1

The Role of the Media in

Countering Radicalisation

in Bangladesh

JUNE 2014

2

Table of Content

Executive Summary 3

1. Introduction 5

1.1 Background 5

1.2 Overview of the project 6

1.3 Structure of the report 6

2. Methodology 7

2.1 Literature review 7

2.2 Perception survey 7

2.3 Key Informant Interviews 8

2.4 Focus Group Discussions 8

3. The State of the Media in Bangladesh 8

3.1 Print media 8

3.2 Electronic media 9

3.3 Social and new media 9

4. The State of Radicalisation in Bangladesh 10

4.1 Bangladesh: State and Social fabric 10

4.2 Various manifestations of radicalisation 11

4.3 Focus on religious radicalisation 13

4.4 Radicalisation and youth 13

4.5 Radicalisation and social media 14

5. How Radical Groups Use the Media 15

6. How the Media Use Radical Groups 17

7. Counter Radicalisation and the Media: Building Cooperation 17

7.1 Media and counter radicalisation: Which media? 18

7.2 Counter radicalisation and the role of the media 18

7.3 Media in counter radicalisation awareness building 20

7.4 Countering radicalisation through counter narratives 20

7.5 Level of cooperation between government and the media 22

7.6 Government initiatives in counter radicalisation through the media 24

8. Counter Radicalisation and the Media: Challenges Ahead 24

9. Media Control vs. Media Freedom in Counter Radicalisation: A Debate 26

10. Conclusion 27

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Executive Summary

This paper entitled “The Role of the Media in Countering Radicalisation in Bangladesh” is one

of the deliverables of the project “Towards Developing a Better Counter Terrorism Regime in

Bangladesh- Phase II”, being implemented by Bangladesh Enterprise Institute (BEI). The paper

aims at providing a detailed understanding of the role of the media in creating awareness and

national consensus against threats emanating from radicalisation in Bangladesh. In order to

provide a broader spectrum on different aspects of the role of the media in countering

radicalisation, this report systematically uses both qualitative and quantitative data in

interpreting current trends and dynamics.

Bangladesh has been currently facing multifaceted threats of radicalisation from different

angles. Therefore, it has become important to integrate various actors of different sections

of the society as stakeholders to devise a comprehensive strategy to counter radical ideology,

narrative and propaganda. The media in Bangladesh is vibrant and has been working to bring

about positive social changes in the country.

This study shows that the media has been a vanguard in protecting and enhancing the security

of the masses by pointing at the lurking intentions that aim to undermine the very social fabric

of a secular and peaceful Bangladesh. The vibrant media of Bangladesh has always been

prompt to help the law enforcement agencies to unearth the trends in radicalisation. This

paper presents a current scenario of the vibrancy of the existing media including the potential

use of social media as a new tool in countering radicalisation.

Various manifestations of radicalisation in Bangladesh, with explicit references to some new

and regrouped radical groups, have been analysed in this paper. Currently, the most potent

threat is Islamist radicalisation and its recent trends are quite different from previous

manifestations. The children and youths are the groups most vulnerable to the concocted

preaching and propaganda of the Islamist radicals. The narratives developed by the radicals

find the children and youth as easy lucrative targets because they are easy to manipulate and

emotionally more gullible. Though Islamist groups have not been very successful to use the

mainstream media for their purposes, the study shows that the social media has been a safe-

haven for the radicals to lurk and continue spreading their messages.

Given the utility and the outreach potential, the radical Islamist outfits often try to exploit the

mainstream media to promote their cause. The media, unintentionally, can often be used by

the radicals to attract attention of the masses, to achieve recognition and gain legitimacy from

them. At the same time, the carelessness and lack of professionalism of the media

professionals can often lead to spreading the wrong message to the general public, and help

the radicals indirectly. Though this glorification may not be intentional, the profit making

tendency often lies beneath such behaviour in order to attract the public sentiment for their

business. Such trend in the long-run can impact and eventually help the radicals to achieve

their objective of “winning the hearts and minds” of the population.

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As radicalisation has various manifestations, the study suggests that it would be wise to use

all possible combination of the media to counter radicalisation. The study suggests that, as a

potential stakeholder, the media can intervene to play several significant roles in addressing

the problem of radicalisation. As radicals have narratives to extend their support base and to

recruit new members, the media should be given utmost priority for the successful

propagation of counter narratives to that of the radicals. This may halt the processes and

undermine the strength of the radicals by preventing the newer prospective targets from

falling under the spell of radicalisation. The study also puts importance on the need for

greater cooperation between the media and government to address the problem.

Several challenges exist in using the media as a potential arsenal against radicalisation. The

political bias, lack of objectivity, lack of skill and expertise, inaccurate information, profit

making tendency, trust deficit between security agencies and the media, and low level of

cooperation are some of the challenges that may undermine the potential of the media in

creating awareness and a national consensus against threats emanating from radicalisation.

Moreover, the radicals lurk freely in social media with all their radical propaganda which has

made the possibility of using the media as potential stakeholder even more difficult.

Most recently a debate has arisen with regard to the ICT Act, which is argued by many to be

an instrument of controlling the media. While the government authorities expect it to be a

medium to counter radicalisation and terrorism, there are many media professionals and

social activists who believe that it would usher in more authoritarian control on the freedom

of the media, thereby systematically decapitating the potential of the media to address this

social problem.

Despite all the challenges radicalisation still holds a strong ground and the media, if harnessed

properly, can be used as a strong medium of delivering counter ideological narratives. The TV

channels in Bangladesh have a reach to remote places and the content broadcast has greater

acceptance. This acceptability and outreach can be harnessed to raise public awareness

against radicalisation. The youth have appeared as a strong force in the spectrum of social

media and their energy can be used to raise voice against the spectre of radicalisation in social

media to prevent their fellow youths and children from falling under the influence of

extremist ideology. It may be noted that to counter radicalisation, the cultural history of

Bangladesh can be a useful tool providing an alternative narrative to keep the young minds

away from radicalisation. The media can spread counter-propaganda and accurate

interpretation of religious scriptures. Engaging the media in countering radicalisation is just

one part of the exercise. Identifying and employing all forms of interventions can best form a

common defence against the threat of radicalisation.

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The Role of the Media in Countering Radicalisation in Bangladesh

1. Introduction

1.1 Background

The media performs important functions in maintaining and guaranteeing democratic norms

and values. It is the media that shares updates, both national and international, among the

people within the nation, as well as with people around the world. Media performs the task

of acting as a “watchdog” within the society to monitor and report the progress of growth

and development, among others. The media serve as an intermediary between individuals

and the government; informing the latter of people’s needs and acting as a shield against

crises and situations of extreme deprivation; it holds governments accountable and makes

their actions more transparent; and, along with other indicators of good governance, it

creates a business-enabling environment, a climate conducive to more effective public affairs

management, and so forth. Media’s traditional roles include informing, educating, building

awareness, communicating to people, acting as a forum for debate and discouse, promoting

country’s image, entertaining, advocacy, publicity, medium of exposing, playing the role of

civil society vis-à-vis state and promoting public good. Enhancing communication,

understanding and cooperation between the government and the media, two crucial societal

actors, can bring about a win-win situation for the government, the media and society at

large.1

The role of the media in countering Islamist radicalisation and terrorism has been a topic of

discussion for quite sometime now. The fateful incidents of September 11, 2001 have ushered

in a new trend in analysing counter-terrorism studies. Radicalisation research and subsequent

de-radicalisation and counter radicalisation programmes have sprung out in many countries

around the globe. Increasing trends are noticable that use various social, political and

economic actors in countering the threat of radicalisation in developing countries where poor

governance, inadequate public service delivery, corruption, nepotism and political volatility

are rampant. As a case in point, Bangladesh is facing the threat of Islamist radicalisation.

Hence, it has become necessary to assess the usefulness of various religious and other social

actors in countering the menace of radicalisation. From this vantage point assessing the role

of a crucial social actor, the media, is not only timely but also very relevant in the context of

Bangladesh.

1 Raphael F. Perl, Engaging with the Media in Countering Terrorism: Challenges and Opportunities, paper presented at the OSCE Conference on “The War on Words – Terrorism, Media and the Law,” Vienna, 5-6 October, 2009.

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1.2 Overview of the Project

Bangladesh Enterprise Institute (BEI) has completed a 3-year project, entitled “Towards

Developing a Better Counter Terrorism Regime in Bangladesh”, with support from the Royal

Danish Embassy, Dhaka. The research findings suggest that radicalisation is a greater threat

for Bangladesh in the long run that needs to be dealt with in a systematic manner.

Radicalisation in Bangladesh is witnessing a new wave of indoctrination of which youths are

at the forefront. Youths are being used in all activities of radicalisation. This radicalisation is

founded on misinterpreting Islamic scriptures, challenging the peaceful, democratic and

secular narrative of Bangaldesh. Islamist extremist groups are spreading radical ideologies

that undermine the secular and progressive fabric of the society. These groups are exploiting

the weaknesses of governance and legal systems, political division, and most seriously the

simplicity of peace loving populace. Alarmingly, the contemporary Islamist radical doctrines

are targeting the middle class, educated and influential people including those in the public

and private universities and professions. The prime objective of their activities is to radicalise

the Bangladesh society for establishing a theocratic regime based on the Shariah.

In order to counter radicalisation and nip it in the bud, a combination of steps is necessary.

The areas of preventive solutions include the role of the media and civil society in countering

terrorism, the role of education system in shaping youth perceptions against terrorist

ideologies, terrorist financing, the impact of Bangladeshi diasporas on Islamist radicalisation,

and the building of a coherent counter narrative.

1.3 Structure of the Report

The organization of the report is divided into ten chapters with an Executive Summary and an

Annex. Preceded by the Introduction, the report goes on with the following chapters:

methodology; the state of the media in Bangladesh; the state of radicalisation in Bangladesh;

how Islamist groups use the media; how the media use radical groups’ activities; counter

radicalisation and the media; what challenges the media face in countering radicalisation; the

debate over media control vs. media freedom in counter radicalisation; and finally, concluding

remarks. This report benefits from inputs received from a Perception Survey conducted by

BEI on more than 100 media people. Additionally, findings of 10 Key Informants Interview (KII)

and 4 Focus Group Discussions (FGD) are also used to prepare this report.

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50%

30%

20%

Types of Media surveyed

Print

Electronic

Social

2. Methodology

2.1 Literature Review

A comprehensive literature review has been undertaken to analyze the trends, incidents,

prospects and challenges of the use of the media in countering radicalisation in Bangladesh.

Salient literature includes newspaper articles, books, peer reviewed journals, scholarly

reports, policy papers, working papers, issue briefs, special reports and various national and

international policy documents of renowned research institutions from home and abroad. As

a contested concept with regards to defining radicalisation, it is widely acknowledged that

radicalisation is predominantly a process. For the purpose of this report functional definition

of radicalisation is determined as:

“Radicalisation is a process in which a person gets indoctrinated by others or self-

motivation into a rigid ideology, religious or otherwise, equipped with a set of

goals and plans that may eventually lead to extremism, militancy and terrorism

aiming at national and/or international systemic change for governance and

regulating human lives.”2

Defining radicalisation still lacks consensus. There are definitions that capture radicalisation

in general forms, while some definitions capture only Islamist radicalisation. In the absence

of any widely recognised definition of radicalisation in Bangladesh, the report aims to adopt

the abovementioned definition for functional purpose.

2.2 Perception Survey

BEI has conducted a comprehensive perception survey on 100 media people in Dhaka City,

covering print, electronic and social media. The survey enquired several critically important

issues like trends in Islamist extremism in the country, inherent causes of radicalisation,

vulnerable sections of society to radicalisation, media’s counter radicalisation role,

effectiveness of media’s role, level of cooperation between media and law enforcement

agencies in counter radicalisation and many more.

2 Quoted from a presentation, entitled “Countering Radicalisation in Bangladesh”, made by Mohammad Humayun Kabir at a Bangladesh-India Security Dialogue held in New Delhi on 3 April 2014.

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2.3 Key Informants Interview (KII)

As part of the study, BEI conducted 10 key informants interviews (KIIs) from journalist

community, academics, NGO community, politicians, civil society, and religious community

members. The key informants provided in-depth information, which is not available in the

public domain. Such empirical inputs contributed significantly to the understanding of

radicalisation, and the existing and possible role of media in countering radicalisation. Strict

research ethics has been followed in collecting information to ensure utmost confidentiality

of the interviewees.

2.4 Focus Group Discussion (FGD)

In order to consolidate the findings of perception survey and KIIs, BEI went further and carried

out 3 focus group discussions (FGDs) separately with print, electronic, social media, and 1 FGD

with a combined group of representatives from all three media communities. In each FGD,

persons were present to discuss and suggest issues related to Islamist radicalisation and the

role of the media in counter radicalisation.

3. The State of the Media in Bangladesh

The media of Bangladesh refers to the print, electronic (broadcast) and online mass media

available in the country. Press freedom and freedom of expression is guaranteed under Article

39(1) of Bangladesh Constitution.3 The Bangladeshi media is ranked at 146th out of 180

countries on the Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index, with 1st being most free.4

3.1 Print media

Print media in Bangladesh is predominantly written in Bengali, with only a few in English. Daily newspapers in Bangladesh are published in the capital, Dhaka, as well as in major regional cities such as Chittagong, Khulna, Rajshahi, Sylhet and Barisal. Some newspapers offer online versions. The media in Bangladesh plays the role of informing general people about the governance dimensions of public concerns, socio-economic matters and issues of other national interests. Corruption, on the other hand, has always been under keen vigilance of the media and were instrumental in unearthing plots of corruption cases. The media, especially the print media, is influential in policy making and in shaping the image of the country beyond national borders. The leading English newspapers have a strong impact within policy circles as they are read by the bureaucratic and business elites and, most importantly, by diplomats, lending agencies and development partners.5 According to a website, currently

3 Bangladesh Constitution, Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs (Secretariat, Dhaka: Bangladesh Government Press), p. 21. 4 World Press Freedom Index 2014, Reporters Without Borders. http://rsf.org/index2014/en-index2014.php (Accessed on 5 June, 2014) 5 http://www.igs-bracu.ac.bd/UserFiles/File/archive_file/Governance%20and%20the%20Media.pdf

Figure: Distribution of respondents by types

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there are 566 national and 2475 local newspapers operating in Bangladesh.6 The number has been rising over the years.

3.2 Electronic media

The electronic media provides a visual space for debate and expression of views.7 Currently

there are more than thirty national TV channels including BTV with seven online radio

stations, thirteen private radio stations and one national radio station Bangladesh Betar. Until

1990, the electronic media was limited to the state-run terrestrially beamed Bangladesh

Television, and Bangladesh Betar (Radio), often the only source of news and information for

the rural population. However, entertainment radio channel such as Radio Today, had started

broadcasting from June 2006, with news of more FM radio channels coming soon. A recent

survey, carried out by the market research company AC Nielson, shows a dramatic rise in both

TV ownership and viewing over the last decade in Bangladesh, finding that 41% of households

owned a TV in 2006, as compared to 8% in 1995. The survey also states that over 65% of

Bangladeshis aged 15 or over watch TV at least once a week, indicating a substantial and

growing market for satellite TV channels.8

3.3 Social and new media

A common definition of social media, according to Andreas Kaplan and Michael Haenlein, is

“a group of Internet-based applications that build on the ideological and technological

foundations of Web 2.0 and that allow the creation and exchange of user-generated

content”.9 In other words, social media has been transformed from merely a space of a

content provider to a space of content generator.10 According to Socialbakers, a global social

media and digital analytics company, a total of 3,282,600 Bangladeshi users are there in

Facebook, which comprised 2.08 percent of total population.11 Most of these users belong to

youth section of the society. Apart from Facebook, there are Twitter, Myspace, Google+ and

many other application users as well.

6 Bangladeshi Media : At a glance. http://allmedialink.com/bangladeshi-media-glance/ (Accessed on 25 June 2014) 7 Irum Shehreen Ali, Governance and Media, CGS Working Paper 3, December 2006. http://www.igs-bracu.ac.bd/UserFiles/File/archive_file/Governance%20and%20the%20Media.pdf (Accessed on 25 June 2014) 8 Bangladesh Media and Demographic Survey, AC Nielsen, 2005 9 Andreas Kaplan and Michael Haenlein. "Users of the world, unite! The Challenges and Opportunities of Social Media". Business Horizons 53 (1): 59–68. 2010 10 http://www.strategicdialogue.org/allnewmats/Social%20Media%20Intolerance%20Literature%20Review.pdf 11Bangladesh Facebook Statistics. http://www.socialbakers.com/facebook-statistics/bangladesh (Accessed on 5 June 2014)

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4.5 4.8

52.7

24.6

11.3

4.50.4 0.6

0

10

20

30

40

50

60

Percentage

Age Range: 13-15 16-17 18-24 25-35 35-44 45-54 55-64 65-100

Source: BTRC/September 2013

Figure: Bangladesh Facebook user’s age distribution. Data from Socialbakers.

4. The State of Radicalisation in Bangladesh

4.1 Bangladesh: The State and Social Fabric

Bangladesh is the third largest Muslim country in the world, with a population of about 160

million. Bangladeshis have traditionally adopted Sufi principles of liberal Islam and secularism.

The country has experienced threats emanating from Islamist radicalisation and violent

terrorist attacks. Youth radicalisation has created an unstable environment within the society.

11

0

50

100

62

28 28

166

2

Which section of soceity is mostly vulnerable to the appeal of radical organizations

The Perception survey has given some indication of vulnerable groups susceptible to the

appeals of radical Islamist organizations. It has found that 62% believe that the youth are the

most vulnerable among other categories including children, women, and adults. Interestingly

respondents found that both children (28%) and women (28%) are equally prone to become

victims of radicalisation.

Figure: Perception survey statistics on vulnerable section of society to radicalisation

Islamist groups have used young students as well as children from madrassas to undertake a

prolonged campaign of terror which resulted in multiple deaths, attacks on law enforcement

authorities, in particular the police, destruction of infrastructure and attacks on minorities. In

addition to home-grown fundamentalism, Bangladesh has also witnessed the rise of

transnational Islamist groups, such as Hizb-ut-Tahrir, which espouse violent doctrines and are

especially active in universities, with the youth being particularly targeted for indoctrination.

Newspaper reports have also revealed that children who attend English-medium schools and

madrassas have also been targeted by these transnational radical groups. These groups, as a

whole, are challenging not only the time-tested and well-practised and established religious

order and the socio-political ethos in Bangladesh, but are resulting in pushing the youth

towards violence and conflict, with severe short and long-term implications for the country

and its future generations.

4.2 Various manifestations of radicalisation

Radicalisation takes many forms. In Bangladesh radicalisation takes root from extremism of

various kinds, namely religious, left wing, splinter groups of ethnic insurgents, as well as socio-

economic causes that are also responsible for breeding extremism and radicalisation.

In Bangladesh, the trends in religious radicalisation are significantly different from that

prevailing in Pakistan, Afghanistan and India, in terms of nature and characteristics. Trends in

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radicalisation in Pakistan are more violent and extensive in nature. Pakistani Taliban is a

serious threat to the national security of Pakistan. Currently, it has been an important concern

to the common people as the rise in religious radicalisation is increasing due to the prevalence

of Islamist views in Bangladesh politics. Along with political Islam, there are other factors

behind religious extremism in Bangladesh. There are both religious and extremist parties in

Bangladesh who carried out terrorist acts in the country. Several years ago, the top leaders of

Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) were caught while planning a terrorist attack; they

were put on trial.

Left-wing extremism is also present in Bangladesh but now it is almost moribund. Some of the

well known left-wing parties were Purba Bangla Community Party (PBCP), Red Flag, Gono

Mukti Fouz (GMF), Biplobi Community Party, Sarbahara Party, Janajuddho, Gono Bahini, etc.12

But over time, lack of popular support and marginalization have weakened these groups and

they are now almost defunct.

Once prominent ethnic radicalisation is now seldom seen after the 1997 Peace Accord. But

inter-party rivalry between PCJSS13 and UPDF14 is at times very fierce.15 Although return of

insurgency is unlikely, several potential conflict-sensitive issues are yet to be resolved, of

which land is the most important one.

There are speculations on the linkages between some Madrassas and radicalisation. Media

reports found that JMB Chief Abdur Rahman was educated from Ahle Hadith madrassa of

Jamalpur.16 Various socio-political factors, such as governance deficit and poor service

delivery, can trigger radicalisation. In the case of Bangladesh economic hardship,

unemployment, illiteracy, anxiety and depression, adverse life events, poverty, migration,

extremist view on religion, etc. often help to facilitate radicalisation.17 A novel dimension of

radicalisation is taking roots in Bangladesh. The use of social media is now increasingly seen

as a tool of radicalisation. As a result, youth section of the society is becoming vulnerable to

the threat of radicalisation significantly.

12 A detail account of leftist organizations of Bangladesh can be found in Zohra Akhter, Trends in militancy in Bangladesh, in Farooq Sobhan (eds.), Trends in Militancy in Bangladesh: Possible Responses, (Dhaka: University Press Limited) p. 16 13 Parbatya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti (PCJSS), since its inception in 1973, has fought for autonomy and the recognition of the ethnic identity and rights of the indigenous tribes of the Hill Tracts. Its military arm, the Shanti Bahini was used to fight government forces and Bengali settlers in the Hill Tracts. PCJSS signed the Peace Accord with the government in 1997. 14 United Peoples Democratic Front (UPDF) opposes the 1997 Peace Accord. The party declared its aim is to achieve full autonomy of CHT. UPDF condemns PCJSS for compromising with the government. Currently, both the parties are strong rival to each other and vie for influence. 15 Abducted PCJSS man killed in Bandarban, Shot UPDF activist dies in Rangamati, The Daily Star, 26 January 2014. 16 Md. Abdul Mannan, Militant Islamism in Bangladesh: Global Jihadist Connection?, Perceptions, Summer 2006. P. 39 17 Helpdesk Research Report, Bangladesh - Underdevelopment and Radicalisation, GSDRC, 18 January 2008. http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/HD499.pdf (Accessed on 25 January 2014)

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4.3 Focus on religious radicalisation

In terms of religious or communal harmony in Bangladesh, generally there are no religious or

inter-faith tensions in the country. But radicalisation in the name of Islam has been emerging

in the recent past. Growing intolerance-induced violence, and religious violence are seen in

some cases. Islamist parties fighting in the streets were unheard of before. Religious and

extremist parties in Bangladesh had carried out terrorist acts in the country. A number of

religious parties, some of those are proscribed, bring out sporadic processions, vandalize

vehicles in the streets, and set public properties on fire. As a result, increasing attention is

shifted to countering radicalisation as no religion permits vandalism, chaos and the carnage

that the terrorist commit in the name of religion. According to a Dhaka University Professor,

there is a critical question about whether the fundamentalists would stick to the

fundamentals of their religions. He opined that “fundamentalism was a misnomer as they

distort the religion for their specific political purposes.”18

4.4 Radicalisation and youth

Young students are more vulnerable to radicalisation as they are easily lured and attracted by

the religious, ideological and emotional appeal. Students enjoy considerable freedom when

they are away from their home and become easy prey to radicalisation. Nonetheless, young

students are easily attracted by individual with good personality traits and oratory skills. They

also want to associate with groups and desire to develop an identity of their own. They find

it attractive to be a member of a team that collectively works for a certain goal. Assuming

responsibility is synonymous to ‘becoming a grown-up’ for them. Moreover, some madrassas

are reportedly linked with radicalisation. These madrassa students are taught mainly in line

with misunderstood and misinterpreted Islamic schools of thought. Consequently, the

graduates from those religious schools are not capable of getting mainstream jobs due to the

lack of required qualifications and skills. Thus, the limited employment opportunities upon

their graduation from madrassas tend to contribute to radicalisation. It should be mentioned

that the graduates from those religious schools can only obtain jobs in Madrassas or Mosques.

Radicalized groups take advantage of this helpless situation and manipulate a large number

of innocent youths towards radicalisation psychologically. Additionally, it has been seen from

past incidents that the youth are at the forefront of various demonstrations of radical and

proscribed groups, such as Jama’atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), Jagrata Muslim Janata

Bangladesh (JMJB), Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami-Bangladesh (HuJI-B), Ansarullah Bangla Team

(ABT), Ahle Hadith Andolon, Allahr Dal, Shahadat-e-al-Hikma, Touhidi Janata, Hizbut Tawhid,

and Hizbut Tahrir (HT).

18 Roundtable Discussion on Countering Radicalisation in South Asia: Bangladesh Perspective, BIISS, Dhaka, 25 May, 2009. www.biiss.org/seminar_2009/papers/asia.pdf (Accessed on 9 June 2014)

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4.5 Radicalisation and social media

Although there is comparatively few examples of individuals who are radicalized entirely

through online means, the fact is that the propensity is very likely to increase in the future.

Internet and social media have offered the following means to transform communication: (1)

the communication cost is considerably reduced and dissemination and exchange of

information has become almost free; (2) it has offered unlimited access to every kind of

knowledge; (3) finding like-minded people and creating networks have never been so easy

where distance or national border become irrelevant; and (4) anonymity has made the use of

internet even more attractive as it helps to hide identities and one’s presence. Despite new

media’s burgeoning role and contribution to modern day freedom of expression, it can

simultaneously be used as a powerful tool for the terrorists to promote extremist ideology

and hatred. Extremists vigilantly monitor various web forums and chat rooms to identify and

approach potential recruits. The objectives of using internet and new media platforms by the

extremists can range from sympathizer identification, indoctrination, training, support base

building, influencing, tactical coordination, participation in physical attacks, psychological

warfare, fundraising, communication, know-how seeking, creation of virtual terrorist cells,

radicalisation, self-radicalisation, and even to martyrdom. As the process of radicalisation

often involves religious connotations, internet and new media provide perfect battleground

for the female activists to join and participate in the group and forum activities in online

without restrictions.19

The BEI Perception Survey reveals that half of the respondents believe Hizbut Tahrir excels

using virtual medium in propagating their radical views. Other major radical actors who use

social and other virtual media are JMB, HUJI-B, Ansarullah Bangla Team, Hizbut Tawhid and

others.

Figure: Perception survey statistics on virtually active radical group

19 TR Mostarom, Al Qaeda’s female jihadists: The Islamist ideological view. RSIS Commentaries, February 6, 2009.

0

50 32

10

50

1410

8

Which group is the most active in using virtual means to spread their radical views (%)

15

Bangladesh is currently witnessing the second wave of radicalisation.20 The first wave as in

1999-2005 that resulted in a series of violent incidents. With the government crackdown on

extremist and terrorist organizations, that wave apparently faded out. The evolving patterns

of recent incidents reveal that the second wave of radicalisation is going to be different.

Observable trends show much more emphasis on new technologies, presence in cyberspace,

and splinter cell like secrecy.

Of particular note, the emergence of a newly formed group called Ansarullah Bangla Team

(ABT) demands attention. Its followers are predominantly consisting of youth from various

universities, mostly from private universities. ABT has transformed itself from a mere group

to an organization with leadership from demagogue Mufti Jasimuddin Rahmani. Five of ABT

members have been arrested in connection with the killing of a blogger of the Shahbagh

Movement. ABT has the expertise and capacity to carry out propaganda activities along with

indoctrination. This group has a strong presence in the internet harnessing resources from it

for their members by translating them into local languages. Hence, ABT has been instrumental

in expanding the reach of radical materials to their members and beyond.

5. How Radical Groups Use the Media

Media coverage is the “oxygen of terrorism.”

-Margaret Thatcher, on media-terrorism relations.

The evolution of mass communication dramatically changed the scene and process of

radicalisation and the way radical activists conduct their affairs. Today terrorists and

extremists are well aware of the power of the media, and manipulate them, to their own

advantage and needs. Bruce Hoffman argues on terrorist attacks that “without the media’s

coverage the act’s impact is arguably wasted, remaining narrowly confined to the immediate

victim(s) of the attack, rather than reaching the wider ‘target audience’ at whom the

terrorists’ violence is actually aimed.”21

Brian Jenkins is said to have stated that “terrorists want a lot of people watching, not a lot of

people dead.”22 Therefore, it is often a calculated violence usually against symbolic targets,

designed to deliver a political or religious message.

20 Iftekharul Bashar, Violent radicalisation in Bangldesh: A second wave?, RSIS Commentaries, October 7, 2013. 21 Bruce Hoffman, Inside Terrorism, (New York: Columbia University Press), 2006. p. 174 22 B. M. Jenkins, “The Psychological Implications of Media-covered Terrorism,” Rand Paper. http://www.rand.org/pubs/papers/2005/P6627.pdf. (Accessed on 8 June 2014)

16

0

100

22 2860

18 26 26 22

0 0

What types of media are mostly used by the radicals in Bangladesh to spread their ideology(%)

Their intentions are to bring themselves into focus and create influence among the masses.

Yonah Alexander argues that radical groups have three purposes to interact with the media,

namely: attention, recognition and legitimacy.23 Radical groups seek to gain large scale

attention, spread awareness for their cause, spread fear to intimidate the audience to affect

policymaking process, seek to get recognition for their motives, gaining respect and

sympathy, and to create legitimacy through perpetrating calculated violence to attract the

media.

It is seen from the Perception survey that 60% respondents believe social media is most

widely used by the radicals in propagating their cause. Other media used by radicals are: print

(22%), electronic (28%), cell phone (18%), handbills and posters (26%), CDs-books (26%), and

website/email (22%), as found in the survey.

Figure: Perception survey statistics on radicals’ use of media

Radical groups are believed to use all sorts of ways to pressurize the media. They threaten

journalists, write anonymous letters, make phone calls, and even send threatening emails.

Journalists often receive threats to resign from their job or discontinue enquiry if they want

to live. On the contrary, some radical groups want to maintain their interaction with the

media. They demand that their view should be published and broadcast more and more.

Some journalists write against them but still enjoy a good relationship with them; basically

because they are not being professionally dishonest. Radical groups probably also recognize

or acknowledge that. This is why it is frequently seen in Bangladesh that radical groups, such

23 Yonah Alexander, D. Carlton, and P. Wilkinson, eds., Terrorism: Theory and Practice, (Boulder: Westview Press), 1979. P. 162

17

as Hizbut Tahrir, bring out processions in such nick of time when at least one print or

electronic media is present at the scene to catch their activities either in footage or in writings.

6. How the Media Use Radical Groups Activities

There is a view that media provides a disproportionately large share of news coverage to

radicalisation that can raise general awareness about their cause, provoke policy debates and

public discussion by highlighting their radical views and build sympathetic domestic and

international environment. This may provide greater attention to the radical groups’ outputs

resulting in disruption and prevention in counter-radicalisation measures.

Media broadcast reports to make people aware in general about the threats of radicalisation,

but at the same time they have a tendency to exploit radicalisation as an attractive news item.

They broadcast this incident as far as they can with raw edition. It has been asserted that

media reports only the sensational aspects of radical acts, the blood, the gore, the horror of

the victims. As in war, the media, and in particular television, focus on the action and, in doing

so, often present an unbalanced picture of the intensity of the conflict.

The media is alleged to inadvertently glorify the militants. The crux of the problem lies in the

fact that journalists, be it print or electronic, lack proper training in covering violent radical

incidents. They are not trained to avoid inadvertently glorify radical groups and their

activities. All of the news channels feel privileged broadcasting footage of violent radical

activities in the shortest possible time, which allows them little time to think about the

potential of acting in favour of the radical groups. The media tends to take the phenomenon

of radicalisation as a source of hot news. The media focuses on an ongoing conflict. It presents

radicals as daring actors, thus becoming an instrument for them. Sometimes, journalists use

terms such as “warriors”, “believers”, “jihad”, “shaheed” in such a way that these terms

create appeal to those who are very much moved by their faith. Even the media portrays gory

images of the arrested, beaten activists of radical groups which creates sympathy for them in

the minds of the naïve people.

7. Counter Radicalisation and the Media: Building Cooperation

In Bangladesh the media plays a dominant role in catching the public attention towards

radicalisation and terrorism. But extremists do not have minimum control over electronic or

mainstream print media. The local extremists never send any video or audio tapes to the TV

channels or any print media offices. It proves that there is considerable distance between the

media and radicalisation activities. It is, thus, the opportune moment to exploit this distance

and build stronger cooperation with the media against radicalisation.

18

0

100

ElectronicMedia Print Media

Social MediaOthers

5854

42

0

Which Media is the most effective in countering radicalization in Bangladesh (%)

7.1 The Media and counter radicalisation: Which media?

From the above discussion it is well acknowledged that both the media and radicalisation

share some reciprocal relationships. The media uses radicalisation as a pretext of hot news

and competition for corporate rivalry. On the other hand, radical groups carefully exploit the

media in furthering their appeal and motives. However, in order to bolster media’s role, which

is significant and urgent in countering radicalisation, it is important to resolve a crucial debate:

which media is best equipped with counter with radicalisation?

The BEI Perception survey indicates that each and every media has individual effectiveness in

countering radicalisation in Bangladesh. The result shows that majority of the respondents

think that electronic media is better suited to counter radicalisation than print and social

media. Fifty-eight percent respondents think that electronic media surpass print media’s role

(54%) in countering radicalisation, whereas 47% see social media has the most effectiveness

in fighting against radicalisation.

Figure: Perception survey statistics on Which media is most effective in

countering radicalisation

All forms of media, be it print, electronic or social, have some capacity to build resistance

against radicalisation. There is no single media that is capable of dealing with all

manifestations of radicalisation. Certain forms of radicalisation require certain measures.

Hence, rather than advocating for any one single media, it is better to opt for all forms of

media simultaneously to build a coherent strategy against radicalisation. Exploiting the

positive inputs of each media is the key to build a consistent counter radicalisation strategy.

7.2 Counter radicalisation and the role of the media

It is increasingly being recognized that the media can play a useful and constructive role in

combating radicalisation. The media’s role as educator and informer is widely acknowledged

19

0

20

40

60

Communityawareness

againstradicalization

Promotingcounter-narrativeagainst terrorist

ideologies

Raising demandfor the

protection of thevulnerable

groups

Organizingworkshops andtalk shows for

developing inter-faith relationship

Others

54

46

14 22

0

The role of the media in countering radicalization (%)

in all circles. The media has a benefit of following up on incidents which is instrumental in

striking a balance. The Perception survey statistics shows more than half the respondents

(54%) are in favour of raising community awareness, 46% advocate for promoting counter

narratives, 14% support protection of vulnerable groups, and 22% support developing inter-

faith harmony as viable means to counter radicalisation with the use of the media.

Figure: Perception survey statistics on media’s role in counter radicalisation

In order to harness the potential of the media to combat radicalisation, the following roles of

the media need to be taken into account:

The media is meant to publicize. But publicity should follow certain restrictions as

long as it does not endanger much greater cause of public safety and security.

The media needs to play instrumental role in portraying accurate interpretation of

religious messages, which radical groups often misinterpret to recruit

sympathizers.

Delegitimizing radical groups’ cause is the best way to counter them. The media

should advocate for the need of tolerance in society and undercut radical appeal

by making the radical group’s ideological flaws public.

The primary role of the media is to frustrate the terrorist design, the fulfillment of

which will depend largely on preventing irresponsible acts on their part.

20

The media must put greater emphasis on exposing the misdeeds of the radical

groups. Showing the extremists as perpetrators of misdeeds, who seek to exploit

religion for narrow ends, will negate their propaganda.

Sensationalist media report needs to be avoided in order not to create hype, rather objective fact-based report with neutral view should get priority.

The media can play a very important role of public service by warning people particularly on how to react to emergencies.

Counter radicalisation is much more than countering violent events. Rather countering the ideas that induce violent events needs to have the priority.

As radicalisation is a process and deprivation, lack of access to public services, human rights abuse and corruption trigger radicalisation, the media is in a suitable position to act as ‘watchdog’ to monitor such irregularities and raise voice for their equitable solution.

The media must be cautious about not aggravating social tensions, and refrain from dissemination of any kind of hate speech.

Finally, effective and regular collaboration between the media and the law enforcement agencies in order to prevent the dissemination of propaganda messages and images by radical groups is a key to a cogent counter radicalisation strategy.

For the media, its only wish is for unfettered access to information and the ability to cover

the issue unhindered. In doing that, while it is ensuring the society’s right to know, it must

not overlook the aspect of ojectivity and accuracy.

7.3 Awareness building through the media

Fighting radicalisation and violent extremism is not only a question of security measures. The best prevention is to stop people from getting involved in violent extremism or terrorist activities in the first place, or to convince them to turn away from such ideas and methods. This task cannot be left to a small number of authorities and actors to deal with. The nature of the phenomenon requires working with a broad range of partners to gain a better understanding of the behaviours and tactics, and to mitigate or prevent that activity.

The media as a viable medium of awareness building can serve the role of educators. All forms of media, print-electronic-social, has a considerable reach to the people and have different impact capacities. This impact factors must be harnessed to get the most out of it and create a resilient society equipped with counter radicalisation ideas and knowledge.

7.4 Countering radicalisation through counter narratives

Drivers of radicalisation and violence are multifaceted and comprise a unique combination of personal, ideological and socio-political grievances, and various push and pull factors. The justification for violence and radicalisation is often provided by extremists by interpreting the Holy Quran and Hadith in extreme ways. Islamists use verses that refer to Jihad out of context and generally censor/conceal many verses in the Holy Quran which preach justice,

21

peace and harmony. Alternative political systems or ideological underpinnings like democracy, secularism or socialism are not only considered alien but treated as Haram.24

The rise of Islamist militancy and radicalisation in South Asia is a widely debated topic. In

Bangladesh, activities such as - ideological indoctrination, international Islamist extremist

financing, cross-border movement of Islamist extremists, illegal migration, etc., have

threatened national security and peace. To combat extremist violence and radicalisation in

the country, we need to acknowledge that, along with hard-power counter-terrorism

strategy, seeking to discredit the ideology that drives many in the world to support Islamist

extremism should be considered as a high priority issue. Counter-narrative is the

ideological part of counter-radicalisation approach, and it should be crafted with a thorough

understanding of Islamist extremist narratives.

Counter-narrative needs to address all the elements of extremist narratives. Extremist

interpretation of justice, struggle for power, Jihad, economic and legal system, social equality,

freedom of religion, status of women, etc. need to be contested in the counter-narrative.

Delegitimising not just extremist narratives but their method of perpetuation and activities is

important and necessary. Hence, developing a counter ideology and devising methods of

countering propaganda is imperative. Counter-narrative must be a subject of public

discussion; it needs to be spread via addressing people in mosques and madrassas,

printing booklets/leaflets, uploading online educational videos, etc. In this way, the

varied tools/ strategies the extremists use can be countered and used to their

disadvantage. Recognising the fact that counter narrative is one element of the counter-

radicalisation approach is crucial; nevertheless, it is an obligatory element to combat

radicalisation and all the other elements (such as: actors and their roles, institutions,

mobilizing factors, forms, etc.) are dependent on it. Commitment to pluralism and religious

freedom can ensure addressing extremist violence in South Asia. Bangladesh is no different.

Exploiting the vulnerabilities present in extremist thoughts and rhetoric is a must. Islamist

extremists’ ideology and structures need to be neutralised.

Along with trans-national ideological grievances, localized/ national resentment/anger based

on material, educational, and other grievances play major role in radicalisation. Therefore,

economic development, creating employment opportunities, social integration, and

educational reform measures are important in curbing extremism in Bangladesh.

Counter-narrative should refute misinterpretation of religious history and distortion of the

verses of the Holy Quran from the viewpoint of religious studies scholars and Islamic scholars.

Islamic scholars are often viewed by the general public as suitable and credible speakers on

matters of religion and their opinions and alternative explanations of a particular verse or

Hadith can delegitimize violence/ radicalisation.

24 C. Blanchard, ‘Al Qaeda: Statements and Evolving Ideology’, CRS Report for US Congress, 2007

22

Women also play a credible role as peace promoter. Engaging women as positive change

agents in their communities has been proven fruitful. Women are the gatekeepers to their

families and, as such, should be involved in creating and maintaining counter radicalisation

initiatives. Women have explicit and implicit roles both is public sphere and private sphere.

Inclusion of new perspectives with the counter radicalisation discussion and distinctive

approaches of women help to ensure gender sensitivity and vulnerability.25

Counter-narrative needs to be complemented by various other components to deal with

extremist ideologies and propaganda. Capacity building (administrative/institutional,

coordination, training, international cooperation) of various institutions (government,

nongovernment, community, etc.); promoting the role of the media, civil society,

education system and Bangladeshi diaspora can all serve as critical elements of a coherent

counter-radicalisation strategy.

Effective counter-narrative needs community engagement/civil society involvement. In order

to disseminate counter-narrative, coordinated and integrated role of the media is crucial.

Mobilizing efforts in various religious and educational institutions, modernizing the

madrassa curriculum, etc., are key applications of counter-narrative to neutralise

extremist appeal. In addition, the Bangladeshi Muslim Diasporas in the Middle East and

West can become a source of strength, rather than a source of concern, in the struggle

against transnational jihadism if they are effectively involved in counter radicalisation

efforts. International extremist linkage plays a major role in spreading narratives; hence

counter-narratives along with addressing local issues should have a universalist appeal.

Finally, it is at the disposal of the media to spread the counter narrative to put it into effect.

The media has the capacity to reach highest number of people within the shortest possible

time. Hence, the effectiveness of the counter narrative lies to a large extent upon the media

to spread the messages of peace and build consensus against radicalisation.

7.5 Level of cooperation between Government and the media

The level of cooperation between the government and the media in Bangladesh is weak, if

not nonexistent. Government law enforcement agencies seldom notify the media before any

counter radicalisation operation on the grounds of effectiveness of the operations. Though

any formal cooperation hardly exists between these two stakeholders, they are often seen to

play an active role towards a common goal. The media’s investigative reports often help the

government and law enforcment agencies to track both existing and newer shoots of radicals

and bring them to justice.

25 Women and Terrorist Radicalisation, OSCE Secretariat – OSCE ODIHR Expert Roundtables. www.osce.org/atu/99919?download=true

23

88%

10% 2%

Level of cooperation & understanding between government and media is required based on shared values and common

goals on countering radicalization (%)

Yes

No

Skip

0

50

Very good GoodSatisfactory Poor

Very poorNo

Response

624 22 30

22

0

Level of cooperation between media and law enforcement agencies in sharing information about countering

radicalization (%)

Perception survey data shows 88% of the respondents believe cooperation and

understanding between the media and the government need shared values and common

goals as a basis for countering radicalisation.

Figure: Perception survey statistics on level of cooperation and understanding

between the media and the government.

Additionally, it is the media that plays the role of attracting attention of the government to

any micro factors of radicalisation. The media in such cases has played a role of ‘monitoring’

government authorities to make sure that the issue is not overlooked or neglected and that

justice is served. Apart from that, the media spreads counter narratives to counter radical

propaganda, thereby enabling the government stakeholders to raise public awareness against

the radicals. Though there is no formal tie between the government and the media, the media

performs a secondary role in Bangladesh with the government hand–in-hand to counter

radicalisation.

Perception survey data indicates that general perception on the media and government

cooperation in counter radicalisation varies. Thirty percent of the respondents think the

collaboration between the media and the law enforcement agencies is poor, while 24% see it

good, 22% feel it is satisfactory and 22% perceive it is very poor.

24

Figure: Perception survey statistics on collaboration between the media

and the law enforcement agencies.

On several occasions media reports have created awareness and provided impetus for the

government agencies to delve deep into radicalisation incidents and unearth plots. Based on

preliminary media reports security agencies come to know about Bangla Bhai, the militant

kingpin of JMB. Even the then State Minister for Home Affairs admitted that “the government

had no clear idea about Bangla Bhai earlier but when it came to know about him, it went for

action against him.”26

7.6 Government initiatives in counter radicalisation through the media

Despite the fact that government law enforcement agencies have low level of collaboration

with the media, there are still ongoing efforts in this regard. The Dhaka Metropolitan Police

(DMP) has launched a web portal (dmpnews.org) to inform the public about their efforts to

combat crimes and let them read statements.27 DMP officials state that this portal will “dispel

all doubts” on police’s statement and will be constantly updated and it would issue ‘breaking

news’ as well. Recently Bangladesh Police has launched online General Diary (GD) service.

Initially this service is open for only Dhaka metropolitan citizens. Later it will be opened district

wise.28 Although these efforts are not specifically targeted to counter radicalisation but

several concerned experts express optimism that expanding such initiatives to tackle

radicalisation will be of great value. Use of Internet and other new media platforms for

counter radicalisation and counter terrorism activities have gained appreciation nationwide.

8. Counter Radicalisation and the Media: Challenges Ahead

Counter radicalisation efforts are receiving more attention globally as part of a broader, long-

term approach to respond to the problem of those who have already drifted into the ranks of

extremism. The growing radicalisation of Bangladeshi youth is a worrisome potential indicator

of the challenges to come.

Political use of the media has become a cause of concern in recent times in Bangladesh. There

are several media houses- print and electronic- that advocate for certain political activities of

specific political parties. Media houses are now used to justify political actions. When media

is used as a political instrument to cover ill motives, it suffers from lack of credibility. In

26 “Bangla Bhai not creation of media,” The Daily Star, 7 March 2006. http://archive.thedailystar.net/2006/03/07/d6030701033.htm 27 “DMP launch web portal,” bdnews24.com. http://bdnews24.com/bangladesh/2014/01/02/dmp-launch-web-portal (Accessed on 8 June 2014) 28 “Bangladesh Police Launches Online GD.” http://techinews24.com/bangladesh-police-launches-online-gd/ (Accessed on 8 June 2014)

25

Bangladesh, dominant political parties have their own media houses. These houses defend

their respective parties’ stance on specific issues and create, more often than not, confusion.

The media is expected to raise awareness but when it creates confusion, any constructive role

by the media in the area of counter radicalisation will be subject to question.

Timely and relevant reporting is the essence of media coverage. The media, mainly electronic

and social media, runs stories on real time basis where there is little time for cross check and

editing. Similarly, all media contest for news items on a priority basis. Hence, a question arises

on the inaccuracy of information as a result of competition. This is a major challenge as far

as media’s role in countering radicalisation is concerned.

Dedication and work ethics vary from person to person, as well as from organisation to

organisation. As person being the primary referent object, level of individual ethics can

fluctuate. Scope of corruption and influence remain a viable threat to the objective role of

the media in performing its duties against radicalisation.

Professionalism develops over a period of time. Many reporters of print and electronic media

are young and lack skills to cover critical aspects of radicalisation related news items. As a

result, they unintentionally glorify radical groups’ propaganda messages. This lack of skill and

expertise is an emerging challenge in the field of counter radicalisation where the media is

the potential arsenal against radicalisation.

Trust deficit between security agencies and the media is a widely discussed phenomenon in

Bangladesh. There is overt apathy on the part of the security agencies to inform the media

about the progress of any particular incident. Similarly, the media often carry out investigative

enquiries themselves without informing the agencies. There is obviously a trust deficit

between these two crucial stakeholders. Overcoming this challenge will complement the

progress made so far in the area of counter radicalisation.

In Bangladesh different media houses are supporters of different political ideologies. Apart

from competition over acquisition of news items, the media in Bangladesh is also divided in

nature. There is an explicit lack of consensus within the media community over prioritisation

of national interest issues. Sometimes the shortcomings of consensus are manifested in the

contrasting claims of the same event covered in two media outlets. Inter-media mistrust and

distance is a formidable obstacle towards an effective role of the media in building a common

defence against radicalisation.

Expanding growth of Internet and social media is hard to bring under state control. In

Bangladesh over 63 percent population enjoys mobile penetration and 2.08 percent use

Facebook. The Internet has transformed the way we communicate; it has dramatically

reduced the cost of communication; it has enabled unlimited access to much of the world’s

knowledge and begun to organise it in a way that makes it more searchable; it has made it

easier to find people and create networks among like-minded individuals, across great

26

distances and beyond national borders. It can provide the user with the information they are

looking for to confirm their beliefs. Especially important in this regard are videos and images

which reinforce a particular worldview and can be powerful sparks for the radicalisation

process. It allows individuals to find like-minded people where they are not able to do this

offline, creating an online community. There is growing evidence to suggest that the

anonymity of the Internet offers greater opportunity for youths to become active within

extremist and jihadist circles.29 Very recently Bangladesh witnessed a grave radicalisation-

induced conflict situation in Ramu. Sharing of a manipulated photo hurting religious

sentiment triggered the most notorious manifestation of religious radicalisation in

Bangladesh history.30 The unfettered growth of Internet and social media has thus become a

significant challenge to minimising the threat of radicalisation.

9. Media Freedom vs. Media Control in Counter Radicalisation: A Debate

It is said that the state of democracy in a country is equivalent to the health of its press.

However, there is considerable debate not just in Bangladesh, but all over the world that

whether a media freedom or media control measure is best equipped to counter

radicalisation and terrorism. Often referred to as the fourth estate of government, the media

has the power to wield considerable oversight. Free news media will help improve

government respect for human rights. Indeed, one of the main justifications for freedom of

the news media is that lack of censorship will enable the news media to act as a watchdog

over the government and thereby render the government more responsible and responsive.

The global media, for its part, struggles to maintain its democratic responsibilities by providing

the public with extensive information without awarding the terrorists with a worldwide stage

for their propaganda.

Modern wars are fought on the screen as well as on the battlefield. Media coverage of warfare

and conflict has often influenced not only the policies of other nations but also public opinion

back home. This influence has expanded as technological developments enabled the media

to present more information, at a faster rate and of a better quality.

While Islamist extremists of recent years showed little concern for human life, they

nevertheless clearly design a strategy aimed at massive casualties with maximum media

exposure. Video as a medium of communications has long been in use within extremist terror

groups. It is not only a visual tool capable of arousing emotions but also authenticates, to a

29 Institute for Strategic Dialogue, “Radicalisation: The Role of the Internet.” http://www.strategicdialogue.org/allnewmats/idandsc2011/StockholmPPN2011_BackgroundPaper_FINAL.pdf (Accessed on 8 June 9, 2014) 30 Kaberi Gayen, A Known Compromise, A Known Darkness: 'Ramu-nisation' of Bangladesh, The Daily Star, Forum, November 2012. http://archive.thedailystar.net/forum/2012/November/known.htm (Accessed on 9 June 9, 2014)

27

0

50

100

Veryimportant

ImportantSomewhatimportant

Notimportant at

all

No response

70

164 6

4

The importance of free media in countering redicalization (%)

large degree, the origin of the message. While intelligence services have been known to

fabricate fake and deceptive written orders to terrorist cells, a videotaped message is much

less susceptible to manipulation.

Perception Survey response indicates media freedom is more likely to shield against

radicalisation. Seventy percent respondents are strongly in favour of free media to curb the

threats emanating from radicalisation.

Figure: Perception survey statistics on media freedom in counter radicalisation

With the advent of globalisation the world is becoming increasingly more interconnected. It

is indeed very difficult now to conceal events without letting anyone know about it. Hence, it

is wise to device prudently planned policies to counter propaganda and flawed ideological

messaging of radical groups by properly informed media freedom policies. Rather than

imposing stringent restrictions on media, facilitating the media to curb the dangers of

radicalisation should get the thrust. We must acknowledge that creating a vacuum will only

provide the radical groups opportunities to exploit more the social vulnerabilities and

spreading rumors. Independent media with informed citizens are the best defence against

the threat of radicalisation.

10. Conclusion

Counter radicalisation is a comprehensive approach that includes different stakeholders to

play their respective roles. As the media has the capacity to reach the maximum number of

audience within the shortest possible time, the media has and can play an instrumental

leadership role in building a common resistance against radicalisation. The media has an

influential role, but any effective counter radicalisation policy must take into consideration a

number of other issues as well. Understanding the radicalisation process, identifying social-

economic-political-governance vulnerabilities, building a durable relationship of trust

between and among communities, collaborating with other partners of struggle against

28

radicalisation (educational institutions, religious institutions and communities, diaspora, etc.),

devising a coherent counter narrative strategy and an all-encompassing counter radicalisation

national policy are important steps towards creating a safe environment where the threat of

radicalisation will be minimal.