), Kânunnârne-i Sultani ii-Aziz Efendi, Berlin Staatsbibli-otek MS Or. No. 1209, fol. 124-136

HIRZ - Anonymous, Hirzü'l - mülük, Süleymaniye Library, Hac~~ Mahmud Efendi

No. 4974 AICSÜT - Koçi Bey, edited by Kemali Aksut, Kofi Bey Risalesi, ~stanbul 1939

Müs. Anonymous, Kitab-i Mustetâb ed. Ya~ar Yücel, Ankara 1974

REIS'ÜL - KÜT., Mün~eat Mecmuas~, Süleymaniye Library, Reis'ül - küttab No. 1004

ALI - Mustafa Ali, Nasihatü's - selatin, Süleymaniye Library, Fatih No. 3522

N~kimA - Mustafa Nairr~a, Tarih, Istanbul 1280 (çerçeveli), Istanbul 1283 (çerçe- vesiz)

TOPÇULAR, Topçular Kâtibi 'Abdulkadir Efendi, Tarih, Süleymaniye Library Esad Efendi No. 2151


k 1 4"..17

1-119.) LL-0 j . (Kp c.;.) .

"--R=1 CS1J " dj,Lt JJJ.,1 .0 ~~ Lo.b 4iSZJ j j J JS Li i ççj1L j

ji th4:3).:1 j.. ru;„,

)34' .1 411,..~..,Li Jl 4•10 Jl ~~ JI 1-; J ° .11.1 L5 1.) ~~ •L;Ci l

. ~; 4..„1.<3;.; .

.i11,1 <1i `' ,13 L.° ..115-1" J • lipj

Lb1.0 ,:kr"

.4 44.1 ..~4L—;1 z•JJI.5 Jj -) 41

4:4 1 1•`:.•• • • • .>,•""

Documents

THE VELIYYUDDIN TELHIS: NOTES ON THE SOURCES AND