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The Diplomat is a free biannual publication by the National University of Singapore Students' Political Association (NUSPA), a constituent club of the National University of Singapore Students' Union (NUSSU).MICA (P) 146/11/2009PUBLICATIONS DIRECTOR: Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff; DEPUTY DIRECTOR: Hong Wee Keat.EDITORIAL - Chief Editor: Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff; Writers: Cornelius Ang, Farouq Osman, He Zhuo Jing, Jasmine Toh, Sivaranjani Suresh.DESIGN - Creative Director/Designer: Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff; PRINTING & DISTRIBUTION: Cornelius Ang.EDITORIAL: Colour printing is expensive. But hey, we forked out, because what's the point of having a Colours Issue without that al l-important visual punch? You just can't understate the power of the visual in evoking emotion. Visual perception is instant, and so therefore, is its impact. The symbolism in colour is boundless and transcends cultures, and so the possiblities are endless when in comes to manipulating colour for our own ends - especial ly in the art of politics.With this inaugural issue of The Diplomat we want to kick off with a vibrant start to our humble attempts at making politics and current affairs just a little more light-hearted and fun for everyone. We figured everyone needs a littlecolour in their lives! So this one (and every other one, actually) is on us. From the use of colour in politics, to the colourful lives of politicians and diplomats, we hope we've covered enough of a spectrum to spark some curiosity. If you're reading this, you must have picked this up to take a look. And if it was that all-important splash of colour on the cover that attracted you, then that's just testament to the power of colour.
Citation preview
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NUS STUDENTS' POLITICAL ASSOCIATION
Yusof Ishak House, Level 5 31 Lower Kent Ridge Road
Singapore 119078
Website: www.nuspa.org
Email: [email protected]
The Diplomat is a free biannual publication by the National University of Singapore
Students' Political Association (NUSPA), a consti tuent club of the National University
of Singapore Students' Union (NUSSU).
The views and opinions expressed in the articles in th is publication are those of the writers and do not necessarily reflect the
views and opinions held by NUSPA.
For feedback or advertising inquiries, please contact us at the above address.
~ NUS Students' PollticalAssociation
PUBLICATIONS DIRECTOR Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff
DEPUTY DIRECTOR Hong Wee Keat
EDITORIAL Chief Editor Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff
Writers Cornelius Ang Farouq Osman He Zhuo Jing Jasmine Toh Sivaranjani Suresh
DESIGN Creative Director/Designer Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff
PRINTING 8 DISTRIBUTION Cornelius Ang
Colour printing is expensive. But hey, we forked out, because what's the
point of having a Colours Issue without that al l-important visual punch?
You just can't understate the power of the visual in evoking emotion. Visual
perception is instant, and so therefore, is its impact. The symbolism in colour
is boundless and transcends cultures, and so the possiblities are endless
when in comes to manipulating colour for our own ends - especial ly in the
art of politics.
With this inaugural issue of The Diplomat we want to kick off with a vibrant
start to our humble attempts at making politics and current affairs just a little
more light-hearted and fun for everyone. We figured everyone needs a little
colour in their lives! So this one (and every other one, actually) is on us.
From the use of colour in politics, to the colourful lives of politicians and
diplomats, we hope we've covered enough of a spectrum to spark some
curiosity.
If you're read ing this, you must have picked this up to take a look. And if it
was that all-important splash of colour on the cover that attracted you, then
that's just testament to the power of colour.
FATIMAH ZAHRAH ALSAGOFF CHIEF EDITOR
thertiplol11iil I ISSUE 1 03
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IMAGE CREDIT MICA,
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SINGAPORE WRITTEN BY FAROUQ OSMAN
ARE WE BECOMING A MORE VIBRANT ELECTORATE? WHERE DOES SINGAPORE
LIE ON THE SPECTRUM OF POLITICAL FREEDOM?
A S our society matures and a more
youthful and sophisticated electorate
emerges, Singaporeans are becoming more
aware and demanding of their place in the
policy-making process. Desiring greater space
for politica l expression, they increasingly
yearn for a more competitive political scene in
Singapore, which entails a frank and critica l
discussion of national issues. Indeed, there
exists a pervasive public sentiment for
greater checks
and balances to keep an eye on the unbridled
power the People's Action Party government
currently wields. Furthermore, the ad vent of
globalisation and today's Internet age mean
that it has become harder to control informa
tion flow and for the government to set the
agenda on public discourse of national issues.
Such a shift in values with its attendant effects
on the political landscape has not gone unno-
ticed by the government Since Prime
Minister Lee Hsien Loong assumed the
leadership mantle in 2004, the PAP govern
ment has been embarking on a series of
reforms to liberalise our society. The latest,
and arguably the most far-reaching changes
were announced in May 2009 to allow for
more alternative voices in Parliament. While
naysayers view such reforms as incremental
and having the ulterior motive of entrenching
PAP's one-party dominant rule, the changes
do go some way towards creating a more
vibrant Singapore polity.
The PAP government, striving to avoid the
pitfalls that have engulfed long-ruling parties
such as the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan
and the Barisan Nasional in Malaysia, realises
the need to be seen as responsive to the
people's demands. Even Minister Mentor Lee
Kuan Yew himself has acknowledged the
need for Singapore's political system to
evolve and "be in sync with the changes in the
world, and in our society" (ST, Sep 10 2008).
The PAP's relatively unchallenged stay in
power for over five decades has been
possible due to its image as the party that
'delivers the goods'. The people became
willing to forgo their individual liberties and
endure state interventions into personal and
social life in exchange for material security.
However, the question to be asked is - How
long can this arrangement be sustained? The
PAP at last appears to be cognisant of the
impropriety of this arrangement in the
long-run. As Singapore becomes inextricably
linked to the global economy, so too will its
fortunes, waxing and waning in accordance
with global economic conditions which are
beyond Singapore's control. This also
involves the widening of income gaps as
those without up-to-date skills are rendered
obsolete in a knowledge-based economy,
threatening social stability. Under such trying
circumstances, the PAP government cannot
afford to risk undermining itself by projecting a
paternalistic attitude and refusing to acknowl
edge the people's input in policy-making. With
such a scenario in mind, and a view to keep
itself in power, the PAP government has
undertaken steps to further democratise our
society. Recognising the inexorable influence
of new media, the government partially lifted
the ban on party political films with the
amendment of the Films Act in March 2009.
Similarly, Singaporeans will be allowed to
post political podcasts and vodcasts online at
election time. Also, outdoor demonstrations
have been legalised but only at Speakers'
Corner in Hong Lim Park. With such changes,
the government intends to send the signal
that it is willing to open up our system even
more, albeit progressively. Then came the
announcement in May 2009 which saw the
minimum number of opposition Member of
Parliaments, including Non-Constituency M Ps
being raised from 3 to 9. Likewise, the Nomi
nated M P scheme is to become a permanent
fixture, along with changes to the size and
number of Group Representative Constituen
cies and single-seat wards respectively. The
government's move to change the political
system means that there will be at least 18
non-PAP voices in Parliament, ensuring a
wider range of views.
Opposition groups are cynical about the
proposed changes, saying that these are
meant to deter voters from voting for their
parties since the reforms would guarantee the
presence of a sizable non-PAP representa
tion. Furthermore, they argue, NCM Ps and
N M Ps are not allowed to vote in a no-confi
dence motion and in other vital areas such as
amending the Constitution, making them
seem like 'paper tigers'. However, it can also
be said that the proposed reforms will make
life tougher for PAP MPs who will have to
contend with more opposition members and
robust sparring sessions. Indeed, the public
can expect to have higher quality parliamen
tary debates, satisfying their craving for a
livelier political scene. The effects of such a
wide-ranging reform on the political system
are yet to be seen but one thing is for sure -
the people, especially the young and educated
will continue to clamour for liberalisation as
long as the PAP remains in control of all levers of power. _
thertiplol11iil I ISSUE 1 07
THE COLOUR UL LI POL I TIC I A N S are a rare breed of people; technically, they're a type of social worker, only armed with a thirst for power and authority. Most of us picture politicians as stuffy, pretentious leaders giving boring speeches about the policies they make and yet, we don't realize how colorful these
people actually are. Given the modern day democratic nature of choosing a leader, many politi cians are (or even need to be) personab le, charismatic, interesting and dynamic. People such as Nicolas Sarkozy and Bill Clinton come to mind -- the former, with his
Napoleon complex, rabid obsession with his image and a scandalous marriage to a modelturned-singer just 6 weeks after his second
divorce; the latter was the star
POLll in one of the most covered-up politician sex scandal in the history of the USA. Politicians nowadays are more often than not treated as a type of ce lebrity (think Barack Obama, Tony Blair, jerry Springer, Sarah Palin), with some already incul ca ted into pop culture and areas rock stars in their own right Surely, they can be regarded as one of the most colorful people in the world by virtue of their intriguing lifestyles.
One ca nnot enter a discussion about colorful politicia ns (or even people) without mentioning Silvio Berlusconi, the notorious current
iiiiiijF::::17:;r,;;;:;::::::~p:ri:m:e~M~i~ni~s:te~r~o~f Ita Iy. You may remem ber ---rTrr-=n;;;::::=::;:::=;hi m as the leader who was most
famously smashed in
08 tlrftf/iploll{qf I ISSUE 1
the fa ce with a Milan cathedral statuette, the vivid image of his
bloodied battered fa ce splashed all over inter
national headlines.
Senore Berlusconi is the very archetype of a colorful politician; he is probably one of the few (li ving) politicians in the
world to have been accused of doing almost everything an upright la w
abiding citizen shou ld not be doing embezzlement, prosti
tution, associations with a famed criminal association,
just to name a few One of the richest men in Italy, Berlusconi
YES 'ICIAN
W RITTEN BY HE ZHUO JING
IMAGE CREDITS
William Vandivert
LIFE
is an extremely successful entrepreneur, his
business empire stretching to encompass
insurance, food and construction industries.
Most importantly, he is the media mogul of
Ital y, a man controlling nearly 90% of Italian
television networks, resulting in a virtual
monopoly -- he has direct (and indirect)
control over all media. Of course, one might
say that that somewhat infringes on his right
to democratic authority, but that is a story for
another da y. Football fans w ill know that he is
the owner of AC Milan, arguably (and I say
arguably) one of Italy's most successful
football clubs. He even named his political
party "Forza Italia", which translates to "Go
Ital y" - one of AC Milan's chants
Flamboya nt and chronicall y controversial, his
presence seems to have taken residence in
the tabloid columns in recent years, where he
became famous for his extra vagant lifestyle,
and the crimes and blunders that go with it,
rather than his policies. So far, Berlusconi has
undergone at least six trial s for corruption
charges and overturned everyone of them
(alleged personal links with the notorious Sicil
lian mafia notwithstanding). His questionable
sense of humour, insensitive remarks, off-
color jokes and baffling sound bites are a
constant source of entertainment and anguish
for people around the world. Who cou ld forget
how he referred to Barack Obama as
"tanned", played hide-and-seek with Angela
Merkel and annoyed Queen Elizabeth so with
his clowning during the last G20 meeting that
she had to speak up to shut him up? Certainly,
one questions how such a man could be put
into power to be in charge of the lives of
millions of people.
In compa ri son to his public life however,
Berlusconi's private affairs are scarcely
better. He has been pictured holding parties in
his official residences, dubbed the " Playboy
Mansion", with paid prostitution, scant
security and numerous topless women and
men. His wife has publicly announced her firm
intention to divorce him, most likel y fed up
w ith his man y sex scandals and sord id links to
younger women. A famous case in point Ber
lusconi, who has never been present at his
sons' birthday parties, attended that of Noemi
Letizia, an 18-year-old aspiring model who
apparently calls him "Daddy". This, from a
man running a coun try.
It is debatable whether Berlusconi 's involve-
tlr!!tfip/ol1(ill I ISSUE 1 09
inattention of Italy's deeply rooted problems,
one of which is an almost consistently zero
economic growth rate. Like Nero, Berlusconi
fiddles away while Rome burns.
There is another intriguing case much closer
to home. Romanian diplomat, Dr. Silviu
lonescu, was witnessed to have been the
driver of a black Audi involved in a hit-and-run
accident that injured 3 pedestrians at two road
crossings in Bukit Panjang on the 15th of
December, 2009. One of them, Mr. Tong Kok
Wai, died of his injuries on Christmas Day.
Dr. lonescu was allegedly driving home after a
few rounds of drinks at a KTV and dropped a
female companion off at Hillcrest Arcadia
Condominium before turning into the PIE, and
subsequently took a slip road to where the
accident happened. Despite being the prime
suspect in the case, lonescu exercised his dip
lomatic immunity and fled to Romania, where
he insisted he was innocent and even accused
the Singapore government of "framing" him
on national television. What outraged the
public however, was how easily the charge
d'affaires of the Romanian embassy was
allowed to leave Singapore and how unre
morseful and nonchalant he appeared in inter
views despite being directly involved in the
death of another human being. According to
lonescu, the accident was insignificant, blown
out of proportion and that people around the
world die all the time.
Such behavior only firmly cements the idea
that diplomats, representatives of their
country and leaders in general put themselves
above the people they serve, with the knowl
edge that their 'special status' allows them to
do anything they want, even openly flout the
law. In Dr. lonescu's case, diplomatic
immunity should not be something that
propels a person beyond the law and other
human beings in the country. It is indeed sad
to know how the colorful lives they lead can
result in such irresponsible behavior that
immediately affects the people they govern.
Perhaps leading colorful lives is just an occu
pational hazard for this very special group of people. _
" PERHAPS LEADING COLOURFUL LIVES IS JUST AN OCCUPATIONAL HAZARD FOR THIS VERY SPECIAL GROUP OF PEOPLE. "
1 0 thertip/ol1lil1 I ISSUE 1
THE Kent Ridge Ministerial Forum (KRMF) has established itself as one of the intellectual highlights of the university calendar. This annual event provides undergraduates and members of the academia the opportunity to engage in a dialogue with prominent political figures and hear them speak on topics of international and regional concern.
KRMF aims to promote political awareness amongst Singaporean youths and undergraduates as well as fostering their interest on political, social and economic issues. The event also further offers undergraduates with the opportunity to be exposed to the political discourse arising from these issues, through the viewpoints of the Guest Speaker. The audience will also be able to exchange their views with the Guest Speaker via a highly-anticipated Question and Answer session.
ro/~fPZdAe, ~~ISTERI~N~M
WRITTEN BY JASMINE TOH Last year, KRM F was held on the 19th October 2009 at the University Cultural Centre, with Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew as its Guest Speaker. The overwhelming response saw the auditorium fully-packed, and the audience filled with enthusiasm.
Other past distinguished Guest Speakers include Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam and Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, amongst others.
This year, we will be continuing the tradition of opening up the Question and Answer session entirely to the floor. EXPECT RAW CONVERSATIONS; EXPECT THE UNEXPECTED! So be sure to look out for details of KRMF 2010 soon! _
therlip/ol1lill I ISSUE 1 11
SOLUTION N° 1: ,?a.t~1It:1 /kMtx WRITTEN BY CORNELIUS ANG
THE furore over foreign talent/workers has risen once again, not coincidentally with the recent recession. Something about recessions seems to lead Singaporeans to start the finger-pointing business that defines "Singaporean-ness". Foreign talents are now branded mercenaries-for-hire and only loyal to the fattest pay check, absconding with what rightfully belongs to locals. Amidst all these accusations, we fail realise that these economic migrants are key to the continued prosperity of Singapore. Talented foreign biomedical researchers are needed for want of locally bred researchers and foreign maids help manage domestic chores. These foreign talents and workers lubricate the wheels of our economy so that we may continue enjoying the economic prosperity that we have had for decades. Even this prosperity was built by foreign talent- Lee Kuan Yew writes in his memoirs, From Third World to First, that he was the only one of the ten initial cabinet ministers, who was born and educated in Singapore.
In a poll by Gallup in 2009, Singapore came in tops as an immigration hotspot Poll results indicate that Singapore's adult population would have jumped to a whopping 13 million if we were to take in all the adults who wanted to settle here. As such, we are able to filter through the very best talents who are most able to contribute to the continued prosperity of Singapore. Should we choose to adopt a xenophobic attitude, our talent pool would dwindle. What we need is not to forcibly assimilate our modern immigrant but to further promote a Singaporean-brand of multiculturalism. Our fore-fathers came to this shores as economic migrants of a better life, as Arab traders or as Chinese coolies, they brought cultures with them and melded them
1 2 theclip/ol1lill I ISSUE 1
together instead of insisting that we adopt a singular culture they celebrated their different cultures and this eventually blossomed into the wonderful amalgamation of cultures that we live in - with Hainanese chicken rice stalls right next to the nasi lemak stalls in our local hawker centres.
No one would desire to lose their own identity; our modern immigrant was raised in a different country and it is part of one's own self-defining story. Expecting
-
one to change what has been nurtured for A decades would inevitably lead to a disappointment The way to avoid this disap-pointment is to instead espouse these differences and integrate them into our own culture since a changing national identity is inevitable especially for a young country like Singapore. Already, we see the process in action, with immigrants starting up Mediterranean restaurants and African paraphernalia stores in our shopping malls.
Economic migrants are people who desire a better life and they come to our shores to seek that promise. They too have to forgo their citizenship and second-generation male children have to undergo national service. They have the hopes and aspirations similar to the local population yet if we choose to expedite integration by impressing on them assimilation we risk impeding the development of loyalty that only long-term experiences may kindle. Take the case of our former Singapore soccer star Egmar Goncalves who under the Singapore Foreign Sports Talent (FST) Scheme came to gain citizenship in 2002 only to return to his native Brazil in early January 2007 for good.
. ,
IMAGE CREDIT
birdbrain, Stock.XCHNG
GUIDE TO OLOUR: ASSIMILATION V.S. MULTICULTURALISM
THERE'S NO STOPPING THE INFLUX OF FOREIGN TALENT INTO SINGAPORE NOW. IT'S TIME WE COME TO TERMS WITH IT, SO HERE OUR WRITERS EXPLORE TWO DIFFERENT WAYS TO JUST DEAL WITH IT
So how does Singapore mitigate such an
issue? An option we can use is to allow
migrants a greater say in the process of inte
gration. To understand our local culture better
they could choose to have classes at the local
community centre, tour groups organized by
the community centre or even an attache
family that could guide them in their introduc
tion as a combination as long as they fulfil a
certain a number of points that would be
awarded for each activity.
Social issues also arise from failed assimila
tion. The Paris riots in 2005 highlighted the
problems of attempting to forcibly assimilate
migrants who become disenfranchised and
deepen the resentment towards the majority
rather than assimilating into the dominant
French culture. Singapore can learn from the
failure of other countries in the process of inte
gration. After all, why try to assimilate
modern immigrants if the very fact that Singa
pore is a great tourist destination exactly
because we have a great multicultural dimen
sion that juxtaposes different cultures in a peaceful celebration of differences. _
therlip/ol1lill I ISSUE 1 1 3
IMAGE CREDIT
Dart Vader, Stock.XCHNG
SOLUTION N° 2: MIXt~ /Ae/? aIItt WRITTEN BY FAROUQ OSMAN
FOR E I G N talent has always been
a hot-button issue in Singapore. Indeed, it
touches the very core of traditional Singapor
ean sore points - jobs and material security.
An oft-heard complaint by Singaporeans is
that the huge influx of new immigrants would
compete with them for jobs. On top of that
concerns have been raised about the willing
ness of these foreigners to assimilate into
society. For example, the issue of Mandarin
only-speaking service staff who hail from
China and form the bulk of new citizens here
has caused considerable rancour among
native Singaporeans. In particular, the latter
feel that the new immigrants are not putting in
sufficient effort to communicate in English,
Singapore's lingua franca. Such a situation
1 4 theclip/ol1lQJ I ISSUE 1
resembles a social time bomb if not properly
mitigated, since it entails little meaningful
interaction with the rest of society. Today, for
eigners represent more than one-third of
Singapore's population of 4.9 million. As Sin
gapore grows more cosmopolitan and
becomes plugged into the global economy,
maintaining social cohesion would be one of
the most important tasks of the government.
Recognising the exigencies of Singapore's
changing demography and the growing dis
content among Singaporeans about the bur
geoning number of foreigners in their social
milieu, the government has exhorted the need
for newcomers to adjust and integrate into
society in a speech by President S R Nathan in
May 2009, to mark the Opening of Parlia-
ent. Likewise, Singaporeans have been told to
accept and embrace them as contributors to
our economy, with their varied skills and
experiences. Such a policy of assimilation is a
step in the right direction, if the character of
our society is to be preserved. What is at
stake here is social stability and cohesion.
Many Singaporeans are convinced that if
these foreigners are left to their own devices
and allowed to segregate themselves from
the mainstream, they would be less likely to
appreciate the core values that define our
society, such as multiculturalism, religious
harmony and meritocracy. This is especially
pertinent for new immigrants intending to
seek citizenship here. Failing to socialise them
into our norms and values would, the
argument goes, threaten to tear apart our
communities. For one, coming from relatively
homogeneous societies, these newcomers
may not have experienced the need to be
mindful of racial and religious sensitivities in
their country of origin. Also, they have their
own values and habits which may not be com
patible in our society. For example, the
Chinese are known for their reliance on
'guanxi' or personal relationships in conduct
ing business, unlike the thoroughly Western
ways of doing things here.
It was precisely to address such concerns that
Member of Parliament Halimah Yacob
proposed in November 2009 for the institution
of a citizenship test for new immigrants
wanting to become Singapore citizens.
Indeed, such a test has long been the norm in
countries with high immigration rates like the
United States, Britain and Australia. As per
suasively argued by Madam Halimah, "Citi
zenship is a privilege, not a right, and should
be earned". Certainly, this implies a demon
stration of commitment to the nation and a
willingness to integrate into the community,
by learning key aspects of Singapore life.
While some have pointed out that the test will
not be able to sieve out the genuinely commit-
ed from the rest since it involves only a regur
gitating of facts, the test would certainly send
a clear message to prospective new citizens
that much are expected out of them, as
members of society.
Having said all that, assimilation does not nec
essarily mean that the new immigrants will
have to lose all their identity and cultural links
to their homeland. For example, organisations
such as the Hua Yuan Association exist for
Chinese immigrants in Singapore, so that they
can network among themselves and have a
source of intra-group solidarity for comfort.
Indeed, Singaporeans are willing to learn from
foreigners who, with their different experi
ences and know-how, add diversity and
vibrancy to our economy and society. In order
to enjoy a mutually-benefiting relationship,
both locals and new immigrants must make
the effort to adapt to each other's presence,
and this will take time. Such a policy of assimi
lation is probably Singapore's best hope in
bridging potential fault lines in our society and maintaining our delicate social fabric. _
therlip/ol1lill I ISSUE 1 1 5
THE POLITICS WRITTEN BY SIVARANJANI SURESH
" BY ASSOCIATING MEANING TO EVERY HUE OF COLOUR AND MANIPULATING IT TO BRING ACROSS OUR IDEAS, WE HAVE COME TO BE RULED BY OUR OWN CONNOTATIONS AS WELL. "
IMAGE CREDIT juuichimei, Stock.XCHNG
1 6 thertiplol11il1 I ISSUE 1
What are colours?
Science would tell us that they are impressions to the human eye of the numerous waves or impulses produced when white light is separated. When white light strikes an object, certain waves are absorbed while certain waves are reflected, and these reflected waves determine the colour of the object. So really, what we perceive as colour is not typically colour - rather, it's an effect of light.
But really, is that all there is to colour? Everyone holds unique preferences and perceptions when it comes to colours, just like music, but what makes it so powerful that one can guess someone's general state of mind or personality from their choice of colours? The answer probably lies in how colours increase visual stimulation. Visual stimulation involves and affects both our thoughts and emotions more than any other sensory stimulation. There are things that cannot be smelt, or heard or touched, but everything can be seen. As long as something exists physically, one will always try to visualise its space, and when you can visually perceive something, you remember and understand it better. Colours make it even easier to visualize things -colourful objects are easily remembered, and colour makes illustrations clearer. Stronger visual presences arouse one's emotions far more than any world in black and white can.
Politics, of course is perhaps the arena in
which the power of colour is most eagerly
exploited. The most obvious instances of
political usage of colours are in national flags
and party colours. While the symbolism of the
colours and the reasons behind their selection
in national flags and symbols are clearly and
cleverly stated, the exact reasons behind the
choice of party colours often elude many. In
most cases, the choices are adopted rather
than determined, reflecting the pre-existing
notions of the particular colours and their
symbolisms in that place and time.
Typically, while the perception of particular
colours varies widely depending on the
location and era, some generalizations can
certainly be made.
Black is usually associated with pessimism,
extermination and relinquishment, which
clearly explains its association with anarchism
(which supports the stateless society, since it
considers the state to be harmful and unnec
essary). White, in contrast, is generally asso
ciated with pacifism and peace.
Red has commonly been associated with
passion, spirit and struggle, which is how
communism and socialism established itself in
the East. Its other connotations of force and
aggression are probably how it got associated
with totalitarianism in many of the communist
countries as well. Blue, being a total contrast
to red is probably how US democrats identify
themselves, as opposed to communists or
conservatives. Traditionally, UK social demo
crats have associated themselves with red,
while most European liberal democrats asso
ciate themselves with yellow combined with
blue. Yellow is also used by libertarians in US.
The association of liberty with the colour may
have its roots in the cultural symbolism of
yellow, in signifying exuberance, support and
warmth, and it also complements blue on the
colour scale.
1 8 thertip/ol1lil1 I ISSUE 1
Religious parties usually tend to identify with
similar colours and these colours are directly
associated with the particular religions. For
instance, Islamic parties take to green while
Hindu parties take to orange. While there is no
clear link to the religion, European Christian
Democrats are commonly denoted by the
colour orange as well. For obvious reasons,
environmental parties typically identify them
selves with the greenery of nature. Due to the
colour of soldiers' uniforms, Nazism and asso
ciatively, fascism, identify with brown.
Recently, colours have also come to signify
particular political movements over time,
influenced mostly by the colours of the politi
cal parties behind the movement. As dis
cussed earlier, the Russian Revolution and the
Nazi seizure of power have both been termed
red and brown revolutions respectively. Since
the 2000s, non-violent resistance to protest
against corrupt or authoritarian governments
have been called colour revolutions, and all the individual revolutions under this umbrella
take up names of colours or flowers, like
Ukraine's orange revolution, Iraq's purple
revolution, and Iran's green revolution. Here,
Ukraine's orange is a direct reference to the
election's adopted colour, while Iran's green
comes from the party colour of the presiden
tial candidate. Iraq's purple comes from the
purple stain made on voters' index fingers.
The identification with colours in this area
promotes memory and connection between
the people and the subject of protest,
strengthening revolutions.
More general movements that take a political
stance when required, adopt colours in a
more symbolic but apolitical way. For
instance, the environmental movement of
recent times has also been termed the green
movement, while a rainbow has denoted the
sexual (gay/lesbian/bisexual) revolution. While
the former takes after green's allusion to
nature, the latter is an interesting allusion to
becoming more accepting of all hues of
human sexuality.
From all the above, we see how politics uses
colour as a way for people to identify with a
particular party or movement, using their
pre-existing notions on the meaning of certain
colours. The highly visual nature of the parties
makes colour a powerful way of trying to
connect with the masses in a more emotional
yet subtle manner, across time and space.
Colour helps establish a unique identity for
themselves in people's minds - an under
stated strategy for easy recognition, recollec
tion and support.
It can be argued that it's a basic animal instinct
to identify colour with a particular idea. At the
basic level, its appreciation is associated with
danger and survival, like how the colour of a
fruit is associated with its edibility in nature.
Beyond that, humans have taken it to a com
pletely new level, where colours affect
emotion and alter human conduct on extraor
dinary levels. By associating meaning to
every hue of colour and manipulating it to
bring across our ideas, we have come to be
ruled by our own connotations as well. The
role of colour in politics is just one example of
how we manipulate the use of colour and in
turn, have allowed it to manipulate our way of life. _
CLOCKWISE FROM LEFT: The flag for Anarchy,
the Libertarian Party logo, the Purple Revolution
in Iraq, the Communist hammer and sickle.
FROM THE TOP: Flags
from Saudi Arabia, St.
Kitts 8 Nevis, France,
and the Vatican City
Hitler, in brown
Nazi uniform
Organised by:
~ NUS Students' Pol itica IAssociation
Supported by: ~
= ~~~~ NUS National University Office of Alumni Relations of Singapore