20
,.-+ ro Z C lJ') lJ') ,.-+ c c.. ro ::::J ,.-+ VI .. "lJ . 0 2: n OJ }> VI VI 0 Q, OJ 0 ::::J

The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

Embed Size (px)

DESCRIPTION

The Diplomat is a free biannual publication by the National University of Singapore Students' Political Association (NUSPA), a constituent club of the National University of Singapore Students' Union (NUSSU).MICA (P) 146/11/2009PUBLICATIONS DIRECTOR: Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff; DEPUTY DIRECTOR: Hong Wee Keat.EDITORIAL - Chief Editor: Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff; Writers: Cornelius Ang, Farouq Osman, He Zhuo Jing, Jasmine Toh, Sivaranjani Suresh.DESIGN - Creative Director/Designer: Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff; PRINTING & DISTRIBUTION: Cornelius Ang.EDITORIAL: Colour printing is expensive. But hey, we forked out, because what's the point of having a Colours Issue without that al l-important visual punch? You just can't understate the power of the visual in evoking emotion. Visual perception is instant, and so therefore, is its impact. The symbolism in colour is boundless and transcends cultures, and so the possiblities are endless when in comes to manipulating colour for our own ends - especial ly in the art of politics.With this inaugural issue of The Diplomat we want to kick off with a vibrant start to our humble attempts at making politics and current affairs just a little more light-hearted and fun for everyone. We figured everyone needs a littlecolour in their lives! So this one (and every other one, actually) is on us. From the use of colour in politics, to the colourful lives of politicians and diplomats, we hope we've covered enough of a spectrum to spark some curiosity. If you're reading this, you must have picked this up to take a look. And if it was that all-important splash of colour on the cover that attracted you, then that's just testament to the power of colour.

Citation preview

Page 1: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

,.-+ ~ ro Z C lJ')

lJ') ,.-+ c c.. ro ::::J ,.-+ VI .. "lJ . 0

2: n OJ

}> VI VI 0 Q , OJ ~. 0 ::::J

Page 2: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

NUS STUDENTS' POLITICAL ASSOCIATION

Yusof Ishak House, Level 5 31 Lower Kent Ridge Road

Singapore 119078

Website: www.nuspa.org

Email: [email protected]

The Diplomat is a free biannual publication by the National University of Singapore

Students' Political Association (NUSPA), a consti tuent club of the National University

of Singapore Students' Union (NUSSU).

The views and opinions expressed in the articles in th is publication are those of the writers and do not necessarily reflect the

views and opinions held by NUSPA.

For feedback or advertising inquiries, please contact us at the above address.

~ NUS Students' PollticalAssociation

PUBLICATIONS DIRECTOR Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff

DEPUTY DIRECTOR Hong Wee Keat

EDITORIAL Chief Editor Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff

Writers Cornelius Ang Farouq Osman He Zhuo Jing Jasmine Toh Sivaranjani Suresh

DESIGN Creative Director/Designer Fatimah Zahrah Alsagoff

PRINTING 8 DISTRIBUTION Cornelius Ang

Page 3: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

Colour printing is expensive. But hey, we forked out, because what's the

point of having a Colours Issue without that al l-important visual punch?

You just can't understate the power of the visual in evoking emotion. Visual

perception is instant, and so therefore, is its impact. The symbolism in colour

is boundless and transcends cultures, and so the possiblities are endless

when in comes to manipulating colour for our own ends - especial ly in the

art of politics.

With this inaugural issue of The Diplomat we want to kick off with a vibrant

start to our humble attempts at making politics and current affairs just a little

more light-hearted and fun for everyone. We figured everyone needs a little

colour in their lives! So this one (and every other one, actually) is on us.

From the use of colour in politics, to the colourful lives of politicians and

diplomats, we hope we've covered enough of a spectrum to spark some

curiosity.

If you're read ing this, you must have picked this up to take a look. And if it

was that all-important splash of colour on the cover that attracted you, then

that's just testament to the power of colour.

FATIMAH ZAHRAH ALSAGOFF CHIEF EDITOR

thertiplol11iil I ISSUE 1 03

Page 4: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

(c@~1r[~1r~

Edi

toria

l 3

Abo

ut N

US

PA

5

Pol

itica

l V

ibra

ncy

in S

inga

pore

6

The

Col

ourfu

l Li

ves

of P

oliti

cian

s 8

The

Ken

t R

idge

Min

iste

rial

For

um 2

009

11

A G

uide

to

Col

our

Mul

ticul

tura

lism

VS

Ass

imila

tion

12

The

Pol

itics

of

Col

our

16

Page 5: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

NUS Students'

Page 6: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

~

IMAGE CREDIT MICA,

.5G Interactive

SINGAPORE WRITTEN BY FAROUQ OSMAN

ARE WE BECOMING A MORE VIBRANT ELECTORATE? WHERE DOES SINGAPORE

LIE ON THE SPECTRUM OF POLITICAL FREEDOM?

A S our society matures and a more

youthful and sophisticated electorate

emerges, Singaporeans are becoming more

aware and demanding of their place in the

policy-making process. Desiring greater space

for politica l expression, they increasingly

yearn for a more competitive political scene in

Singapore, which entails a frank and critica l

discussion of national issues. Indeed, there

exists a pervasive public sentiment for

greater checks

and balances to keep an eye on the unbridled

power the People's Action Party government

currently wields. Furthermore, the ad vent of

globalisation and today's Internet age mean

that it has become harder to control informa­

tion flow and for the government to set the

agenda on public discourse of national issues.

Such a shift in values with its attendant effects

on the political landscape has not gone unno-

ticed by the government Since Prime

Minister Lee Hsien Loong assumed the

Page 7: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

leadership mantle in 2004, the PAP govern­

ment has been embarking on a series of

reforms to liberalise our society. The latest,

and arguably the most far-reaching changes

were announced in May 2009 to allow for

more alternative voices in Parliament. While

naysayers view such reforms as incremental

and having the ulterior motive of entrenching

PAP's one-party dominant rule, the changes

do go some way towards creating a more

vibrant Singapore polity.

The PAP government, striving to avoid the

pitfalls that have engulfed long-ruling parties

such as the Liberal Democratic Party in Japan

and the Barisan Nasional in Malaysia, realises

the need to be seen as responsive to the

people's demands. Even Minister Mentor Lee

Kuan Yew himself has acknowledged the

need for Singapore's political system to

evolve and "be in sync with the changes in the

world, and in our society" (ST, Sep 10 2008).

The PAP's relatively unchallenged stay in

power for over five decades has been

possible due to its image as the party that

'delivers the goods'. The people became

willing to forgo their individual liberties and

endure state interventions into personal and

social life in exchange for material security.

However, the question to be asked is - How

long can this arrangement be sustained? The

PAP at last appears to be cognisant of the

impropriety of this arrangement in the

long-run. As Singapore becomes inextricably

linked to the global economy, so too will its

fortunes, waxing and waning in accordance

with global economic conditions which are

beyond Singapore's control. This also

involves the widening of income gaps as

those without up-to-date skills are rendered

obsolete in a knowledge-based economy,

threatening social stability. Under such trying

circumstances, the PAP government cannot

afford to risk undermining itself by projecting a

paternalistic attitude and refusing to acknowl­

edge the people's input in policy-making. With

such a scenario in mind, and a view to keep

itself in power, the PAP government has

undertaken steps to further democratise our

society. Recognising the inexorable influence

of new media, the government partially lifted

the ban on party political films with the

amendment of the Films Act in March 2009.

Similarly, Singaporeans will be allowed to

post political podcasts and vodcasts online at

election time. Also, outdoor demonstrations

have been legalised but only at Speakers'

Corner in Hong Lim Park. With such changes,

the government intends to send the signal

that it is willing to open up our system even

more, albeit progressively. Then came the

announcement in May 2009 which saw the

minimum number of opposition Member of

Parliaments, including Non-Constituency M Ps

being raised from 3 to 9. Likewise, the Nomi­

nated M P scheme is to become a permanent

fixture, along with changes to the size and

number of Group Representative Constituen­

cies and single-seat wards respectively. The

government's move to change the political

system means that there will be at least 18

non-PAP voices in Parliament, ensuring a

wider range of views.

Opposition groups are cynical about the

proposed changes, saying that these are

meant to deter voters from voting for their

parties since the reforms would guarantee the

presence of a sizable non-PAP representa­

tion. Furthermore, they argue, NCM Ps and

N M Ps are not allowed to vote in a no-confi­

dence motion and in other vital areas such as

amending the Constitution, making them

seem like 'paper tigers'. However, it can also

be said that the proposed reforms will make

life tougher for PAP MPs who will have to

contend with more opposition members and

robust sparring sessions. Indeed, the public

can expect to have higher quality parliamen­

tary debates, satisfying their craving for a

livelier political scene. The effects of such a

wide-ranging reform on the political system

are yet to be seen but one thing is for sure -

the people, especially the young and educated

will continue to clamour for liberalisation as

long as the PAP remains in control of all levers of power. _

thertiplol11iil I ISSUE 1 07

Page 8: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

THE COLOUR UL LI POL I TIC I A N S are a rare breed of people; technically, they're a type of social worker, only armed with a thirst for power and authority. Most of us picture politi­cians as stuffy, pretentious leaders giving boring speeches about the policies they make and yet, we don't realize how colorful these

people actually are. Given the modern day democratic nature of choosing a leader, many politi cians are (or even need to be) person­ab le, charismatic, interesting and dynamic. People such as Nicolas Sarkozy and Bill Clinton come to mind -- the former, with his

Napoleon complex, rabid obsession with his image and a scandalous marriage to a model­turned-singer just 6 weeks after his second

divorce; the latter was the star

POLll in one of the most covered-up politician sex scandal in the history of the USA. Politicians nowadays are more often than not treated as a type of ce lebrity (think Barack Obama, Tony Blair, jerry Springer, Sarah Palin), with some already incul ca ted into pop culture and areas rock stars in their own right Surely, they can be regarded as one of the most colorful people in the world by virtue of their intriguing life­styles.

One ca nnot enter a discussion about colorful politicia ns (or even people) without mention­ing Silvio Berlusconi, the notorious current

iiiiiijF::::17:;r,;;;:;::::::~p:ri:m:e~M~i~ni~s:te~r~o~f Ita Iy. You may remem ber ---rTrr-=n;;;::::=::;:::=;hi m as the leader who was most

famously smashed in

08 tlrftf/iploll{qf I ISSUE 1

the fa ce with a Milan cathedral statuette, the vivid image of his

bloodied battered fa ce splashed all over inter­

national headlines.

Senore Berlusconi is the very archetype of a colorful politician; he is probably one of the few (li ving) politicians in the

world to have been accused of doing almost everything an upright la w­

abiding citizen shou ld not be doing embezzlement, prosti­

tution, associations with a famed criminal association,

just to name a few One of the richest men in Italy, Berlusconi

Page 9: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

YES 'ICIAN

W RITTEN BY HE ZHUO JING

IMAGE CREDITS

William Vandivert

LIFE

is an extremely successful entrepreneur, his

business empire stretching to encompass

insurance, food and construction industries.

Most importantly, he is the media mogul of

Ital y, a man controlling nearly 90% of Italian

television networks, resulting in a virtual

monopoly -- he has direct (and indirect)

control over all media. Of course, one might

say that that somewhat infringes on his right

to democratic authority, but that is a story for

another da y. Football fans w ill know that he is

the owner of AC Milan, arguably (and I say

arguably) one of Italy's most successful

football clubs. He even named his political

party "Forza Italia", which translates to "Go

Ital y" - one of AC Milan's chants

Flamboya nt and chronicall y controversial, his

presence seems to have taken residence in

the tabloid columns in recent years, where he

became famous for his extra vagant lifestyle,

and the crimes and blunders that go with it,

rather than his policies. So far, Berlusconi has

undergone at least six trial s for corruption

charges and overturned everyone of them

(alleged personal links with the notorious Sicil­

lian mafia notwithstanding). His questionable

sense of humour, insensitive remarks, off-

color jokes and baffling sound bites are a

constant source of entertainment and anguish

for people around the world. Who cou ld forget

how he referred to Barack Obama as

"tanned", played hide-and-seek with Angela

Merkel and annoyed Queen Elizabeth so with

his clowning during the last G20 meeting that

she had to speak up to shut him up? Certainly,

one questions how such a man could be put

into power to be in charge of the lives of

millions of people.

In compa ri son to his public life however,

Berlusconi's private affairs are scarcely

better. He has been pictured holding parties in

his official residences, dubbed the " Playboy

Mansion", with paid prostitution, scant

security and numerous topless women and

men. His wife has publicly announced her firm

intention to divorce him, most likel y fed up

w ith his man y sex scandals and sord id links to

younger women. A famous case in point Ber­

lusconi, who has never been present at his

sons' birthday parties, attended that of Noemi

Letizia, an 18-year-old aspiring model who

apparently calls him "Daddy". This, from a

man running a coun try.

It is debatable whether Berlusconi 's involve-

tlr!!tfip/ol1(ill I ISSUE 1 09

Page 10: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

inattention of Italy's deeply rooted problems,

one of which is an almost consistently zero

economic growth rate. Like Nero, Berlusconi

fiddles away while Rome burns.

There is another intriguing case much closer

to home. Romanian diplomat, Dr. Silviu

lonescu, was witnessed to have been the

driver of a black Audi involved in a hit-and-run

accident that injured 3 pedestrians at two road

crossings in Bukit Panjang on the 15th of

December, 2009. One of them, Mr. Tong Kok

Wai, died of his injuries on Christmas Day.

Dr. lonescu was allegedly driving home after a

few rounds of drinks at a KTV and dropped a

female companion off at Hillcrest Arcadia

Condominium before turning into the PIE, and

subsequently took a slip road to where the

accident happened. Despite being the prime

suspect in the case, lonescu exercised his dip­

lomatic immunity and fled to Romania, where

he insisted he was innocent and even accused

the Singapore government of "framing" him

on national television. What outraged the

public however, was how easily the charge

d'affaires of the Romanian embassy was

allowed to leave Singapore and how unre­

morseful and nonchalant he appeared in inter­

views despite being directly involved in the

death of another human being. According to

lonescu, the accident was insignificant, blown

out of proportion and that people around the

world die all the time.

Such behavior only firmly cements the idea

that diplomats, representatives of their

country and leaders in general put themselves

above the people they serve, with the knowl­

edge that their 'special status' allows them to

do anything they want, even openly flout the

law. In Dr. lonescu's case, diplomatic

immunity should not be something that

propels a person beyond the law and other

human beings in the country. It is indeed sad

to know how the colorful lives they lead can

result in such irresponsible behavior that

immediately affects the people they govern.

Perhaps leading colorful lives is just an occu­

pational hazard for this very special group of people. _

" PERHAPS LEADING COLOURFUL LIVES IS JUST AN OCCUPATIONAL HAZARD FOR THIS VERY SPECIAL GROUP OF PEOPLE. "

1 0 thertip/ol1lil1 I ISSUE 1

Page 11: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

THE Kent Ridge Minis­terial Forum (KRMF) has established itself as one of the intellectual highlights of the university calendar. This annual event provides under­graduates and members of the academia the opportunity to engage in a dialogue with prominent political figures and hear them speak on topics of international and regional concern.

KRMF aims to promote politi­cal awareness amongst Sin­gaporean youths and undergraduates as well as fostering their interest on political, social and economic issues. The event also further offers undergraduates with the opportunity to be exposed to the political dis­course arising from these issues, through the view­points of the Guest Speaker. The audience will also be able to exchange their views with the Guest Speaker via a highly-anticipated Question and Answer session.

ro/~fPZdAe, ~~ISTERI~N~M

WRITTEN BY JASMINE TOH Last year, KRM F was held on the 19th October 2009 at the Univer­sity Cultural Centre, with Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew as its Guest Speaker. The overwhelming response saw the auditorium fully-packed, and the audience filled with enthusiasm.

Other past distinguished Guest Speakers include Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Mr Tharman Shanmugaratnam and Dr Vivian Balakrishnan, amongst others.

This year, we will be continuing the tradition of opening up the Question and Answer session entirely to the floor. EXPECT RAW CONVERSATIONS; EXPECT THE UNEXPECTED! So be sure to look out for details of KRMF 2010 soon! _

therlip/ol1lill I ISSUE 1 11

Page 12: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

SOLUTION N° 1: ,?a.t~1It:1 /kMtx WRITTEN BY CORNELIUS ANG

THE furore over foreign talent/workers has risen once again, not coincidentally with the recent recession. Something about reces­sions seems to lead Singaporeans to start the finger-pointing business that defines "Singa­porean-ness". Foreign talents are now branded mercenaries-for-hire and only loyal to the fattest pay check, absconding with what rightfully belongs to locals. Amidst all these accusations, we fail realise that these economic migrants are key to the continued prosperity of Singapore. Talented foreign bio­medical researchers are needed for want of locally bred researchers and foreign maids help manage domestic chores. These foreign talents and workers lubricate the wheels of our economy so that we may continue enjoying the economic prosperity that we have had for decades. Even this prosperity was built by foreign talent- Lee Kuan Yew writes in his memoirs, From Third World to First, that he was the only one of the ten initial cabinet ministers, who was born and educated in Singapore.

In a poll by Gallup in 2009, Singapore came in tops as an immigration hotspot Poll results indicate that Singapore's adult population would have jumped to a whopping 13 million if we were to take in all the adults who wanted to settle here. As such, we are able to filter through the very best talents who are most able to contribute to the continued prosperity of Singapore. Should we choose to adopt a xenophobic attitude, our talent pool would dwindle. What we need is not to forcibly assimilate our modern immigrant but to further promote a Singaporean-brand of mul­ticulturalism. Our fore-fathers came to this shores as economic migrants of a better life, as Arab traders or as Chinese coolies, they brought cultures with them and melded them

1 2 theclip/ol1lill I ISSUE 1

together instead of insisting that we adopt a singular culture they celebrated their different cultures and this even­tually blossomed into the wonder­ful amalgamation of cultures that we live in - with Hainanese chicken rice stalls right next to the nasi lemak stalls in our local hawker centres.

No one would desire to lose their own identity; our modern immigrant was raised in a different country and it is part of one's own self-defining story. Expecting

-

one to change what has been nurtured for A decades would inevitably lead to a disap­pointment The way to avoid this disap-pointment is to instead espouse these differences and integrate them into our own culture since a changing national identity is inevitable especially for a young country like Singapore. Already, we see the process in action, with immigrants starting up Mediterranean restaurants and African paraphernalia stores in our shopping malls.

Economic migrants are people who desire a better life and they come to our shores to seek that promise. They too have to forgo their citi­zenship and second-generation male children have to undergo national service. They have the hopes and aspirations similar to the local population yet if we choose to expedite inte­gration by impressing on them assimilation we risk impeding the development of loyalty that only long-term experiences may kindle. Take the case of our former Singapore soccer star Egmar Goncalves who under the Singapore Foreign Sports Talent (FST) Scheme came to gain citizenship in 2002 only to return to his native Brazil in early January 2007 for good.

Page 13: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

. ,

IMAGE CREDIT

birdbrain, Stock.XCHNG

GUIDE TO OLOUR: ASSIMILATION V.S. MULTICULTURALISM

THERE'S NO STOPPING THE INFLUX OF FOREIGN TALENT INTO SINGAPORE NOW. IT'S TIME WE COME TO TERMS WITH IT, SO HERE OUR WRITERS EXPLORE TWO DIFFERENT WAYS TO JUST DEAL WITH IT

So how does Singapore mitigate such an

issue? An option we can use is to allow

migrants a greater say in the process of inte­

gration. To understand our local culture better

they could choose to have classes at the local

community centre, tour groups organized by

the community centre or even an attache

family that could guide them in their introduc­

tion as a combination as long as they fulfil a

certain a number of points that would be

awarded for each activity.

Social issues also arise from failed assimila­

tion. The Paris riots in 2005 highlighted the

problems of attempting to forcibly assimilate

migrants who become disenfranchised and

deepen the resentment towards the majority

rather than assimilating into the dominant

French culture. Singapore can learn from the

failure of other countries in the process of inte­

gration. After all, why try to assimilate

modern immigrants if the very fact that Singa­

pore is a great tourist destination exactly

because we have a great multicultural dimen­

sion that juxtaposes different cultures in a peaceful celebration of differences. _

therlip/ol1lill I ISSUE 1 1 3

Page 14: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

IMAGE CREDIT

Dart Vader, Stock.XCHNG

SOLUTION N° 2: MIXt~ /Ae/? aIItt WRITTEN BY FAROUQ OSMAN

FOR E I G N talent has always been

a hot-button issue in Singapore. Indeed, it

touches the very core of traditional Singapor­

ean sore points - jobs and material security.

An oft-heard complaint by Singaporeans is

that the huge influx of new immigrants would

compete with them for jobs. On top of that

concerns have been raised about the willing­

ness of these foreigners to assimilate into

society. For example, the issue of Mandarin

only-speaking service staff who hail from

China and form the bulk of new citizens here

has caused considerable rancour among

native Singaporeans. In particular, the latter

feel that the new immigrants are not putting in

sufficient effort to communicate in English,

Singapore's lingua franca. Such a situation

1 4 theclip/ol1lQJ I ISSUE 1

resembles a social time bomb if not properly

mitigated, since it entails little meaningful

interaction with the rest of society. Today, for­

eigners represent more than one-third of

Singapore's population of 4.9 million. As Sin­

gapore grows more cosmopolitan and

becomes plugged into the global economy,

maintaining social cohesion would be one of

the most important tasks of the government.

Recognising the exigencies of Singapore's

changing demography and the growing dis­

content among Singaporeans about the bur­

geoning number of foreigners in their social

milieu, the government has exhorted the need

for newcomers to adjust and integrate into

society in a speech by President S R Nathan in

May 2009, to mark the Opening of Parlia-

Page 15: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

ent. Likewise, Singaporeans have been told to

accept and embrace them as contributors to

our economy, with their varied skills and

experiences. Such a policy of assimilation is a

step in the right direction, if the character of

our society is to be preserved. What is at

stake here is social stability and cohesion.

Many Singaporeans are convinced that if

these foreigners are left to their own devices

and allowed to segregate themselves from

the mainstream, they would be less likely to

appreciate the core values that define our

society, such as multiculturalism, religious

harmony and meritocracy. This is especially

pertinent for new immigrants intending to

seek citizenship here. Failing to socialise them

into our norms and values would, the

argument goes, threaten to tear apart our

communities. For one, coming from relatively

homogeneous societies, these newcomers

may not have experienced the need to be

mindful of racial and religious sensitivities in

their country of origin. Also, they have their

own values and habits which may not be com­

patible in our society. For example, the

Chinese are known for their reliance on

'guanxi' or personal relationships in conduct­

ing business, unlike the thoroughly Western

ways of doing things here.

It was precisely to address such concerns that

Member of Parliament Halimah Yacob

proposed in November 2009 for the institution

of a citizenship test for new immigrants

wanting to become Singapore citizens.

Indeed, such a test has long been the norm in

countries with high immigration rates like the

United States, Britain and Australia. As per­

suasively argued by Madam Halimah, "Citi­

zenship is a privilege, not a right, and should

be earned". Certainly, this implies a demon­

stration of commitment to the nation and a

willingness to integrate into the community,

by learning key aspects of Singapore life.

While some have pointed out that the test will

not be able to sieve out the genuinely commit-

ed from the rest since it involves only a regur­

gitating of facts, the test would certainly send

a clear message to prospective new citizens

that much are expected out of them, as

members of society.

Having said all that, assimilation does not nec­

essarily mean that the new immigrants will

have to lose all their identity and cultural links

to their homeland. For example, organisations

such as the Hua Yuan Association exist for

Chinese immigrants in Singapore, so that they

can network among themselves and have a

source of intra-group solidarity for comfort.

Indeed, Singaporeans are willing to learn from

foreigners who, with their different experi­

ences and know-how, add diversity and

vibrancy to our economy and society. In order

to enjoy a mutually-benefiting relationship,

both locals and new immigrants must make

the effort to adapt to each other's presence,

and this will take time. Such a policy of assimi­

lation is probably Singapore's best hope in

bridging potential fault lines in our society and maintaining our delicate social fabric. _

therlip/ol1lill I ISSUE 1 1 5

Page 16: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

THE POLITICS WRITTEN BY SIVARANJANI SURESH

" BY ASSOCIATING MEANING TO EVERY HUE OF COLOUR AND MANIPULATING IT TO BRING ACROSS OUR IDEAS, WE HAVE COME TO BE RULED BY OUR OWN CONNOTATIONS AS WELL. "

IMAGE CREDIT juuichimei, Stock.XCHNG

1 6 thertiplol11il1 I ISSUE 1

What are colours?

Science would tell us that they are impressions to the human eye of the numerous waves or impulses produced when white light is sepa­rated. When white light strikes an object, certain waves are absorbed while certain waves are reflected, and these reflected waves deter­mine the colour of the object. So really, what we perceive as colour is not typically colour - rather, it's an effect of light.

But really, is that all there is to colour? Everyone holds unique prefer­ences and perceptions when it comes to colours, just like music, but what makes it so powerful that one can guess someone's general state of mind or personality from their choice of colours? The answer probably lies in how colours increase visual stimulation. Visual stimu­lation involves and affects both our thoughts and emotions more than any other sensory stimulation. There are things that cannot be smelt, or heard or touched, but everything can be seen. As long as some­thing exists physically, one will always try to visualise its space, and when you can visually perceive something, you remember and understand it better. Colours make it even easier to visualize things -colourful objects are easily remembered, and colour makes illustra­tions clearer. Stronger visual presences arouse one's emotions far more than any world in black and white can.

Page 17: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011
Page 18: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

Politics, of course is perhaps the arena in

which the power of colour is most eagerly

exploited. The most obvious instances of

political usage of colours are in national flags

and party colours. While the symbolism of the

colours and the reasons behind their selection

in national flags and symbols are clearly and

cleverly stated, the exact reasons behind the

choice of party colours often elude many. In

most cases, the choices are adopted rather

than determined, reflecting the pre-existing

notions of the particular colours and their

symbolisms in that place and time.

Typically, while the perception of particular

colours varies widely depending on the

location and era, some generalizations can

certainly be made.

Black is usually associated with pessimism,

extermination and relinquishment, which

clearly explains its association with anarchism

(which supports the stateless society, since it

considers the state to be harmful and unnec­

essary). White, in contrast, is generally asso­

ciated with pacifism and peace.

Red has commonly been associated with

passion, spirit and struggle, which is how

communism and socialism established itself in

the East. Its other connotations of force and

aggression are probably how it got associated

with totalitarianism in many of the communist

countries as well. Blue, being a total contrast

to red is probably how US democrats identify

themselves, as opposed to communists or

conservatives. Traditionally, UK social demo­

crats have associated themselves with red,

while most European liberal democrats asso­

ciate themselves with yellow combined with

blue. Yellow is also used by libertarians in US.

The association of liberty with the colour may

have its roots in the cultural symbolism of

yellow, in signifying exuberance, support and

warmth, and it also complements blue on the

colour scale.

1 8 thertip/ol1lil1 I ISSUE 1

Religious parties usually tend to identify with

similar colours and these colours are directly

associated with the particular religions. For

instance, Islamic parties take to green while

Hindu parties take to orange. While there is no

clear link to the religion, European Christian

Democrats are commonly denoted by the

colour orange as well. For obvious reasons,

environmental parties typically identify them­

selves with the greenery of nature. Due to the

colour of soldiers' uniforms, Nazism and asso­

ciatively, fascism, identify with brown.

Recently, colours have also come to signify

particular political movements over time,

influenced mostly by the colours of the politi­

cal parties behind the movement. As dis­

cussed earlier, the Russian Revolution and the

Nazi seizure of power have both been termed

red and brown revolutions respectively. Since

the 2000s, non-violent resistance to protest

against corrupt or authoritarian governments

have been called colour revolutions, and all the individual revolutions under this umbrella

take up names of colours or flowers, like

Ukraine's orange revolution, Iraq's purple

revolution, and Iran's green revolution. Here,

Ukraine's orange is a direct reference to the

election's adopted colour, while Iran's green

comes from the party colour of the presiden­

tial candidate. Iraq's purple comes from the

purple stain made on voters' index fingers.

The identification with colours in this area

promotes memory and connection between

the people and the subject of protest,

strengthening revolutions.

More general movements that take a political

stance when required, adopt colours in a

more symbolic but apolitical way. For

instance, the environmental movement of

recent times has also been termed the green

movement, while a rainbow has denoted the

sexual (gay/lesbian/bisexual) revolution. While

the former takes after green's allusion to

nature, the latter is an interesting allusion to

becoming more accepting of all hues of

human sexuality.

Page 19: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

From all the above, we see how politics uses

colour as a way for people to identify with a

particular party or movement, using their

pre-existing notions on the meaning of certain

colours. The highly visual nature of the parties

makes colour a powerful way of trying to

connect with the masses in a more emotional

yet subtle manner, across time and space.

Colour helps establish a unique identity for

themselves in people's minds - an under­

stated strategy for easy recognition, recollec­

tion and support.

It can be argued that it's a basic animal instinct

to identify colour with a particular idea. At the

basic level, its appreciation is associated with

danger and survival, like how the colour of a

fruit is associated with its edibility in nature.

Beyond that, humans have taken it to a com­

pletely new level, where colours affect

emotion and alter human conduct on extraor­

dinary levels. By associating meaning to

every hue of colour and manipulating it to

bring across our ideas, we have come to be

ruled by our own connotations as well. The

role of colour in politics is just one example of

how we manipulate the use of colour and in

turn, have allowed it to manipulate our way of life. _

CLOCKWISE FROM LEFT: The flag for Anarchy,

the Libertarian Party logo, the Purple Revolution

in Iraq, the Communist hammer and sickle.

FROM THE TOP: Flags

from Saudi Arabia, St.

Kitts 8 Nevis, France,

and the Vatican City

Hitler, in brown

Nazi uniform

Page 20: The Diplomat - Issue 1, 2010/2011

Organised by:

~ NUS Students' Pol itica IAssociation

Supported by: ~

= ~~~~ NUS National University Office of Alumni Relations of Singapore