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The Eighteenth September of Burmese Bonaparte

By Ye Kyaw Swa

Written: 20 July 2010 - 20 October 2010

Prelude

On September 18 1988, the followers ofGeneral Ne Win , led by

General Saw Maung, took the State power by a coup d'etat and

established the military dictatorship in the name ofSLORC. The

mass uprising of the August 8 1988 was crushed. However, given

the synonymous title of the past, those who captured the leading

role of the mass uprising proclaimed it as the second

independence struggle of Burma as in 1947. Though, the majority

described it as democracy movement for Burma from Socialist

One party ruling.

The Mass Uprising

The mass uprising was occurred as spontaneous outburst in

August 1988. There was no single solid vanguard as the head of


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the revolution. Many leaders and many revolutionary

organizations as Unions attempted to take the role of leadership

of the mass uprising. But, none became the sole leader as the

revolutionary vanguard, both in theory and practice, to drive therevolution to the end of its goal, the state power.

In truth, and honestly saying, the revolution was failed . It was

unable to overthrown the ruling class but was brutally crushed,

and having been soothed by the ruling class with a multi-party

election.

General strike committee was formed, after the sudden outbreaks

in nearly all towns of the country where city strike unions were

formed and led the situation of day to day anti-government

movements. The outstanding major organizations were the

Student Unions which could really lead the most of the uprisingas center position.

As the ruling class had attempted to appease the nation of chaos

to become normal condition, it provided with an election. General

strike committee with various splintered groups, agitated gangs

and disunited unions as politically revolutionary organizationslater became to form political parties. There were, unbelievably,

more than 200 political parties, soon after the stepping down of

BSPP as politically totalitarian and economically centralization

party in power. Among which, NLD, its separated party, UNDP


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and Democracy and Peace Party and the adopted party of BSPP,

NUP were only publicly well-known and had enough capacities to

take nationwide participation in the election given by the SLORC.

The greatest wonder was no asking of a single question to the

SLORC by the oppositions or no explanation to the people about

what sort of the coming elected House of Representatives would

be, by the oppositions as well as by the existing government,

SLORC. The terms, single or duel house, presidential or

premiership; no precise a word was made. At the time, by virtueof the coup d'etat, the entire 1974 Constitution was dead.

People were bullied not only by the ruling class as they said later

but also by the self-made vanguard of the revolution, the pseudo

representatives of the people, the political parties. They were

indeed accomplices of the counter-revolution.

All after the election, the need of the Constitution was proposedby the ruling class and the landslide victory of the NLD was

denied to be in power. The voters trusted and crowned NLD to go

forward to do for their sakes. The major political conflict was

started not between the government and the opposition but

between the opposition and the people; how NLD would walk

further as a revolutionary vanguard, after that counterfeit role

had been entitled by the voters. For such title, it had itself hastilyattempted to mount onto the stallion of the revolution very

recently. The rein of the stallion was received in the hands of

NLD. But, the question is whether it could handle the rein of a

revolutionary bridle successfully or not.


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In fact, it was too inexperience and lacking of class representative

support to take the power. The question is again whether it was a

true representative of the people in class nature although it had

gained the landslide votes.

Votes show peoples hearts but not their brains. And, the

representation of the class nature cannot be evaluated by a single

election.

NLD was the winner of the election and actually larger opposition

party but it was not the sole and single vanguard of the recent

revolution. NLD was cheered up by the majority but it was not

unanimously supported by the nation as a whole.

It is not an argument over the acceptance of the majority votes

and democratic representation. It is merely the statement over

the assessment of the class representation and the process of the

development of the class struggle of the society.

Understand that, the ruling class was doing its own business and

would be doing so forever. No ruling class should easily and

quickly step down. It maybe a fantastic hallucination if one thinks

it is so easy to be in power.


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The ruling class will suppress, oppress and dominate; it is its job.

This is nothing but a class struggle that we are being challenged

since mankind originated on earth.

The Society

Burma, only a single part of the global society, was a monarchy

before the complete colonization of the British in 1885. Under

British, the society was analyzed as semi-colonial semi-capital

society. That was done by most of the leading generation of the

land who were Marxist-Leninist as they described themselves.

During the Second World War, Burma was occupied by the

Fascist Japanese whom the thirty comrades, formed by the

underground leaders of the Do Bama Asi Ayone, had brought into

the motherland with the hope of Independence.

Then, again, Burma became Independence, after the

accomplishment of the Second World War, given by the British

Labour Party government which had pushed the little young

inexperienced country to become the Socialist State andnegotiated to agree legally seceded from the union by the

nationalities in ten years.

The Civil War was taken into place within three months after

Independence. It was soon widespread in a year becoming into


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multi rebellions against the socialistAFPFL government, also with

major and minor ethnic groups. The demand for secession,

known as federalism in misinterpretation of the term, was the

cause of the insurgency by ethnic groups. Communist insurgentshad fought for proletarian dictatorship (not for Democracy),

claiming to gain freedom for workers and peasants.

In fact, that Civil War was what the British really wanted to be for

Burma. To be weak in wealth and disunity in strength of the

nation is their true political objective. The British favoured the left

wing political forces and suppressed the right wing political forces

in Burma was also another aim to become disunity between the

two major political forces to be at war in politics forever.

The history had developed and changed in many steps forward,

but the characterization of the society was unchanged and

underdeveloped. Semi-colonial semi capital society, as it termed

since the British era, had still been expressed.

Is it true? No, it is untrue.

The society of Burma is a Feudal Autocratic one. Burma since the

time of monarchy and throughout under British and Japanese and

after Independence, up to now, is politically in autocracy and

economically in feudalism. Burma never went under capitalism at

least in .01 percent. The sayings of full-fledged capitalism are

totally wrong.


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Ye Kyaw Sw a

Yangon, Myanmar

Sunday, October 31, 2010

Part One finished : .

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The Eighteenth September of Burmese Bonaparte-PDF