The Cwyzhy Dialect of Abxaz The Cwyzhy Dialect of Abxaz

by

Bert VauxBårt Voks

Zihni SenerPåsåy§a Zehni

1. Introduction..................................................................................................................................................31.1. Historical position and development of Abkhaz..................................................................................3

1.1.1. The Caucasian Languages............................................................................................................41.1.2. The Northwest Caucasian Languages..........................................................................................41.1.3. Abkhaz and its dialects................................................................................................................5

1.1.3.1. Origins.................................................................................................................................121.1.3.2. Religion...............................................................................................................................121.1.3.3. Historical context...............................................................................................................131.1.3.4. Dialects and speakers.........................................................................................................13

1.1.3.4.1. About the speaker........................................................................................................151.1.3.5. The Abkhaz Alphabet.........................................................................................................16

2. Phonetics and phonology............................................................................................................................182.1. The phonology of loanwords in Abkhaz............................................................................................272.2. Reduplication......................................................................................................................................29

2.2.1. The facts.....................................................................................................................................302.2.1.1. Semantics...........................................................................................................................30

2.2.4. Data.............................................................................................................................................323. Morphology................................................................................................................................................334. Syntax.........................................................................................................................................................33

4.1. Word order..........................................................................................................................................334.2. Question formation.............................................................................................................................364.3. Ken Hale’s notes.................................................................................................................................41

3/17/92..................................................................................................................................................413/23/92..................................................................................................................................................413/23/92..................................................................................................................................................463/31/92..................................................................................................................................................504/7/92....................................................................................................................................................514/7/92....................................................................................................................................................534/10/92..................................................................................................................................................565/1/92....................................................................................................................................................595/5/92....................................................................................................................................................615/11/92..................................................................................................................................................635/18/92..................................................................................................................................................675/26/92..................................................................................................................................................707/30/92..................................................................................................................................................728/6/93....................................................................................................................................................77353-621.................................................................................................................................................78

5. Texts...........................................................................................................................................................785.1. Xwalaccy............................................................................................................................................785.2. The Bull and the Stone.......................................................................................................................895.3. Apples and Pumpkins.........................................................................................................................895.4. Sayings................................................................................................................................................89

6. Phrasebook.................................................................................................................................................917. Glossaries...................................................................................................................................................91

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References......................................................................................................................................................91

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1. Introductioninclude relevant portions of the Cwyzhy dialect paper (HWPIL)

This book provides an introduction to the previously unstudied C—å±´å dialect of Abkhaz, the native language of Mr. Påsiypa. Abkhaz, a Northwest Caucasian language spoken primarily in Abkhazia and Turkey, has three main dialects: Bzyp, Abzhywa, and Sadz (cf. Chirikba 1996). The two literary dialects, Bzyp and Abzhywa, are relatively well-studied. Sadz, on the other hand, has been the subject of only one study, a useful article by Chirikba (1996). According to Chirikba, Sadz has two subdialects: Khaltsys and Tswydzhy (C—å±´å in the speech of Mr. Påsiypa). C—å±´å was originally spoken on the Kudepsta River (Abkhaz k’—ådåpsta), just north of the present border of Abkhazia. After the exodus from Russia to Turkey in the 1860’s, it was spoken until recently in three villages near the Turkish town of Bilecik in northwestern Turkey: Elmabahça, KünceÌiz, and Hasandere. According to Mr. Påsiypa, Elmabahça currently has 20 speakers of Abkhaz, and KünceÌiz has 65; Chirikba 1996 states that Elmabahça no longer contains any Abkhaz speakers. Mr. Påsiypa’s mother hails from Elmabahça, and his father from KünceÌiz; Mr. Påsiypa himself moved to the United States some ten years ago, and is currently approximately forty years old.

1.1. Historical position and development of Abkhazwhat we know about Abkhaz: Golden Fleece ongoing war with Georgia Narts epic (important source of early Iranian myth and tradition; parallel to Arthur) fought with Cherkez Etem against Turks one vowel system? popular Soviet vacation retreat preserve archaic pagan religion in Abkhazia live long lives (cf. Benet book) Evliya Chelebi was native speaker of Abkhaz

2. Interesting features of Abkhaz language and cultureThe Abkhaz community in Turkey is generally Muslim, but nevertheless preserves some elements of its pagan past. For example, Mr. Påsiypa remembers his grandmother reciting the following prayer whenever crossing a body of running water:

(1) ^Åzlam båsåzg—ámcan, s僫ç«á, bålapƒá sågåbmårƒán‘O Dzyzlam, don’t get angry at me, protect me, don’t diminish your good will’

^Åzlam bå- så- z- g—á- m-ca- n så- ƒ«ç«á,

Dzyzlam 2sgf- 1sg- benefactive- heart- neg- narrow-finite 1sg- protect

bå- lapƒá så- gåb- må- rƒá- n2sgf- ?? 1sg- ?? neg- ??- finite

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1.1.1. The Caucasian Languagesancient Arab writers called the Caucasus the ‘mountain of languages’

more than 200 distinct ethnic groups, each with own languageopening joke of Nasreddin Hoja and bag of rockssome claim (cf. Vogt) to be related to Basque and Etruscan--cf. 2 Iberias

(1) The North Caucasian family according to Starostin PNC

«PWC PEC

Show maps from beginning of Colarusso’s Kabardian bookREAD GREPPIN’S REVIEWSTART W/ CRAZY STAROSTIN ETYMOLOGIES: 6, dog, etc.

18 PNC vowels > 2 PNWC vowels + secondary consonant articulationsall but one syllable drops; which syllable stays is not predictableall clusters eliminated

1.1.2. The Northwest Caucasian Languagesfirst identified as a genetic group by Güldenstädt (1791), Uslar (1887)regular phonological correspondences established by Trubetzkoy (1922, 1930)

(2) The Northwest Caucasian familyPNWC

PAT PAK« «

Abkhaz Abaza Ubykh Adyghe Kabardian

American center for NWC languages: New Jerseytypological features of NWC: all have special hunters’ language rich consonantal inventories (from original vowel contrasts) secondary consonantal articulations: labialization, palatalization, glottalization 2 vowels vowel coloring by glides and secondary consonantal articulations mobile stress (> Adyghe stress final syll unless light; otherwise stress penult) monosyllabic root structure: C(C)(V) [cluster types severely restricted] vigesimal number system minimal case systems stative/dynamic verbal opposition ergativity SOV, NA, NP-postpos

2.1. Starostin’s PNWC reconstruction

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Starostin 82: 400 basic PNWC lexemes reconstructablePNWC does indeed seem to be a real family, but his equations are weaknumbersphoneme inventory

initial phonemes in the numbersbasic developments in daughters

all but Ubykh lose pharyngealizationall but Adyghe lose tenseness/geminationPAT loses lateral system

1.1.3. Abkhaz and its dialectsAbkhaz, by George Hewitthttp://www.abkhazia.org/lang.html

The Abkhaz Language1. Abkhaz belongs to the small North West Caucasian language-family whose other members are Circassian, the virtually extinct Ubykh and Abaza. There may well be a distant genetic relationship with the remaining two North Caucasian families (North

Central Caucasian and North East Caucasian, or Daghestanian), but no such link can be demonstrated with South Caucasian (Kartvelian). From a purely linguistic point of view Abaza can be viewed as a divergent dialect of Abkhaz, though for geo-political reasons both were awarded literary status in the early days of Soviet power in the Caucasus. The

two main dialects of Abkhaz are (northern) Bzâp and the literary (southern) Abz'âwa. Both are spoken in Abkhazia, which since 1931 has had the status of an autonomous

republic within (the former Soviet) Georgia. The designation "Abkhaz" derives from the Georgian ethnonym, though that in turn ultimately comes from Greek.

2. Like all members of the family Abkhaz is characterised by: (a) a minimal (viz. two-term open vs close) vertical vowel-system, though the orthography indicates vowel-phones in addition to these two phonemes; (b) a large consonantal inventory, made up of the standard Caucasian opposition between voiced vs voiceless aspirate vs voiceless ejective obstruents with widespread use of the secondary articulatory features of palatalisation and labialisation -- Abz'âwa has 58 consonantal phonemes, Bzâp 67; (c) simple noun-morphology, Abkhaz possessing only one formally marked case (the Adverbial); (d) polysynthetic verb-forms, which, in addition to incorporating markers for the normal verbal categories of tense, aspect, mood and causation, recapitulate almost the entire syntax of the clause by means of a complex system of pronominal cross-referencing affixes that shew agreement with subject, direct object and indirect-oblique objects, e.g. sara'I

a-píYâ's the-woman

a-sap'â'n the-soap

s-xarp my-shirt

(0-)a-la-l-sâ-r-dZYdZYa'-(0-)jt'(it-)it-by- her-I-cause-wash-(PAST-)FINITE

"I got the woman to wash my shirt with (the) soap" 3. Word-order is predominantly Subject-(Indirect/Direct) Object-Verb, possessor precedes possessed, most adjectives follow their nouns, postpositions rather than prepositions exist; intransitive subjects and direct objects are marked alike within the verb, leaving transitive subjects to be treated differently, which makes the language

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Ergative in structure. If a clause is defined as a word-sequence containing a finite verb, then subordinate clauses as such (as in North Caucasian languages generally) are rare, since non-finite verb-forms are employed, relative pronouns and subordinating conjunctions as separate word-classes being absent, e.g. sara'I

a-sap'â'n the-soap

s-xarp my-shirt

(0-)a'-la-z-sâ-r-dZYdZYa-(0-)z (it-)it-by- whom-I-cause-wash (PAST-)NON.FINITE

a-píYâ's the-woman

"the woman whom I got to wash my shirt with (the) soap..." 4. Iranian, Turkish, Kartvelian (Mingrelian and Georgian) and especially Russian influences are present in the vocabulary, particularly in the semantic fields relating to objects and concepts within the sciences and politics. Morphology seems unaffected by foreign influence, though the occasional use of a full subordinate clause (with, for example, the speech-particle íYa "having said" serving as conjunction) may be due to Russo-Kartvelian influence. 5. According to the 1989 Soviet census there were 102,938 Abkhazians in the whole USSR, of whom 93.3% spoke Abkhaz; of this total 93,267 lived in Abkhazia itself. An indeterminate number of Abkhazians, possibly more than reside in the (former) USSR, live in the Near East, predominantly Turkey, where at least the older generations have succeeded in preserving their language. 6. The assignment of literary status to Abkhaz, with all that this entails (publishing of papers, journals and books; teaching of the language throughout schooling and use of it as the actual means of instruction for the first few grades in local-language schools before transference to Russian; radio- and, since 1978, TV-broadcasting), have helped guard against its disappearance within Abkhazia. No such benefit accrued to those Abkhazians living beyond the USSR's boundaries, with the result that especially amongst the younger generation language-retention is probably less strong than amongst their Soviet coevals. However, the opening of Soviet borders in the late 1980s and the subsequent collapse of the USSR have led, and will undoubtedly continue to lead, to closer ties between home- and emigre-communities. This will surely guarantee the survival and indeed strengthening of the language, which represents the only one the two communities share and which will underpin the consolidation of their ethnicity that both seem to desire. Renewed pressure on Soviet Abkhazians from their Kartvelian neighbours (see 8) has had the natural, if unintentional, consequence of awakening amongst them a determination not lose their language to the advantage of Russian, which is the main lingua franca of Abkhazia and which Abkhazians know much better than the Kartvelians, thanks to their educational system. 7. The first script devised for (Bzâp) Abkhaz was that proposed in 1862/3 by the man who laid the foundation for the study of North Caucasian languages, the Russian soldier-linguist Baron Peter von Uslar. A series of adaptations were made for the occasional publications that preceded the Soviet period, and it was the 55 character script of A. C`'oc''ua, first utilised in 1909, that was adopted for the literary language as part of the Soviet drive to eradicate illiteracy throughout the Union. In 1926 this was replaced by the complicated 75 character Analytical Alphabet of (Scottish-Georgian) Nikolai Marr. This in turn yielded to the Latin-based script of N. Jakovlev in 1928. When the Young Written Languages of the USSR were forced to move to Cyrillic-based scripts in 1936-38, Abkhaz (along with South Ossetic) was compelled to accept a Georgian-based

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orthography, which lasted until the death of (Georgian) Stalin. Since 1954 the present Cyrillic-based script has been in use. It is cumbersome, containing 14 characters not found in Cyrillic, and inconsistent. There are suggestions that a new Latin-based orthography should now be created. 8. The development of the written language has not been smooth. Apart from the disruption occasioned by so many changes of script, the attempt, begun in the 1930s before his elevation to office in Mosocw by (Mingrelian) Lavrent'i Beria, to georgianise Abkhazia, which was the motivation behind the introduction of the Georgian-based script in 1938, culminated during the war in the replacement of Abkhaz-language schools by Georgian schools and a ban on both the teaching of, and publication in, the Abkhaz language. This policy was only reversed after the deaths of Stalin and Beria and explains why Bagrat' Dz'anas'ia's Abkhaz-Georgian Dictionary, completed in 1938 and thus utilising the Georgian alphabet, was only published in 1954. The State Programme for the Georgian Language, the draft of which appeared in November 1988 and which was passed into law in August 1989, makes no provision for the minority- languages of Georgia but does require not only that Georgian be taught in all schools throughout the republic but also that candidates for higher education establishments in Georgia first pass a test in Georgian language and literature. As stated above, Georgian is little heard in Abkhazia and thus poorly known among the Abkhazians. Therefore, at a time when Russian was the predominant second language (Mingrelian a third for many Abkhazians) such provisions in this Programme only served to reinforce the suspicions about Kartvelian intentions towards Abkhaz language and culture that had been harboured since the middle years of the century. Following the expulsion of so many Abkhazians to the Ottoman Empire after Russia's conquest of the North Caucasus in 1864 and the forced immigration into Abkhazia of Slavs, Armenians and especially Mingrelians during the 1930s the Abkhazians are a 17% minority on their own territory. But the determination to halt any further decline and to keep the language alive both at home and amongst the emigre;-communities is likely to produce a flourishing of literature, given the importance of the written word for any literate society at the end of the 20th century and the consequent choice of a literary career by those with the necessary talent. However, Abkhazia's desire to leave Georgia, the Kartvelians' unyielding attitude to such aspirations, and the political turmoil in Georgia at the time of writing make for an uncertain future. 9. Dârmit' Gulia (1874-1960) is justifiably regarded as the Father of Abkhaz Literature. He wrote the first novel, published the first volume of verse and founded the first newspaper in the language. His output also contains plays, translations, historical and ethnographical writings. He lectured on Abkhaz for a time (1924-25) at Tbilisi University. Samson C`'anba (1886-1937) lay the foundations for Abkhazian drama. The fact that both these pioneers were southern Abkhazians helped to establish the southern dialect as the literary norm. Amongst living writers Bagrat' S`inkwba is universally acknowledged to be a master in both prose and poetry; his novel "The Last of the Departed", which deals with the aftermath of the migration to Turkey of the entire Ubykh nation (cousins of the Abkhazians) in 1864, is available in English. Ivan Tarba (b.1921) and the children's author Neli Tarba (b.1934) are also highly regarded. Abkhazian folklore shares with that of other North Caucasian peoples the epic Nart sagas, an edition of which, containing 42 tales, was published in 1962.

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Bibliography 1. Hewitt, B. George. 1979. "Lingua (now Croom Helm) Descriptive Studies 2:

Abkhaz. Amsterdam: North Holland (now Croom Helm). 2. Hewitt, B. George. 1989. Abkhaz, in "The Indigenous Languages of the

Caucasus" (Series Editor John Greppin), vol.2 (ed. B. George Hewitt): "North West Caucasus". New York, Caravan Books, 39-88.

3. Hewitt, B. George. 1989. Aspects of Language Planning in Georgia (Georgian and Abkhaz), in "Language Planning in the Soviet Union" (ed. Michael Kirkwood).London: Macmillan, 123-144.

4. Wixman, Ronald. 1980. "Language Aspects of Ethnic Patterns and Processes in the North Caucasus."Chicago: University Press (Dept. of Georgraphy).

5. Dumézil, Georges. 1967. "Documents anatoliens sur les langues et les traditions du Caucase V: Etudes abkhaz". Paris: Maisonneuve. Dr. B. George Hewitt Reader in Caucasian Languages, School of Oriental and African Studies University of London England

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THE ABKHAZhttp://www.eki.ee/books/redbook/abkhaz.shtml

Self-designation. The name the Abkhaz call themselves is apsua and their ancient territory they call Ashvy (the land of the Abkhaz). Neighbouring peoples refer to them by different names like aigba and mdauei (Karachays, Kabardians), baskhyg (Ubykhians), mephaz (Svans), aphaza (Megrelians), apkhazi (Georgians), abaza (Turks). The Abkhaz

form has gained popularity through Russian. The Abkhaz language belongs to the Abkhazo-Adyghian group of the Caucasian family. It has practically the same phonetic

and morphological system as the Abaza language. The two have been regarded as separate languages only since the 20th century, mainly because of their territorial

separation and the different development of their literary standards. Being extremely rich in consonants (68 according to G. Klimov) the Abkhaz language is considered to be one

of the most difficult to acquire of all the languages spoken on the ex-Soviet territory. There are two dialects: Abzhui and Bzyb.

Habitat. The people live in a mountainous region called Abkhazia that is situated on the southeastern coast of the Black Sea. This narrow strip of land is characterized by an extreme variety of natural conditions. There are three different vegetation zones: subtropics, mountain lakes, springs of mineral water and abundant forests. The natural borders of Abkhazia are the Psou river in the west, the Ingur in the east, the Black Sea in the south and the main range of the Caucasus in the north. Administratively Abkhazia belongs to Georgia as an autonomous republic. Abkhazia is divided into five districts, two of which (Gudauta and Otshamthira) are populated mainly by the ethnic Abkhaz. Population. At the middle of the 19th century the number of Abkhaz was estimated at 130,000 (together with Abazian and Ubykhian peoples). More precise data has been available only since the end of the 19th century:

native speakers1897 72,1001926 57,0001939 59,0001959 65,400 95 %1970 83,240 95.9 %1979 90,915 94.3 %1989 105,308 93.5 %

The substantial decrease in the population from 1897 to 1926 and the unnaturally small increase from 1926 to 1939 reflect the consequences of civil war and collectivization together with Stalinist national policies. In addition there is a small Abkhaz community living in the Adzhar ASSR, Georgia. They have inhabited the place since the Caucasian wars, in the middle of the 19th century. According to the 1970 census statistics the community consisted of 1,361 Abkhaz people, 72.2 % of whom spoke their mother tongue, the rest preferring to communicate in Georgian or Russian. Anthropologically the Abkhaz belong to the West-Caucasian type of the Balkano-Caucasian race. They are characterized by an above-average stature, a slight build, relatively light skin, sharp features and dark eyes.

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Religion. Amongst the Abkhaz Christianity mixes with Sunnite Islam and ancient pagan traditions. Contacts with Christianity were made early as the first missionaries reached the place already in the 1st century AD. The first reports of a local Christian congregation date back to the 4th century when Stratophilus, the Archbishop of Pitsunda took part in the first Council of Nicaea held in AD 325. The Abkhaz deserve credit for helping spread Christianity among other peoples of northern Caucasia. One cannot underestimate the role of Christianity in the political and cultural convergence of Abkhazia and Georgia. The 16th century Turkish invasion brought along a spread of Islam that retained its position as a state religion consolidating the central power of Turkey until the beginning of the 19th century. Both religions were first embraced by the nobility. The ruler's faith was also received by his subordinates, but this was a rather formal act. The country people retained their pagan traditions, slightly accommodated to the prevailing religion, and in this way preserved their place of prime importance in their life and mentality. Ethnologically the Abkhaz people belong to the aborigines of Caucasia. Their material culture is typical of Caucasia having developed in close cultural and political contact with the Proto-Georgian tribes. The first written mention of the Abkhaz people is believed to be the note on the Abesla tribes living in Asia Minor, found in the records of the Assyrian ruler Tiglath-pileser. The Proto-Abkhaz tribes Apsil, Misiman, Abazg, and Svanig were known to the ancient Greek and Roman historians like Hekateus of Miletus, Strabo and Flavius Arrianus. In the 1st century AD the Proto-Abkhaz tribes set up their own principalities that were united with the Cazika Principality in the 4th century. The 7th--8th centuries witnessed the consolidation of the Proto-Abkhaz tribes into the Abkhaz nation. In 740 Abkhazia was separated from Lazika, in 780, Leon II, Prince of Abkhazia united western Georgia into the unitary state of Abkhazia, the capital of which was Kutaisi. In 978 the Abkhazian throne passed into the possession of a dynasty that ruled Georgia. Abkhazia was incorporated in to Georgia until it regained its independence in the 16th century under Prince Shervashidze. During the rule of that dynasty Abkhazia became protectorate of the Turkish Sultanate. At first it meant mainly an obligation to pay a yearly tribute, but in the 18th century Turkey aimed for the political subordination of Abkhazia. The Shervashidzes turned to Russia for help, and in 1810 Tsar Alexander I issued an order declaring Abkhazia a Russian protectorate. The following Crimean and Caucasian wars were very closely connected with the Abkhaz people. Yet, after the final victory in 1864 Abkhaz autonomy became unnecessary for the Russian government. The last Prince Shervashidze was sent into exile, and tsarist power and Russian bureaucracy were established. The Abkhaz people revolted in 1866. As a result of the heavy suppression of the mutiny mass emigration to Turkey ensued (the so-called Manadzhir Movement). About 70,000 people are believed to have left Abkhazia during 1866--1878. This is also when the Adzhar community of the Abkhaz people sprang up. The tsarist government reacted by banning the name Abkhazia and introducing an extensive colonial policy leasing the empty lands to peasants immigrating from Russia. This unsettled the ethnic composition of the region an the extreme which is exemplified by the following list of villages situated in the vicinity of Sukhumi at the beginning of the 20th century: 1 Abkhaz, 6 Russian, 2 German, 5 Megrelian, 10 Greek, 3 Estonian and 1 Bulgarian. For the Abkhaz society annexation to Russia meant the final establishment of feudal relations and the consolidation of serfage privileges. Land passed entirely to the hands of princes (ataua), nobility (aamsta) and clergy.

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The Abkhaz economy is a reflection of the enviroment. On the coast and foothills the main occupation was field cultivation and, to a certain extent, also horticulture. The main crop was millet, but from the 19th century on its place was taken by maize. Cotton, flax and hemp were also grown. The technology of cultivation was quite primitive resulting in low yields. Mountain-dwellers dealt mainly with raising livestock as pastures were abundant. The main stock consisted of sheep and goats; horses were fewer. Apiculture and hunting were highly developed. The Russian state reforms of 1870 laid the basis for an acceleration in the development of capitalism. In agriculture money rent and market orientation became the new passwords. Tobacco, tea and subtropical crops became more widely grown. Industries (coal, timber) began to develop. Health resorts started to be built. The overall economic rise favoured a rise in the national self-consciousness of the Abkhaz people and fostered the development of a local intelligentsia. By the year 1917 a strong nationalist and separatist movement had developed coming to a head following the democratic February Revolution. In 1917 a provisional Government was set up in Sukhumi. In November 1917 an Abkhaz National Council was formed with the aim of securing an autonomous Abkhazia. During 1918--1921 there was constant warring which ceased only with the stifling of the nationalist movement by the Soviet power. In February 1921 the Abkhaz SSR was established, in December of that year it was incorporated into the Georgian SSR according to the Union treaty. The Soviet period in Abkhazia was divided into two phases by World War II. The first part is characterized by "Red Terror" to a backdrop of a general economic boom, the second by a weakening of the national tradition and mentality. Abkhazia being an agrarian region the land reform effected through collectivization had an important role in sovietization. During 1929--1935 the number of collective farms rose from 14 to 472. By 1940 the rate of collectivization had reached 93.8 %. Such outstanding results could hardly have been achieved without the physical elimination of the opposition, or least their banishment or deportation to the Tkvarcheli coal mines. The uniting of plots into large fields made it possible for the kolkhozes to specialize in the monocultivation of tobacco, tea and subtropical crops. The increase in the production of agricultural raw material laid the basis for food and tobacco industries which in their turn worked for the growth of cities and urbanization. The Abkhaz were 5 % urban in 1926, 15 % in 1939, 28 % in 1959 and 34.5 % in 1970. Soviet economic policy had exhausted its potential by the 1960s when the first signs of stagnation and regression appeared. The mentality of a people is most influenced by changes in culture and everyday life. This is why the Soviet authorities launched a campaign of "Cultural Revolution" by means of which the whole cultural life was to be subordinated to their ideological pattern. A Latin-based alphabet for the Abkhaz language had already been devised by P. Uslar in 1862. Three years later the first Abkhaz books were published, and by 1912 a vernacular prose had developed. Yet the Soviet power found it necessary to change the alphabetic basis of the language on as many as four occasions: in 1926 the analytic alphabet of N. Marr was introduced to be replaced by Roman letters in 1928, Georgian ones in 1938 and Slavic ones in 1954. Such somersaults could hardly have benefited Abkhaz cultural life. Periodicals only started to be appear in the Abkhaz language in 1954. In tsarist Russia the Abkhaz received their education in Russian. In 1864 the Tsar issued an order allowing non-Russian students to be instructed in their mother tongue as a

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special subject, but in practice it never became very popular. Vernacular education reached the Abkhaz people in the first years of Soviet rule. Until 1932 Abkhaz was used in the first and second forms, later even up to the fourth, although senior classes remained conducted in Russian. The positive effect of a partly vernacular education to the preservation of national identity is reflected in the fact that the language retention rate of the Abkhazian Abkhaz is higher than that of the Adzharian Abkhaz whose language of literacy and education has been Georgian. On the other hand it is of no little importance what mentality is carried by the educational system. Strong ideological-grounded education has always been an effective weapon in the hands of the central authorities. One of the most acute problems of the modern Abkhaz people is that they are a minority on their native territory. This has happened as a result of the colonization policy that followed the Mahadzhir emigration and the strong tendency to Georgianization characteristic of the peripheral regions of Abkhazia. According to the 1979 census statistics the percentage of the ethnic Abkhaz in the Abkhaz Autonomous Soviet Republic was only 17.1 in Abkhazia, while Georgians made up 43.9 %, Russians 16.4 % and Armenians 15 % of the population. The status of a minority certainly does not favour either the political or cultural self-assertion of the Abkhaz people. Ethnic culture. During the past thirty years several changes have occurred in the Abkhaz material culture and folk traditions. The reasons are twofold: the advance of European urban culture and the Soviet propaganda that has been directed against national cultures. The elements of folk tradition still common in the Abkhaz villages in the 1950s have been lost or are on their way out. In most cases national costumes are not worn any more. The former traditional settlement planning and vernacular architecture has given way to planned villages and urban dwellings. Owing to religious conservatism more has been retained of old customs. The Soviet national policy has sharpened contradictions between the Abkhaz and the Georgian people and this has led to several open conflicts. The political change effected in the Soviet Union since the middle of the 1980s has enlivened Abkhaz society. Open talks of a separate national existence and autonomy have been heard. Demands for a vernacular university have been aired. The situation became aggravated in June and July of 1989 when the Abkhaz people repeatedly demonstrated against the Georgian government.

1.1.3.1. Originslegend about god dividing land and Abkhaz being late because of guestsnative legends (esp. Narts) suggest descent from race of dwarvesGreek colonies established on Abkhazian coast in 5th C BC

Greek chronicles of the time refer to AbazgiPliny (1st C AD) refers to Abkhazia as Apsies

1.1.3.2. Religionmixture of Christianity (5th C) and Islam (16th C)

earth is flat, resting on horns of black bull, standing on head of fish (Persian?)observe Ramadansacrifice to St. George

local divinities include:

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Ufa (weather)Shasta (arts)Azhwnshaa (hunting and forest and wild animals)Aitar (protector of domestic animals)*Amcwa (chief god; name means ‘mothers’!)

1.1.3.3. Historical contextAbkhazia fought to maintain independence from: Persia (6-8th C AD) Arabia (6-8th C AD) Byzantine Empire (4-8th C AD) Georgia (8-15th C) Ottoman Empire (15th C - 1771) Russians (19th C)

these historical contacts are reflected in the language’s borrowings: Turkish--kuchuk Persian--cf. Narts--adaw, agulshap Arabic (religious) Georgian (middle ages) Russian (not in Turkey!)

1.1.3.4. Dialects and speakersDON’T CONFUSE:

AbkhazAbaza (language; also the name of Abkhaz in Turkey)Abzakh (dialect of Adyghe)

not written until 1922dialects: Bzyp (abzåp)

spoken in Gagra, suburbs of Sukhumi, Gudawta, and N of Sukhumisubdialects: Kaladaxwar, Aacin

Abzhuy (ab±«åwaa)literary dialectspoken S of Sukhumisubdialects: Djgyarda, Chkhwartal, Ataara, Samurzakan

Sadzwaspoken in Gagra until 1864mentioned by Evliya Chelebi

Ashkharwasubdialects: Apsuy, Kuvin

Cwyzhy (c—屫å)--Zihni’s dialect

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SHOW EACH DIALECT ON MAP

One may consider Abaza to be a dialect of Abkhaz. It is readily intelligible to speakers of Abkhaz. The Abaza (Abkhaz aß«—åwaa/aß«—k—a) currently reside in the Karachay-Cherkez autonomous republic in the northern Caucasus. There are two main dialects of Abaza: Tapanta (t’ap’anta) subdialects: Kubina, Elburgan Ashkharwa (aß«xarwa) subdialects: Kvinsk, ApswaThe Tapanta speakers refer to themselves as abazak—a ‘Abazas’; the Ashkharwa speakers refer to themselves as aß«xarwa ‘Ashkharwa’.

Some Russian linguists believe the Abaza people left Abkhazia in the ninth century; others date the migration to the fourteenth century.

There are two literary dialects of Abkhaz: Abzhuy (ab±«åwaa) subdialects: Djgyarda, Chkhwartal, Ataara Bzyp (abzåp)--spoken in Gagra, suburbs of Sukhumi, Gudawta, etc. Before 1864

Gagra was inhabited by speakers of Asadzwa dialect.

Total Abkhaz population (including Abaza): 530,000c. 90,000 speakers in Abkhazia, 10,000 in Turkeyadditional speakers in Adjaria, Syria, Jordan, New Jersey

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Total Abkhaz population (including Abaza): 530,000

1.1.3.4.1. About the speakerZihni—Autobiographical Materialsfather born 1901grandfather died c. 1910one of the wives was called Sarayli (‘from the castle’), because she came from the Sultan’s haremZ’s family came to Turkey in 4 ways:

great grandmother (great grandfather died before deportation)November 1994informant: Zihni Sener, age 39, born in XX, raised in XX, moved to US in 1991XXfamily belonged to C\=Ω`= tribe, one of four tribes originally in northwest Abkhazia:1) C\=Ω`= 2) Saj\aa3) …abal4) D=hç\=psaaeach of these dialects contrasts long consonants and vowels, unlike Abzhuy (and Bzyp??)

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1.1.3.5. The Abkhaz Alphabet

IPA Cyrillic Traditional transcription a a e e b b d d d\ d— j ^ j\ ^— À À À` À' f f g g g` g« gw g— © @ or Ý ©` @' or Ý' ©w @— or Ý— h h h\ h— i i 7 å y y (N.B. written same as i) k k Ï k’j Ï` k’«w Ïw k’—j k` k« kw k— l l m m o o p p § p’ q q’j q` q’'w qw q’— r r s s ß\ s— ß ß ß` ß' ß\ ß— (note that the last two

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sounds use the same symbol; when in doubt use ß—)

t t † t’ t\ t— †\ t’— c c … c’ …\ c’— c\ c— ™ ç ¤ ç’j æ ç’« ç ç' u u v v w w x x x` x' xw x— z z ±\ z— ± ± ±` ±' ±\ ±— (see note on ß—)

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2. Phonetics and phonology2. Phonology2.1. VowelsC—å±´å contains two vowel phonemes, /a/ and /å/. The phonemic status of å is disputed, but will be assumed here for ease of exposition. The two vowels appear to be specified only for the feature [low]: /a/ is [+low], /å/ is [-low]. If unaffected by neighboring consonants, the vowels surface as [+low, -back, -ATR] [Þ] and [+high, +back, -round] [¥] respectively. However, each vowel typically acquires the remaining vocalic features [high], [back], [round] from the secondary articulations of an immediately preceding consonant, if one is present. For example, /a-q’«q’«Å/ ‘shit’ surfaces as [a-q’«q’«é], with the schwa receiving the feature specifications [-back, -round, -high] from the preceding glottalized palatalized voiceless uvular stop. The transcription employed in the text below does not reflect this vowel coloring, but rather adheres to the orthography, which is largely phonemic. The one exception is rising diphthongs, which show the behavior in (1).1

(1) underlying form surface forma. åw uwb. åy iyc. aw owd. ay ey

The change in (1b) does not apply following uvulars, pharyngeals, and labialized coronal stops (d— t— t’—); in this situation the phonetic quality of the diphthong is approximately [åiy]2. The change in (1d) does not apply to /a:y/ sequences (written <aay>). The changes in (1c-d) do not apply when the sequence is preceded by the pharyngeal ¸ (cf. Hewitt 1989.42). We have only written the surface forms (iy, etc.) when they are rendered as such in the orthography of Mr. Påsiypa: for example, dåyÅcåmk’—a ‘without him having her’ (sentence 2) < dåyåcåmk’—a> vs. aríy ‘this’ <ari>.

2.2. ConsonantsC—å±´å contains the consonant phonemes in (2).

1 According to Hewitt 1989.42, (1a-d) actually surface as [u:], [i:], [o:], [e:] respectively. Though acoustic spectrograms have not established to our satisfaction whether these sequences surface as diphthongs or long vowels, three factors lead us to employ the transcription as diphthongs here. First, this option mirrors the fact that in phonemic terms these are sequences of two phonemes. Second, Mr. Påsiypa clearly distinguishes his pronunciation of the sequences in (1) from that of the [u], [i], [o], and [e] that occur in Russian loans, e.g. a-védra ‘def.-bucket’, a-rádio ‘def.-radio’, suggesting to us that the underlying diphthongs in fact have an offglide in their surface forms as well. Third, we wish to distinguish surface [u i o e] that come from underlying diphthongs from underlying [u i o e] that occur in non-native lexical items. In the transcription employed here, vowels drawn from the set [u i o e] are identical to those of the underlying form when no glide follows: thus, <ow> in our transcription always represents /aw/, whereas [o] represents /o/.2 It is possible that certain other consonants also block the change in (1b); however, the set listed here is all that we can be certain of at the moment.

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(2) b p p’ v f mw < ’ > = glottalization

d t t’ ^ c c’ z s n rl y <^> = IPA [dz]; <c> = IPA [ts]

d— t— t’— ^— c— c’— z— s—< — > = labialization

À ç ç’ ± ßÀ« ç« ç’« ±« ß«

< « > = palatalizationg k k’g— k— k’—g« k« k’«

q’ @ ƒq’— @— ƒ—q’« @« ƒ«

¸¸—y—

What is traditionally transcribed as <y—> is phonemically a [+round] voiced pharyngeal fricative, but phonetically a [+round, -back] glide, IPA [Ë].

In word-initial position the voiced stops are typically slightly imploded, and the non-glottalized voiceless stops are heavily aspirated. In word-final position, voiced stops are typically devoiced and aspirated. Unlike the literary dialects, C—å±´å possesses a phonemic length contrast in consonants, as illustrated in (3).

(3) a-ßå-rá ‘get angry’ : a-ßßå-rá ‘build a fence around’á-ƒ—a ‘ashes’ : á-ƒ—ƒ—a ‘worm’á-la ‘eye’ : a-llá ‘dog’

Geminates are pronounced as singletons in initial position, e.g. la-k’ ‘dog-indefinite’.In many cases C—å±´å has a geminate corresponding to a singleton in the

literary dialects, e.g.

(4) C—å±´å Abzhywa glossa-ß«ß«á a-ß«á blooda-ffÅ a-fÅ lightninga-llá a-lá doga-^^Å a-^Å watera-k—k—á a-k—á raina-@«@«å-rá a-@«-rá get angry at someoneá-ƒ—ƒ—a á-ƒ—a worma-ƒ—ƒ—Å a-ƒ—Å food, haira-ƒ«ƒ«Å a-ƒ«Å golda-ƒƒÅ a-ƒÅ bullet

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There are also many cases where an Abzhywa geminate corresponds in C—å±´å to a sequence of three units of the same segment, e.g. Abzhywa á-ç«ç«a-ra ‘laugh (v)’ : C—å±´å á-ç«åç«ç«a-ra.

Certain consonants can be syllabic in C—å±´å, e.g. (capital letters denote syllable nuclei)

(5) underlying form surface form glossmc’-k’ [Mc’k’] fly.that.hangs.around.dogs’.eyes-indefinitey—-bá [übá] 2 (cardinal)±«-k’ [Û«k’] spleen-indefinite

2.2.1. LabializationThe labialized consonants in Abkhaz behave as a natural class with respect to phonological rules. For instance, all of the labialized consonants resist combination with palatalization; thus, k for example can be palatalized /k«/ or labialized /k—/ but not palatalized and labialized simultaneously */k«—/ (however, palatalization and labialization can cooccur phonetically; cf. (6ii-iii); in these cases, the phonetic onset of palatalization appears to begin before labialization). We assume that the class of labialized consonants is characterized by a [+round] secondary articulation. However, we represent labialization with < — > rather than < w > because this unitary phonological class in fact has four distinct phonetic manifestations, summarized in (6):

(6) class of segments surface form of labializationi. dorsals (g— k— k’— q’— @— ƒ—) [+round, +back]ii. pharyngeals (y—, ¸—) [+round, -back]iii. [+cont] coronals (s—, z—, c—, j—, ß—, ±—) [+round, -back, -anterior]iv. [-cont] coronals (t—, t’—, d—) [-round, +cons]

One might suspect that the distinction between s and ß would be lost when labialized, since according to (6iii) both s— and ß— are [-anterior]. In fact, the two are phonetically distinct; the auditory impression is that [s—] is palatalized whereas [ß—] is not. I attribute this impressionistic difference to the fact that s— is [-distributed] whereas ß— is [+distributed].

Note that the labialized segments in (6iv) are not [+round]. The manifestation of labialized coronals as doubly-articulated corono-labial stops is paralleled in the related language Ubykh (Colarusso 1988.152) as well as many languages (cf. Sagey 1986.224).

One of the distinctions in (6) is reflected in the orthography: class (6i) employs the grapheme <y> to represent the secondary articulation, whereas classes (6ii-iv) employ the grapheme <å>. We can say that <y> represents the class of [+round, +back] segments, and <å> represents all other phonemically [+round] consonants.

2.2.2. PalatalizationParallel to the labialized consonants, the palatalized consonants constitute a unitary phonological class with diverse phonetic manifestations. In phonological terms, palatalization is characterized by a dorsal, [-back] secondary articulation. This articulation translates straightforwardly into a palatal secondary articulation on the

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phonetic level, except in the case of the palatalized glottalized uvular stop q’«, which surfaces as [+back]. It differs from its non-palatalized counterpart q’, however, in triggering the appearance of [-back] on an adjacent vowel, as we have already seen3. We attribute this behavior to the incompatibility of the [+back] specification of the uvular articulation and the [-back] specification associated with palatalization. In order to resolve this incompatibility, the [-back] component is delinked, and subsequently attaches to the neighboring vowel.

Abkhaz employs as part of its rich consonantal inventory two secondary articulations, palatalization and labialization. Each of these secondary articulations behaves as a natural class with respect to rules and constraints of Abkhaz phonology, yet each also has a number of different phonetic and phonological manifestations. The purpose of this paper is to present the basic phonetic and phonological properties of these secondary articulations, and to develop a theory of representations for these articulations that captures their underlying unity and surface diversity. The data are drawn from my fieldwork with Zehni Påsiypa, one of the last speakers of the previously unstudied C—å±´å dialect of Abkhaz.

1. IntroductionBefore launching into the technical details of my presentation, I’d first like to provide a brief sketch of the language from which I’ll be drawing my data. Abkhaz has three main dialects: Bzyp, Abzhywa, and Sadz (cf. Chirikba 1996). The two literary dialects, Bzyp and Abzhywa, are relatively well-studied. Sadz, on the other hand, has been the subject of only one study, a useful article by Chirikba (1996). According to Chirikba, Sadz has two subdialects: Khaltsys and C—å±´å. C—å±´å was originally spoken on the Kudepsta River (Abkhaz k’—ådåpsta), just north of the present border of Abkhazia. After the exodus from Russia to Turkey in the 1860’s, it was spoken until recently in three villages near the Turkish town of Bilecik in northwestern Turkey: Elmabahça, KünceÌiz, and Hasandere.

(1)

Bilecik

3 We have not yet been able to address the question of if and how q’« is distinguished from q’ when not adjacent to a vowel.

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According to Mr. Påsiypa, Elmabahça currently has 20 speakers of Abkhaz, and KünceÌiz has 65; Chirikba 1996 states that Elmabahça no longer contains any Abkhaz speakers. Mr. Påsiypa’s mother hails from Elmabahça, and his father from KünceÌiz; Mr. Påsiypa himself moved to the United States some ten years ago, and is currently approximately forty years old.

C—å±´å contains two vowel phonemes, /a/ and /å/. The phonemic status of å is disputed, but will be assumed here for ease of exposition. The two vowels appear to be specified only for the feature [low]: /a/ is [+low], and /å/ is [-low]. If unaffected by neighboring consonants, the vowels surface as [+low, -back, -ATR] [Þ] and [+high, +back, -round] [¥] respectively. However, each vowel typically acquires the remaining vocalic features [high], [back], [round] from the secondary articulations of an immediately preceding consonant, if one is present. For example, /a-q’j:Å/ ‘shit’ surfaces as [a-q’j:é], with the schwa receiving the feature specifications [-back, -round, -high] from the preceding glottalized palatalized voiceless uvular stop.

C—å±´å contains the 63 consonant phonemes in (2).

(2) b p p’ v f mw d t t’ j c c’ z s nr l y d— t— t’— j— c— c’— z—s— À çç’ ± ß

À— ç— ç’— ±— ß—Ày çy ç’y ±y ßy

g k k’g— k— k’—gy ky k’y

q’ @ ƒq’— @— ƒ—q’y @y ƒy

¸¸—y—

< ’ > = glottalization< — > = labialization< y > = palatalization

What is traditionally transcribed as <y—> is phonemically a [+round] voiced pharyngeal fricative, but phonetically a [+round, -back] glide, IPA [Ë]. [ILLUSTRATE ON COMPUTER]

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In word-initial position the voiced stops are typically slightly imploded, and the non-glottalized voiceless stops are heavily aspirated. [DEMONSTRATE WITH SPECTROGRAMS AND COMPUTER RECORDINGS]In word-final position, voiced stops are typically devoiced and aspirated.

Unlike the literary dialects, C—å±´å possesses a phonemic length contrast in consonants, as illustrated in (3).

(3) a-ßå-rá ‘get angry’ : a-ß:å-rá ‘build a fence around’á-ƒ—a ‘ashes’ : á-ƒ—:a ‘worm’á-la ‘eye’ : a-l:á ‘dog’

Geminates are pronounced as singletons in initial position, e.g. la-k’ ‘dog-indefinite’.In many cases C—å±´å has a geminate corresponding to a singleton in the

literary dialects, as shown in (4).

(4) C—å±´å Abzhywa glossa-ßy:á a-ßyá blooda-f:Å a-fÅ lightninga-l:á a-lá doga-j:Å a-jÅ watera-k—:á a-k—á raina-@y:å-rá a-@y-rá get angry at someoneá-ƒ—:a á-ƒ—a worma-ƒ—:Å a-ƒ—Å food, haira-ƒy:Å a-ƒyÅ golda-ƒ:Å a-ƒÅ bullet

There are also many cases where an Abzhywa geminate corresponds in C—å±´å to a sequence of three units of the same segment, e.g. Abzhywa á-çy:a-ra ‘laugh (v)’ : C—å±´å á-çyåçy:a-ra.

Certain consonants can be syllabic in C—å±´å, as exemplified in (5). [PLAY RECORDINGS]

(5) underlying form surface form glossmc’-k’ [^c’k’] fly.that.hangs.around.dogs’.eyes-indefinitey—-bá [üb˜] 2 (cardinal)±y-k’ [„yk’] spleen-indefinite

2. LabializationWith this background in hand, the first secondary articulation I’d like to consider is labialization.

[PROVIDE PLAIN VS LABIALIZED CONSONANT PAIRS]

A number of phonological processes and constraints clearly indicate that the labialized consonants form a phonological class in Abkhaz. For instance, all of the labialized

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consonants resist combination with palatalization; thus, k for example can be palatalized /ky/ or labialized /k—/ but not palatalized and labialized simultaneously */ky

—/. (However, palatalization and labialization can cooccur phonetically, as in (6ii); in these cases, the phonetic onset of palatalization appears to begin before labialization.) I assume that the phonological class of labialized consonants is characterized by a [+round] secondary articulation. However, we represent labialization with < — > rather than < w > because this unitary phonological class in fact has four distinct phonetic manifestations, summarized in (6):

(6) surface form segments affectedi. [+round, +back] dorsals (g— k— k’— q’— @— ƒ—)ii. [+round, -back] pharyngeals (y—, ¸—), certain coronals iii. [+round, +dist] [+cont] coronals (s—, z—, c—, j—, ß—, ±—)iv. [-round, +back, +cons] dental stops (t—, t’—, d—; the result is a coarticulated

dental-labial stop with a [+back] secondary articulation)

One of the distinctions in (6) is reflected in the orthography: class (6i) employs the grapheme <y> to represent the secondary articulation, whereas classes (6ii-iv) employ the grapheme <å>. We can say that <y> represents the class of [+round, +back] segments, and <å> represents all other phonemically [+round] consonants.

The change in (1b) does not apply following uvulars, pharyngeals, and labialized coronal stops (d— t— t’—); in this situation the phonetic quality of the diphthong is approximately [åiy]4.

One might suspect that the distinction between s and ß would be lost when labialized, since according to (6iii) both s— and ß— are [-anterior]. In fact, the two are phonetically distinct; the auditory impression is that [s—] is palatalized whereas [ß—] is not. I attribute this impressionistic difference to the fact that s— is [-distributed] whereas ß— is [+distributed].

Note that the labialized segments in (6iv) are not [+round]. The manifestation of labialized coronals as doubly-articulated corono-labial stops is paralleled in the related language Ubykh (Colarusso 1988.152) as well as many other languages (cf. Sagey 1986.224).

The central problem raised by the phonetic variations in (6) is how to account for the four distinct manifestations of the underlying [+round] secondary articulation. I suggest that since surface representations must be fully specified for all relevant features, the secondary articulation, which is underlyingly specified only as [+round], receives its other feature specifications from the primary articulation with which it is associated. This process is analogous to Kuipers’ (1960) interpretation of vowel coloring in Kabardian and Abkhaz, and straightforwardly accounts for the behavior of most of the consonants in (6); labialized dorsals, for example, will surface as [+back] because the plain dorsal consonants are [+back] in Abkhaz. However, the behavior of pharyngeals in (6ii) raises two problems: we do not necessarily expect pharyngeals to be [-back], and we do not expect labialized consonants to surface as [-back], since the secondary labial and palatal articulations are phonologically incompatible in Abkhaz.

4 It is possible that certain other consonants also block the change in (1b); however, the set listed here is all that we can be certain of at the moment.

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I account for the former problem by drawing parallels with other languages wherein pharyngeals trigger fronting, and I then consider the possibility that the features responsible for pharyngeal activity and fronting ([RTR] and [-back] respectively) share some common muscular basis. Pharyngealization = retraction of tongue root or where the constrictor muscles of the pharynx reduce its diameter (Laver 326-7) or lateral compression of the faucal pillars and some raising of the larynx (Catford 1977:193)Faucal pillars = pair of muscles which link the soft palate to the larynx, whose function is to lower the velum or raise the larynx. They run vertically down the side walls of the pharynx, and in contraction narrow the side-to side dimension of the pharynx. (Laver 328)Problem: pharyngealization generally centralizes front vowels (Laver 327)**Pharyngealization in Caucasian languages “tends to impart a somewhat “fronted” [advanced] quality to back vowel, both in terms of auditory impression and formant shifts in spectrograms” (Catford 1977:182)Laver 1994:330: An apparent contradiction thus exists between the auditory effects of pharyngealization in Arabic (where it supports the articulatory evidence that the tongue body and blade are retracted), and its effects in Caucasian languages (where the auditory effect gives an impression of fronting of the tongue body). There are several possible explanations. One is that pharyngealization in Arabic is chiefly a matter of an articulatory adjustment of the body of the tongue towards the back wall of the pharynx, but that pharyngealization in Caucasian languages is achieved principally by an adjustment of the root of the tongue. If this movement of the tongue root is associated with a raising of the larynx, then the consequence for the tongue body could well be a rotational adjustment upwards and forwards, resulting effectively in the articulatory (and hence auditory and acoustic) fronting of vocoids. Another possibility is that retraction of tongue root combined with vocal tract shortening by raising the larynx results in an acoustic adjustment which is analogous to the acoustic correlate of fronting of the tongue body.

The latter problem requires an ordering of the constraint on combining secondary articulations relative to the rule that spreads the features of the primary articulation to the secondary articulation.

3. PalatalizationWith palatalization we again confront a unitary phonological class with diverse phonetic manifestations. [PROVIDE CONTRASTS OF PLAIN AND PALATALIZED CONSONANTS]The unitary nature of the class of palatalized consonants is reflected in the orthography, which marks all such segments with a <b>.

In phonological terms, palatalization is characterized by a dorsal, [-back] secondary articulation. This articulation translates straightforwardly into a palatal secondary articulation on the phonetic level, except in the case of the palatalized glottalized uvular stop q’y, which surfaces as [+back]. It differs from its non-palatalized counterpart q’, however, in triggering the appearance of [-back] on an adjacent vowel, as we have already seen.

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Colarusso (1975) suggests that this segment is actually [+ATR, +back], but this analysis loses the unifying definition of palatalized segments as being [-back], and fails to account for the fact that the palatalized uvular stop appears to spread [-back] to a following vowel. I suggest instead that the palatalized uvular stop is underlyingly dorsal, [-ATR, -high, +back], with a [-back] secondary articulation. The basic problem with the palatalized uvular stop is then that the [+back] specification of the uvular primary articulation is incompatible with the [-back] specification of the secondary articulation. In order to resolve this incompatibility, the [-back] component is delinked. It is then free to attach to a following vowel if one is present, thereby accounting for the fronting mentioned above.

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(7) a. underlying form /a-q’j:Å/ ‘shit’a q’y: å| |X X X X

Primary articulation[+cons] [-son] Secondary articulation | Place Place

| [+back] [-high] [+low] [-back]

b. *[+back, -back] delinking of the secondary articulationa q’y: å| |X X X X

[+cons] [-son] | Place Place

| [+back] [-high] [+low] [-back]

c. floating [-back] feature associates to following vowela q’y: å| |X X X X

|[+cons] [-cons] [-son] [+son] | | Place Place

| [+back] [-high] [+low] [-back] [-low]

2.1. The phonology of loanwords in Abkhaz±`ån ‘gin’a¦åba ‘pocket’açiÏulata ‘chocolate’hardal ‘mustard’ (T hardal)abagaspa < spa ‘dog’?? + abaga ‘wolf’?Adomata ‘tomato’adras ‘address’ak`abap ‘kebab’Asalata ‘salad’

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atobar ‘sausage’?avanila ‘vanilla’awråp’lan ‘airplane’xaviar or haviar ‘caviar’kwårkwår ‘turkey’ (cf. Tatar kürkö (kürkä in office dictionary), Kazakh kürke taw¥q, Uyghur kürkä @oraz, qulqul ƒoraz (fem. kürkä toƒu), Bashkir ata kürkä)Àyam ‘window’baxça ‘garden’baxß`åß` ‘tip, gratuity’bilat’ ‘ticket’bira ‘beer’ < Tk?biva ‘beer’ < R. pivo?dükkyan -> a-dbk’yangül -> a-gy9lk’ahwa ‘coffee’k’wok’teyl ‘cocktail’k’wonyak’ ‘cognac’küchük -> xw9ch’y9 (probably from Persian)kuku -> ac’lark’w9k’w-låx = Tk. –lIK? e.g. Abaxçalåx ‘vegetable’minut’ ‘minute’numara ‘number’ < Russian?p’enÀyår ‘window’parpål ‘pepper’patlika ‘bottle’ < R?q’w9r9’shy < kurushrak’å ‘raki’sandavåç ‘sandwich’ (672)sap’ån ‘soap’ß`ampanya ‘champagne’spanak’ ‘spinach’astak’oz ‘lobster’ (T ¥stakoz; presumably < Gk)swoda ‘soda’taksi ‘taxi’ (646—N.B. not glottalized)tatån ‘tobacco’vishap -> a-gwlshapvisk`i ‘whiskey’wot’k’a ‘vodka’xabar ‘letter’? (614)xan ‘hotel’ (< xânag?)alafranga k’ahwa ‘French coffee’ (< T?)qarpu±\ ‘watermelon’ (Tk karpuz < Gk)aprik’ot’ ‘apricot’qåz ‘duck’ < T kaz/qaz?À`åkwri ‘corn’ < Georgian, etc.?p’at’at’aÀ`å ‘potatoes (mashed, fried)’

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p’at’årÀ`an ‘eggplant’

N.B. Russian words unassimilated (but e.g. vedro -> a-vedra)how does Zihni deal with stress of Russian words?what do they do with e.g. pu- sequences, where they can’t borrow *pw?

müchük in küchük müchük -> m9ch’y9wcheck Gippert book on Irano-Caucasica

2.2. ReduplicationAbkhaz shares with many languages of the Near East a phenomenon called m-reduplication, whose basic semantic function is to produce a sort of collective noun (1).

(1) base form gloss reduplicated form glossAbkhaz çåk’ horse çåk’ måk’ horses and so onTurkish kitap book kitap mitap books and so onArmenian ptu@ fruit ptu@ mtu@ tutti frutti

[also found in Armenian (Vaux 1994), Mongolian (Svantesson [n.d.]), Tsez (Comrie and Polinsky), Persian, Arabic, Macedonian…(Vaux 1994, Mark Southern book)]

Though m-reduplication in other Near Eastern languages reveals relatively little about their phonological systems, due in part to the comparatively simple syllable structures found in these languages, the Abkhaz phenomenon turns out to be surprisingly complex.

This section examines the behavior of m-reduplication in Abkhaz. The forms presented below are taken from Zihni Pisipa, a native speaker of the Cwyzhy (c—ű«å) dialect, which until 1864 was spoken on the northern border of modern Abkhazia, but currently is spoken only in a few villages in western Turkey (see Vaux and Psiypa 1997 for further details). Mr. Pisipa hails from a village near the city of Bilecik.

After surveying the basic facts concerning m-reduplication in Abkhaz, I consider the implications of this phenomenon for theories of prosodic phonology. Though m-reduplication in other Near Eastern languages reveals relatively little about their phonological systems, due in part to the comparatively simple syllable structures found in these languages, we shall see that the Abkhaz phenomenon is surprisingly complex, and poses a number of intriguing problems for current theories of reduplication.

This paper addresses three basic questions: (1) Why does the m replace simple onsets, but prefix to complex onsets? (2) Why is m replaced by ç« when base-initial m- is followed by a vowel, but not when it is followed by a consonant? (3) Why is ç« rather than some other segment selected to replace m? The answers to these questions have at least three important theoretical consequences: they provide evidence for a distinction between epenthetic vowels, which are inserted during the phonology, and excrescent vowels, which are inserted after the phonological level (cf. Levin 1987); they indicate that certain sequences are treated as clusters by the phonology, though they do not surface as clusters phonetically; and they provide evidence for the syllabic constituent Onset, which is otherwise hard to come by (cf. Blevins 1995).

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2.2.1. The facts2.2.1.1. SemanticsThe basic semantic function of m-reduplication is to produce a sort of collective noun from the noun or adjective to which it applies. It can also be used to convey the sense that the item in question is small or not a big deal. Mr. Pisipa provided the following examples:

When two men are walking through the woods and one of the men trips, the other can say XX maß—Årk’ ç«aßwÅrk’ XX [maß—År ‘disaster, miracle’] ‘let’s leave before a disaster-misaster happens’. By saying maß—Årk’ ç«aßwÅrk’ rather than simply maß—Årk’, the speaker conveys the sense that the disaster that might happen is not on the scale of an earthquake or murder, but rather something drawn from a set of less serious possibilities.

If a man has gone out to buy a horse, and someone comes to his house and asks his mother where he has gone, she can respond XX çåk’ mÅk’ XX [çÅ-k’ ‘horse’] ‘he went to buy some sort of horse’. The use of m-reduplication in this case suggests that the son has not gone to buy a specific horse, nor will he necessarily buy a horse.

m-reduplicated forms can develop particular meanings as well. For example, the word aƒ—åç«’Å måç«’å, formed from the adjective ƒ—åç«’Å ‘small’ (cf. Turkish küçük, küçük müçük), can mean not only ‘smallish’, but also ‘engagement gift’.

1.2. PhonologyThe relevant facts involving m-reduplication in Abkhaz can be divided into six subtypes, represented in (2). [— = labialization, ' = palatalization, ’ = glottalization].

(2) word structure base form reduplicated form glossi. V- ábna ábna mÅbna forestii. CV- çåk’ çåk’ måk’ horse

gaják’ gaják’ maják’ fooliii. mV- maát maát ç«aatk—ák’ money, rublesiv. mC- mç’Åk’ mç’Åk’ måmç’Åk’ wood(en)v. CC- tq’—ack’ tq’—ack’ måtq’—ack’ burst, torn openvi. C:V- cak’ cak’ måcák’ hot (except of weather)

(å)ccák’ måccák’*cak’ måccák’

In all of the manifestations of m-reduplication, the base form is first copied in its entirety, and then the second (rightmost) of the two copies is modified in certain ways. Vowel-initial words prefix an m- to the reduplicant (2i). Words that begin with a single consonant followed by a vowel replace this single consonant with m- (2ii). If this initial consonant is m-, however, it is replaced with ç«- rather than m-. On the other hand, if the initial m- of the base is not followed by a vowel, m- is prefixed to the entire reduplicant (2iv). If the base begins with a sequence of two or more consonants, m- is again prefixed to the entire reduplicant (2v). If the base begins with an underlying geminate consonant, there are two options. Initial geminates typically surface as singletons in word-initial

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position (cf. a-llá ‘the dog’ vs. lá-k’ ‘a dog’); when this is the case, the m-reduplicant also surfaces with a singleton consonant (cak’ måcák’ (2vi)), even though a geminate is possible in this position (the incorrect form *cak’ måccák’ is a licit surface sequence in Abkhaz). Alternately, if the underlying geminate surfaces as such, the reduplicant also has a geminate ((å)ccák’ måccák’).

2. AnalysisThe facts presented in the previous section present a number of problems for theories of prosodic phonology. In this section I first consider the problems that arise in derivational models of phonology, and then examine how non-derivational models would deal with these and other problems.

2.1. Derivational AnalysisWithin a derivational model of phonology, we can observe immediately that m-reduplication must follow epenthesis, which in turn we know must follow syllabification and stress assignment. The fact that reduplication must follow epenthesis is indicated by forms of the type in (3).

(3) underlying form surface form reduplicated form gloss/pra-k’/ prak’ prak’ måprak’ sail/Prah—a-k’/ pÅrah—ak’ pÅrah—ak’ mÅrah—

ak’ man-made tail (e.g. of a kite)

The initial sequences in the underlying forms in (3) differ only in terms of accent: the initial p- in ‘tail’ is lexically accented (represented here as capital P), whereas the p- in ‘sail’ is not. Since stress plays no role in m-reduplication, this difference does not account for the different reduplication products of the two forms. The relevant distinction between the two forms is that the accented p- in ‘tail’ generates an epenthetic schwa, which breaks up the initial pr- cluster, thereby bringing the form under the purview of (2ii) rather than (2v). If m-reduplication applies after epenthesis, it will see this schwa and treat ‘tail’ as part of class (2ii). If m-reduplication applied before epenthesis, it would treat ‘sail’ and ‘tail’ in an identical manner, producing the incorrect surface form *pÅrah—ak’ måpÅrah—ak’for ‘tail’.

It is important to note that the form in ‘sail’ in fact surfaces with a schwa between the p and r as well: [phårák’]. This schwa is notably shorter than the schwa in pÅrah—ak’, however. The distinction between this short schwa, which plays no role in the phonology, and the longer schwa, which is often represented in the Abkhaz orthography and does play a role in the phonology, seems to be a manifestation of the distinction Levin (1987) draws between ‘epenthetic’ and ‘excrescent’ schwa respectively. I assume that the excrescent schwa is simply a manifestation of consonantal release, which is determined at the very end of the phonological component. As in many languages, consonants immediately preceding the flap r are obligatorily released, producing the impression of an excrescent schwa between the two consonants (cf. Hanser 1977.21 for Turkmen). Excrescent schwa can also be observed in Abkhaz forms such as /tq’—ac-k’/ ‘burst’ [thåq’—áck’]; notice here again that the excrescent schwa that appears

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between the t and the q’— does not prevent the two from being treated as a consonant cluster (cf. 2v).

Now we must account for the behavior of the m- when it attaches to the reduplicant. In order to do so we must address three basic questions: why does the m replace simple onsets, but prefix to complex onsets? why is m replaced by ç« when initial base m- is followed by a vowel, but not when

followed by a consonant? why is ç« rather than some other segment selected to replace m?XX

N.B. epenthesis in ccak is optional; therefore it should not be part of lexical entry; however, it is copied in reduplication, suggesting that a phonological rule (epenthesis) precedes a morphological rule (reduplication) [or else there’s back copying; cf McCarthy and Prince 1995, also Jeff Winer’s woven-way]

NB we expect reduplication to precede epenthesis, because reduplication is morphologically controlled and epenthesis isn’t. This is further evidence for two types of schwa, because schwa in på’rahwa has to be

present at time of reduplication (unless we say reduplication is sensitive to metrical structure)

Can’t be based simply on moras, because the m in mc’ has a mora

2.2. Non-Derivational AnalysisXX

3. Conclusiondistinction between two types of schwaenables us to tell what sequences are treated as clusters by the phonologyevidence for the onset constituent?

2.2.4. Data- ‘ruble’ - ‘some rubles’ [shouldn’t the last word have final

stress?- ‘forest’

*

*

- ‘water’

- ‘burst, torn open’ (T. patlak)

not *

- ‘radish’

- ‘hot (spices and metals, but not weather)’ ~

not expected * ‘type of fly’

NB can’t be explained by using schwa, since there’s no schwa; therefore reduplication must make reference to syllable structure

-- ‘pennies’ [Tk. kuruß] ‘a couple of pennies’

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- ‘beautiful’ -

- ‘wooden’, - ‘various unimportant wooden things’

3. MorphologyXX

4. Syntax just give analysed sentences + some basic syntax?

4.1. Word ordercollected from Zihni Sener 11-10-94[brackets enclose phonetically unrealized material][Q1--zi; Q2--da; Q3--ma][neg1--gyi-; neg2--m]

1. Gunda killed something.Gúnda a˚= <y=>l-ß`-í†G. one it-she-kill-past

1b. What did Gunda kill?Gúnda y≠-l-ß`=-ziG. it-she-kill-Q

2a. Gunda killed a dog.Gúnda lá-˚ <y>=-l-ß`-í†G. dog-indef it-she-kill-pastlá-˚ <y>=-l-ß`-í† Gúnda *lá-˚ Gúnda <y>=-l-ß`-í†

2b. Which dog did Gunda kill?Gúnda lá-sa y≠-l-ß`=-zi (1st)G. dog-which it-she-kill-Q1lá-sa y≠-l-ß`-i-zi Gúnda (2d)lá-sa Gúnda y≠-l-ß`-i-zi (3d)

3. Gunda killed the (that) dog.Gúnda (wiy) a-llá <y=>-l-ß`-í†G. (that) the-dog it-she-kill-past(wiy) a-llá Gúnda <y=>-l-ß`-í†

4a. Gunda killed some dogs.Gúnda la-k\á-˚ <y>=-l-ß`-í† (1st)G. dog-pl-indef them-she-kill-pastla-k\á-˚ <y>=-l-ß`-í† Gúnda (2d)la-k\á-˚ Gúnda <y>=-l-ß`-í† (3d)

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4b. Whose dogs did Gunda kill?Gúnda z=-la-k\á <y=>-l-ß`=-daG. ??-dog-pl them-she-kill-Q2(G. lak\asa y=lß`izi ‘which dogs...’ is not used)

5a. I didn’t know that Gunda killed something.Gúnda a˚≠ <y=>-l-ß`=-n≠ g`=-s=-z-d≠ra-mG. one it-she-kill-comp neg1-?-?-know-neg2

5b. I didn’t know what Gunda killed.Gúnda y=-l-ß`=-z zow g`=-s=-z-d≠ra-mG. it-she-kill what neg1-?-?-know-neg2

6a. I didn’t know that Gunda killed a dog.Gúnda la-˚ <y>=-l-ß`=-n≠ g`=-s=-z-d≠ra-mG. dog-indef it-she-kill-comp neg1-?-?-know-neg2

6b. I didn’t know which dog Gunda killed.Gúnda rúwa lá-sa y=-l-ß`=-z g`=-s=-z-d≠ra-mG. which dog-which it-she-kill-? neg1-?-?-know-neg2

7. I didn’t know that Gunda killed the dog.Gúnda a-llá <y=>-l-ß`=-n≠ g`=-s=-z-d≠ramG. the-dog it-she-kill-comp neg1-?-?-know-neg2

8a. I didn’t know that Gunda killed some dogs.Gúnda la-k\á-˚ <y>=-l-ß`=-n≠ g`=-s=-z-d≠ra-mG. dog-pl-indef it-she-kill-comp neg1-?-?-know-neg2

8b. I didn’t know which dogs Gunda killed.Gúnda rúwa lá-sa y=-l-ß`=-z g`=-s=-z-d≠ra-mG. which dog-which it-she-kill-? neg1-?-?-know-neg2Gúnda lá-sa rúwa y=-l-ß`=-z g`=-s=-z-d≠ra-m

SERIES 21a. Gunda killed something yesterday.

Gúnda yacc≠ á˚= l-ß`=-y†G. yesterday one she-kill-past(‘yesterday’ can go anywhere)

SERIES 3 (a-xac‘a-rá ‘believe’; can take infixed pronoun)1a. You believe that G. killed something yesterday.

G yacc= a˚=l˚=r [y]=-l-ß`=-n= y=-xá-w-…o-w-maG yesterday something it-she-kill-comp(?) it/what-believe-you-believe-??(NB this sentence seems to be a question)

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1b. What do you believe G. killed yesterday?G yacc= y=-l-ß`=-n= y=-xa-w-…o-w-ziG yesterday what-she-kill-comp what-believe-you-believe-??-Q

2a. You believe that G. killed a dog yesterday.G yacc= la-˚ [y]=-l-ß`=-n= [y=-]xa-w-…o-w†G yesterday dog-indef it-she-kill-comp it-believe-you-believe-pres.

2b. Which dog do you believe G. killed yesterday?G yacc= rúwa lá-sa y=-l-ß`=-n≠ y=-xá-w-…o-w-ziG yesterday which dog-which it-she-kill-comp it/what-believe-you-

believe-??-Qrúwa lása G yacc= y=-l-ß`=-n≠ y=-xá-w-…o-w-zi[ruwa can’t be separated from lasa]

3. You believe that G. killed that dog yesterday.G yacc= w=y a-lla [y=-]l-ß`=-n= [y=-]xa-w-…o-w†G yesterday that def-dog it-she-kill-comp it-believe-you-believe-pres.

4a. You believe that G killed some dogs yesterday.G yacc= la-k\á-˚ [y=-]l-ß`=-n= [y=-]xa-w-…o-w†G yesterday dog-pl-indef them-she-kill-comp it-believe-you-believe-pres.

4b. Which dogs do you believe G killed yesterday?G yacc= rúwa lása y=-l-ß`=-n≠ y=-xá-w-…o-w-zi(same as 2b)

SERIES 41a. Fatma left.

Fatmá d=-c≠-y†F she-go-pastd=-c≠-y† Fatmá

1b. Who left?y=-cá-da?who-go-Q

2a. Fatma arrived.Fatmá d=-né-y†F she-arrive-pastd=-né-y† Fatmá

2b. Who arrived?y=-néy-da?who-arrive-Qdárban y=-néy-=z?

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who who-arrive-Q??d=zówda y=-néy=z?

3a. You think Fatma left.Fatmá d=-ca-n≠ wa-z-x\≠…o-w-ma?F she-go-comp you-??-think-pres-Q

3b. Who do you think left?y=-ca-n≠ w=-z=z-x\≠…o-w-da?who-go-comp you-??-think-pres-Q

4a. You think Fatma arrived.Fatmá d=-néy-n= y-xa-w-…o-w†F she-arrive-comp it-think-you-think-presFatmá d=-néy-† ha y=-xa-w-…o-w†??

4b. Who do you (sg) think arrived?y=-néy-n= y=-xá-w-…o-w-da?who-arrive-comp it-think-you-think-pres-Qdárban y=-néy-n= y=-xá-w-…o-w?who who-arrive-comp it-think-you-think-pres

4.2. Question formationwho did the man hit?aw¥= dz=sda?

who died?y=ps=da?

did he die?d=ps=ma?

whose house was the man killed in?aw¥= z=¥naç/= d=rß\= da?

is Bert sick?Bert d=çm=ze¥üma? <d=çm=z=¥ma>

is it the moon?uy m=dzuma?

do you know who I am?sara s=zow ud=rowma?

is it you?

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wara wóm=?

who’s this?dzowda?

who are you?uzowda?

who are you (pl)?ß\a ß\zowda?

who drank the water from the river?aq\ara ç’=nt\’ adz=z=Ω\=?

who ate what?y=zfaz y=yfazi?

how do I get to Sukhumi from Ankara?Ankarant\’= áq\a saßp=co?

is there sugar in my tea?sç`ay aßak`ar alow ma?

do you know a better way to get to Tiflis?ax`= acaraz= w=y ye˝ow imar¥a n= m¥ása y=w=rowzi?

are you going to the store now?ad\k’`anax`= w=cow ma?

where is the drugstore?ax\oß\ t’iy=rta b=qo?

what are we going to eat?yáhfaßa?

where do you come from?wab=nt\’aaya?

where did you come from?wab=nt\’a?

how are you?waßp=qo?

what kind of man is Halil?Halil ne gibi bir adam d¥r?

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halíl wa¥c’ás daßp=qo?

how did you open the box?kutuyu nas¥l açt¥n¥z?an=ga ßp=xaß\t’=?

why didn’t you like this book?bu kitab¥ niçin be©enmediniz?apú aß\q\= z=ß\g\ámpxazí?

how much bread did you eat?ne kadar ekmek yediniz?ßaqá mg`al ß\fazi?

who do you think saw John?Conu gören kißinin oldu©unun düßünüyorsunuz?∆on d=zban= y=wx\c\adá?∆on d=zbaz d=zowda h\a y=wx\c\azi?

who do you think John saw?∆on y=ybaz d=zowda h\a y=wx\c\azi?∆on y=yban= y=wx\c\ada?

what did he think you ate?y=wfan= (y)=wx\c\azi?

who came today?bugün kim geldi?yex`ä yáada?yex`ä yaaz d=zówda?

who is Gunda?Gunda kimdir?Gunda d=zówda?

whose house did you live in?kimin evinde oturdunuz?zi¥(ü)n= ß\t\’ázda? (ß\ as in ‘song’)

who did you get the book from?kitab¥ kimden ald¥n¥z?aß\q\= z=m=ß\x da? (first ß\ as in cheese; 2d as in song)

what of mine did he take? (some idea)y=sc’\ígazi?

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what of mine did he take? (no idea)y=s=miyxzi?

what of his did he give the child?ço∆u©a neyini verdi?aç`k\’n yíytazi, yará yíyt\’=n=?yara yiyt\’=n= yiytazi aç`k\’n?

what did Gunda look at?Gunda neye bakt¥?Gúnda d=zx\apß=zí?

what was the girl afraid of?k¥z neden korktu?aph\=zba d=z=c\’ß\azí? (ß\ as in cheese)

I asked s=c’aayt’

I asked MehmetMehmet’ s=y=zc’áayt’

I asked a question=zc’aarák’ sazc’aayt’

I asked Mehmet what Ahmet was doingMehmede Ahmet ne yap¥yordu diye sordumAhmet’ y=qayc’owzzi h\a Mehmet’ s=y=zc’aayt’

I asked Mehmet, what had Ahmet done?Mehmede Ahmet ne yapt¥yd¥ diye sordumAhmet’ y=q’ayc’azzi h\a Mehmet’ s=y=zc’aayt’

I asked who diedkim öldü diye sordumyips=da h\a s=c’áayt’

I asked the computer who diedbilgisayara kim öldü diye sordumad=rga y=ps=da h\a sazc’áayt’

I asked Mehmet who diedMehmede kim öldü diye sordumMehmet’ y=ps=da h\a s=y=zc’áayt’

I asked the computer a question

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bilgisayara bir soru sordumad=rga =zc’aarák’ sazc’áayt’

do you know how to swim?áj=s=ß`á ud=rowma?

where were we? (metaphorical)hab=nxaz?

where were we? (physical)hab=qaz?

you took my what?yaas=x\t’ zzówh\azi?y=s=mowxzi?

what did you say you took from me?y=w=m=sxt’ zzówh\azi?

did you take something from me?k’=r s=m=wxma?

4.3. Ken Hale’s notes3/17/92asaby d=zbey† I saw the childasaby d˚ahay† The child fell downsara y=zdaz aç˚w=n/asabay d˚ahay† The child I saw fell down

sara asaby kwazbey†sara aç˚w=nc\a(y=)zbey†sara

sara aç˚w=nc\a/asabykwa (y=)zbey†.sara y=zbaz aç˚w=nc\a/asaby˚wa ˚ahay†sara ph\=s˚ (a woman) d=zbey†.I saw a woman.aph\=s the woman

3/23/92aç˚w=n

1. a˚=2. «ba [ü]3. xpa4. pß`ba5. xwba [xba]

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6. fba [f’b]7. bΩ`ba [bz’b]8. aaba9. Ω\ba10. Ω\aba11. Ω\aza [10 & 1]12. Ω\a«a [10 & 2]13. Ω\ax14. Ω\apΩ`15. Ω\axw [ ] 16. Ω\af17. Ω\abΩ`18. Ω\aa19. zayΩ\ []20. e«Ω\a21. e«Ω\aya˚=(y)22. e«Ω\a y «ba23. e«Ω\a y xpa24. a«Ω\ay _ pß`ba […ba] a«Ω\ay _ pß`ba y […bei]25. a«Ω\ay _ xwba y [iuxb] x`=˚=a dollar, x`==dollar, ax`=sara a«Ω\ayxwba x`= (y=0) s=mawπ=I have $25sara a«Ω\ayxwba y s=mawπ=I have 25wara ßaqa x`= (y=0) w=ßawzay[…zi]=How many dollars do you have?26. a«Ω\ay «ba27. a«Ω\ay _ bΩ`ba28. a«Ω\ayaaba

a˚= “one’«ba [] “two” []xpa [] “three”pß`ba [] “four”xwba [] “five” [()()]fba [] “six” bilabielbΩ`ba [] “seven”aaba “eight”Ω\ba [] “nine”Ω\aba [] “ten”Ω\aza “eleven"Ω\a«a “twelve”Ω\ax “thirteen”Ω\apß` “fourteen”Ω\axw “fifteen”Ω\af “sixteen”Ω\abΩ` “seventeen”Ω\aa “eighteen”zeyΩ\ “nineteen”

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_zayΩ\ e«Ω\a “twenty”e«Ω\a/ey a˚= “twenty one”_e«Ω\ay a˚=ye«Ω\a/ey[] «bay [] “twenty two” y = “with”e«Ω\a/ey xpa “twenty three”a=[]o=[]e«Ω\ey pß`ba “twenty four”_(e«Ω\a)xwba(y), fba(y), fba, bΩ`ba, aaba []sara e«Ω\ayxwba x`=($)s=mawπ “I have 25 dollars”

wara aßa [coffee] w=mawmado you have coffee?

aßa wtax=wma do you want coffee

sara aßa gystax=msara aßa stax=mI don’t want coffee

e«ß\ay a˚=(y)e«ß\ay «ba(y)y=withoptional

ayaysara aßa (y=0) stax=wπ @@@ I want coffeesara aßa staxay† I will want coffeeataxxara to want∆`an aßa ytaxx=y† [itaxt] @@ contrast; past tense∆`an aßa ytaxay† [ai] present continuous with aait-orthographyaai∆`an ytax=wπ –present∆`an ytax=n –was wantingytax=zaar=n –he had wanted

Ô`an aßa ytax=zaar=n g`ahz=md=ry†I had wanted coffee, but we couldn’t understand.yahd=r† we could know/understand

ad=rra to understandG`...z = can notM…Neh??

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G`=ybz=md=rg you couldn’t understand (female)G`=ywz=md=rg you couldn’t understand (male)

ay[ei]l=˚aara to understandsara y=sh\az g`=wzeyl=m˚aay†what I said you(male) didn’t understandsara wara y=wx\az g`yszeyl=m˚aay†what you said I didn’t understandsara y=sh\az y=wzeyl=˚aamaDid you understand what I saidaayay/aayey waray=wx\az eyl=s˚a(a)y†I understand what you said

If you said it slowly, I will understand.

sara wara y=wx\az eyl=s˚aa߆I will understand what you saidsara wara y=wx\aßa y=zd=r=߆

29. e«Ω\ey Ω\bay30. e«Ω\ey Ω\asay40. «ney «Ω\a50. «ney Ω\ay Ω\abay60. hne«Ω\axnay e«Ω\aaΩ\a 70. hne«Ω\ay Ω\abay80. pß`(=?)ne«Ω\a90. pß=ne«Ω\ay Ω\abay100. Ω\˚=

an† y=rx\az=ywhat did they say?

any y=yx\aza=what did he say?

w=r†/an† y=rx\az g`ys=zd=rwamI don’t know what they said.

wyy=yx\az g`ys=zd=rwamI don’t know what he said.

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sara an†/w=r† y=rx\az y=zd=r=r (y=)s†ah=wπI want to know what they said.

sara w=r† y=rx\az y=zd=r=r (y=)s†ah=mI don’t want to know what they said.

Ô`an ß`˚= (y=)¤=yx=n yaay=y† (ortho. e)John tore down a door and brought it.

a¤=xra tear down

Ô`an ß\wasa˚ y=mawπ John has a hundred sheep

ß\ + wasa + ˚

sara ß\wasa(˚) s=mawπ I have a hundred sheep

sara ß\wasa c=mawπ axa «ba (y=)ps=y†I have a hundred sheep but 2 died.

sara s=«wasa˚ ps=y†I my two sheep died.My two sheep died.

Sara «wasa˚ (y=)zΩ=y†I buried two sheep

Sara s=«wasa˚ zΩ=y†my 2 sheep

Sara «ba (y=)zΩ=y†I buried 2

Sara s=wasa (kwa)[pl.] g`ysz=mbay† couldn’t find

sara s=wasa aykwa…\a [black] g`=sz=mbay†[couldn’t find]/ g`=s=mbay†[didn’t find]

awasa aykwa…\wπThe sheep is black

sara wasa aykwa…\a˚ g`=s=mbay†a black sheep

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sara g`=s=mbay† wasa˚ aykwa…\an=I didn’t find/see a sheep it(which) is black.

sara y=ps=z awasa (y=)zbar=s†ax=wπI [it died sheep]I wanted to find the sheep that died

aw//=w//sara y=ps=z a«w[]asa (y=)sgax=wπI want to find the two sheep that died.

«wasa˚two sheep (indef.)

sara y=ps=z s=«wasa˚ 2 of my dead sheepsara y=ps=z s=«wasa my 2 dead sheepsara y=ps=z Ω??as=«wasazbar=s†ax=wπ

sara apsaxra(borrow, masd@@) y=m=sx«?† ß\˚=I took borrow $100 [from pro]

sara Loren x`=ß`˚ (y=)l[he]=s†e[a]y†I gave (to Loren) $100

3/23/92wara ßaqa (how many/how much) x`= w=mowzy How many do you have?

wara aßa w=mowma. [aß’ y=[]mowma] Do you have coffee?

aßa w[]tax=w[]ma “Do you want coffee?”sara aßa g`=stax=m._sara aßa stax=m. “I don’t want coffee.”

ayey sara aßa stax=wπ Yes, I want coffee.staxay† I wantedy=taxay† pres. (= y=taxaay†?)y=tax=y† pasty=tax=wπ pres.y=†tax=n past progress.y=tax=zaar=n he had wanted

ß`an aßa y=tax=zaar=n g`ahz=md=r† (g`ahz=md=r=y†)

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John had wanted coffee but he couldn’t understand/know

yahd=r† we can understand/know

ad=rra “to understand”g`___z = can notm = negative

g`=ybz=md=r† “you didn’t/couldn’t understand (f)”g`=wz=md=r† “ you didn’t/couldn’t understand (m)”

eyl=˚aara to understand

sara y=sh\az g`=wzeyl=m˚ay†you didn’t understand what I said.

sara wara y=wh\az g`=szeyl=m˚ay†.“I didn’t understand what you said.”

sara y=sh\az y=wzeyl=˚aama.Did you understand what I said.

ayey, wara y=wh\az eyl=s˚aay†.Yes, I understand what you said.

sara war(a) y=wh\az eyl=s˚aa߆.I will undestand what you say.[]

sara wara y=wh\aßa em=s˚aa\†/y=zd=r=߆What you will say I will know

an† y=rh\az=yWhat did they?

any y=yh\az=y What did he say?an†/w=r† y=rh\az g`=s=zd=ram []I don’t know what he “they” said.

sara an†/w=r† y=rh\az y=zd=r=r s†ax=wπ I want to know wha they said.

…(g`=)s†ax=mI don’t want to know…

an actual [] sometimes

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e«Ω\ay Ω\ba(y) “29”e«Ω\ay Ω\aba(y) 30ene_y/«_Ω\a 40

[]

«nayΩ\ay Ω\abay 50xnayΩ\a 60 []xne_y/«_Ω\axna«Ω\a

xne«Ω\ayΩ\aba(y) 70pΩ`na_y/«_Ω\a 80 (4*20)pß`n_ay/e_«Ω`a 80 []yΩ\aba(y) 90Ω\k= 100

∆`an ß\˚= ¤=yx=n (tore down) yaayg_=y/e_y†.∆`an ß\ wasa(˚) y=mowπ.John has 100 sheep

sara ß\ wasa(˚) s=mowπ.I have 100 sheep.

axa «ba (y=)ps=y†. But 2 died.

sara s=«wasa˚ p=y† My two sheep died.

sara _«ba/« wasa˚_ y=zΩ=y† I buried the two sheep.

_____y=s …\ax=y†. bur@@@

sara swasa(kwa) g`=sz=mbey† (bulamadım) bulmadımg`=s=mbey†I couldn’t find my sheep.

sara s=wasa (a)ykwa…\a g`=sz=mbey†.“I couldn’t find my black sheep.”

awasa aykwa…\owπ “The sheep is black.”

koyun. ölmeksara g`=s=mb=y† wasa˚ ey˚wa…\an=

sara y=ps=z awasa (=) zbar (find) (=) s†ax=wπ (I want)

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ölem iki koyunu bulmaksara y=ps=z a«wasa zbar s†ax=wπI want to see the two sheep that died.…«wasa˚…I…(any) two sheep that died…

sara y=ps=z s=wasa(˚) «bar (=)s†ax=wπ“I want to find my 2 sheep that died.”…k two of (many died)…0 my 2 (only 2 died)

sara_apsaxra_y=m=sx†_ß\˚=I-borrow-I took-a 100 (from him.)

sara_Loren_x`=ß\˚_l=stey†.__-Loren-$100-I gave

d\ad\=©ba train

a˚†\= 1st

«ba†\= 2nd

xpa†\= 3rd

pß`ba†\= 4th

xwba†\= 5th

fba†\= 6th

bΩ`ba†\= 7th

aaba†\= 8th

Ω\ba†\=

Ken Hale y=w=s (work/office) w=rta (plane??) «ba†\= (second) ataç (floor) a¤= (on) y=qowπ (is)

a…\…\a [] bellam¤= [] wood

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agara = bring/takeaagara = bringazra = to rnLoren aaypxanzra(n=zra)¤= a˚†\= (a)t=p (first place)nazra competition-race championshipy=lg=y† won/take = took first placeany/w=y (she) dab=qow. Where is she.

ad\a¤= d(=)qowπ She’s outside.

dab=ca Where did she go?

w=y aß`˚ola_x`(to) (to school) She went to school.

w=y y=lxwaaz=y What did she buy?

w=y aß\qww= aal=xwey† She bought the book.w=y aß\qww= l=xwaay†

wara y=wxwaaz=y What did you buy.wara yaaw=xwaz=ysara ary aß\qw= sxwaay†/yaas=xwey†I bought this book.

3/31/92zxwa sara ys=mada? Whose handle do I havewara Loren lxwa y=w=mowπ. You have Loren’s “handle.”

sxa my headsnap= my hand

acgw= Loren lnaπ= ya˚w˚w=y† []cat Loren’s hand scratched.

a˚w˚wra (=masdar)hangi kadinin kedisi

san lnaπ= yachazannemin eliniacgw= w=zb†\=dakedi kimindir.yz

acgw= znaπ= yachaz aπh\=s, san la˚w=wπcat whose-hand bit the-woman my-mother is

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The woman whose hand the cat scratched is my mother.(Kedinin, elini ısırdığı kadın, annem dir.)

sara awa«/aw«= y=™= yaas=xw\y†/y=sxwaay†.I bought the man’s horse.

sara z™= (y=)sxwaaz aw«=,

sayß`ayowπ[seyš’eyowp’]Is my brotherayß`a = brother

4/7/92ac\(y)aas=xwey† I bought the bulla_j= (y)ß=y† the water boileda_c=fa (y)ß=y† the meal? boileda_ca_ra to goac\ (y)c=y† the bull wentac=fa (y=)Ω\=y† the meal cookedarß=_ra to boilaΩ\ra to cook

ac=fa (y=)yΩ\=y† he cooked the food.ac=fa (y=)zΩ\=y† I cooked the food.__w__ you---

y=yxwaaz=y? What did he buy?y=wxwaaz=y what did you buylry=ß=z=y What boiled?y=zxwaada Who bought it?y=ybaj=y What did he see neyi o ne gördüd=zbada Who saw him kimi gördümy=ybada What did he see? o kimi dördü.s=zbada Who saw me?y=zbada Who did I see.y=wbada Who did you see.

ala y=zbada Who saw the dog.asMaqw(y=)zbada Who the @@@ala yabada Who did the dog see köpek kimi gördüala yabaz=y What did the dog seeac\a (y=)zbada? Who saw the apple

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w=zbaz=y what saw you?w=zbada what saw you?ac\a (y=)zbaz=y What saw the apple?apara jump atlamaky=pada who jumped kim atladıy=paz=y what jumped ne atladıo nasıl atladı daßp=pa How did he jumpala (y)aßp=pa how did the dog jump?waßp=pa how did you jump?waßp=j how did you become lost?ajra to become lost.y=jda who became lost?ala (y)aßp=z? Who did dog get lost?ala (y)anb=j? When did the dog get lost.kim neyi aldi?w=z=paz=y? Why why did you jump?niçin atadın?wanb=pa When did you jump?w=z=powz=y Why are you jumping?waßp=pow How are you jumping?wab=pow Where are you jumping (to) nereyewab=cow Where are you going.wab=pow Where are you jumping (at)wab=n†\apow? Where are you jumping from?wab=nzapow? Up to where are you jumping?ne(reye)kadar atlıyorsun?sara wß=pow (y)=(0?)zd=rway†[]senin nasıl atladığını ben biliyorumI know (how) you are jumping.sara wz=pow zd=rwey†“Why you are jumping”

Lasa y=wbaz=y? Which dog did you see?y=wbaz=y? What did you see?wa«=sa y=wbada Which man did you see?

4/7/92y=_y_xwaa_z=___-agent III-buy-whatdawho

y=_y_baz=: what did he seewhat-he-see

g=zbada: who saw him.

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y=ybada: who did he sees=zbada: who saw me?y=zbada: who did I see?y=wbada: who did you see.

-da = who-z= = what

ala (y=0) zbada: who saw the dog.asmaqw (y=0) zbada: who saw the chair.ala yabada: who did the dog seeala yabaz=: what did the dog see (inanimate subject)

yabaway† the dog saw it

ac\a (y=) zbada: who saw the apple?ac\a zbaz=: what saw the apple?

w=zbaz=: what saw you?w=zbada: who saw you?

apara – to jump.

y=ypada: who jumpedy=ypaz=: what jumped

nasıl atladı?? daßp=pa: How did he jump?yaßp=pa: How did it jump?ala aßp=pa: How did the dog jump?waßp=pa: How did you jump?

to be(come) lost: ajrawaßp=j: How did you get lost?y=yjda: Who got lost?ala(y)aßp=j: How did the dog get lost?ala(y)nb=j: When did the dog get lost?

w=z=paj=: Why did you jump?wanb=pa: When did you jump?wz=paw[]z=: Why are you jumping?waßp=paw[]: How are you jumping?wab=paw: Where (to) are you jumping?/Where (at) are you jumping?wab=paw: Where (from) are you jumping?wab=nt\apaw[]: Where (from) are you jumping?wab=caw: Where (to) are you going?

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wab=njapaw[]: Up to where are you jumping?

sara (wara) w= ß= paw[](y=0)zd=rway[]†I know that(how) you are jumping._zd=r† past

sara w=z=po=[]zd=rwey[]†I know why you are jumping.sara wan=pa(y=0)zd=rway[]†I know when you jumped.sara d=z=po zd=rwe/ay†I know why he is jumping.sara dß=po zd=rway†I know how he is jumping.sara y=y(po zd=rwan†)I know who is jumping.

sara y=y_po_d=zd=rway?who-_-inanimate objectI know who is jumping?I know he, who is jumping. [looks more like this]or I know who is jumping.

sara yara y=y po d=zd=rway†(lit.) I he who jumping he-I-know.sara (yara) D=ß=po zd=rwan†.I he he-how-jumping (it)-I-know.

First said out. then said OK.

sara y=ypo yara d=zd=rway†Ken d=pawen†Ken is jumping.

sara y=pow d=zd=rwey†. w=n K`en yakwπ. I know who is jumping. It is Ken.

sara y=zd=row, K`en dpawen†.I know Ken is jumping.w=y d=Ω sara K`en dpawey† y=zd=row.

sara y=zd=row y=paway†I know they are jumping.

sara K`en d=zd=rwen† I know Ken.

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sara y=pow K`en d=zd=rwen† I know Ken he is jumpingsara K`en d=zd=rwen†, w=yd=pawan†I know Ken. he is jumping.

y= pow y=[they]d=rwen†.I know they are jumping.

y=y xwaa z=Who bought what? and what did he buy?

d=zbada who saw him.who saw who.

tried with diagram etc… gave this quest. form answ.

for ç: x d=??ban†for ??: ç d=??baetc…

not multiple wh

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x ç

B

??S

lasa y=wbaz=y[lasei ubazi]which dog did you see

wa«=sa y=wbady (gave first y=wbaza)Which man did you see

y=wbaz=y y=wban†

4/10/92s=ben† means: I saw myself.s™=ds=rbey† means: I made them seem me.aanhara: to stay (at)ahara far: adjective ahra to pullsharawπ I am far yahda pulledy=harada who is far.y=haranda I wish it were not far. sbj? if it was fary=mharada who is not farasahamax` s=car=n yaaygwandaz subjunctiveto cinema I waited to go if it were near.

K`en Heyl yx` s=†=mcey†, yjbanwh\ar yofys (y=0)haranKen-Hale-to-I didn’t go,- lit. if you say why (because)-his office-it was far

believe axa…ara *____ CP * I believe he left

wara y(0)whaz xas…awen† -presxas…ey† -past

wara ywh\aw[]apres.

What you say/said, I believe/believed

knowsara yzd=rawp (knew) w=y/wy d=cey†I knew he left

sara yzd=rawp K`en d=cey†sara yzd=raw (believe) K`en d=cey†

K`en d=Ωcaz (y=0)zd=rawdaWho knows Ken left?

K`en yac= (yesterday) d=ßcaz sara yzd=rawen†I know Ken left yesterday.

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orsara yzd=rwen†(pres.), K`en yac= d=cey† (past)I know Ken left yesterday.

sara K`en danca (y=0)zd=rwen†I know when Ken left. declarative “not question”

*sara yzd=rwen†, K`en danca d=cen†.

aanagara, axwcra, agwaanagara to think, believe

feel inside, in your heart1. K`en d=caß\a sgw= (my heart) yaanagawey†I think Ken left.2. K`en d=cey† ha s=xwcwey† THINKI think Ken left.3. K`en dcaß\a sjaawey†I think Ken left

K`en yac= d=cazaaπ (to think)I think Ken left yesterday.

K`en yac= d=cey†*(ha) (sara) sxwcwey†I think Ken left yesterday

sara s=xwcwey†, K`en yac= d=cey† no [ha]Ken d=cey† ha wgw= (think in your heart) yanbaanagawaWhen do you think Ken left?

K`en d=cey† ha wgw= yaanagawamaDo you think Ken left.

K`en d=wey† ha s=xwcwma.Did you think Ken left.

*K`en danca d=cey† ha s=xwcwey†gloss given: “When he left, he lef”“comically” no meaning

K`en d=cey† yofys a¤=n†\Ken went from his officeleft

K`en yofysax` d=cey†.Ken went to his office.ofys borrowing

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y=w=sw=rtax` to his office. Abkhaz.

K`en dab=ca?Where did Ken go?

I think Ken went to his office.K`en y=w=sw=rtax` d=cey† ha sxw=cwey†ßy = ğini

Where?1. K`en daxcaxa y=wxwcwaz=yWhere do you think Ken went?2. K`en dab=ca ha y=wxwcwaz=yWhere do you think Kent went.

Why?K`en a«nax`= daxcaz az= (for-what) (“two words”) ha (not so that) y=wxwcwaz=y?What do you think that Ken left for?

K`en a«nax`= d=zcaz= (“one word”) ha y=wxwcwaz=y?Why do you think that Ken left?

WhenK`wn danb=ca ha y=wxwcwaz=y?When

san yaal=xwaz (_y=lxwaaz) (y=) s=zd=r(w)am (neg.)“I don’t know what my mo. bought.”

daşim benim nereye gideceğimi bilmiyor.

s=«za sax`coows=«=za sax`cawa

y`vda=ram.g`=y=zd=ramg`=yd=ram. (mt. dialect)

annem senin ne aldığını bilmek istiyor.san wara yaaw=xwaz (y=)ld=r=r (y=)ltax=wπy=wxwazy What did you buy?

5/1/92˚=r(y=0)s=Ω\=r y(0)=staxw[=w]π [present]I want to drink soth. [something?]

57

ary [drink] [want] I want to drink this˚=r=wfar (y=) w†axwma Do you want to eat sth.arys[y=]=Ω\=r (y=)stax=m I don’t want to drink this.

ben seni görmek istiyorumsara wara w=zbar(y=) staxwπI want to see you.

wara aç˚w=n d=wbar(y=)wta

I want to see the boy.(sara) aç˚w=n d=zbar (y=) stax=wπ.

sara (y=)etax=wπ. I want to come.waara (y=)stax=wπ I want you to come.

same or diff. subj.y?? _qa_s_…away† h\a (y) w_a_y_h\e_y†He said to you “I did it”

y=_qa_y…away†diff. subj.yapiyorum diye söyle?

y=_qa_s_…awen† h\a y=[wh]_yh\az=y?ne[what] yapiyorum dediWhat did he say he was doing?

y=_ß= qay…o h\a ywa yh\ey†He(i) said to you how he(j) was going to do it

y=_ß=_qa_y_…o h\a awayh\ey†He(i) said to you how he(i) was going to do it.

daxcadax`caw[] ßa (y=) wayh\ey†ğiniHe told you where he is goingdax`caw ____ wayh\ey†He told you where he went.

dax`caw Ωa wayj\ama? Did he tell you where he’s going?Where did he tell you he is going?

dax`ca_z_(y=)wayh\ey†

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he-Nfin subordinate relative-youHe told you where he went.

dax`caz (y=) wayh\ama?O ne almak istiyorsuni?What do you want to buy.

A bir kitap almak istiyorum.one book you want to buy

1. yaaw=xwar_n=[what] wtax=wz=y?2. ß\qw=˚ aas=xwar (y=) stax=wπ.a book

ne aldın? what did you buy1. yaaw=xwaz=y?2. y=wxwaaz=?

ne aldım? What did I buy1. yaas=xwaz=y?2. y=sxwaaz=y?

Q1. annen ne aldı? What did your mother buy?A1. ne aldığını bilmiyorum.I don’t know what she bought do you know

Q. wan _ yaal=xwaz=y?wan _ y=lxwaaz=y?A. g`=s=jd=ramy=s=zd=r_am

wara _ y=wd=rwama?wara _ y=wd=rowmaarkadasım [benım nereye gideceğimir] bilmiyormy friend doesn’t know where I am going

s=«za sax`coow y=zd=rams=«=za sax`cawa g`=y=zd=ram/g`=yd=ram dialect in mountains/forest?

annem [genın ne aldığını] bilmek istiyor.my mother wants to know what you bought.san wara yaaw=xwaz (y=)ld=r=r (y=)ltax=wπ

ad=rra to knowaz_d=rra no such verb

59

5/5/92y=*jax=*da who sewedy=*mjax=*da Who didn’t sew.y=*xwma*rda*who playeds=xwmar(y)† I playedy=sh\ey† I saids=pey† I jumpedy=pada who jumpedsß`tey† lay downy=ß`tad who lay?y=cada who went?s=m«a*s(y)† I get by

y=*m«a*sda who got by/passed by

y=*m«a*sda who got by/passed by

y=*mca*da []kim gitmidiWho didn’t gogitmeyen kimWho is the one who didn’t go?

y=*m(=*)pada who didn’t jump?

s_jas=*y† I swim

y=*jas=*da who swims

y=t\h\a*da who blowed

y=*t\h\ada [y=*yt\h\ada] who blowed at him

y=*x`tß`=*da who trembled

y=*j\j\*ada who washed

y=çça*da who laught

a_††a*_ra to sculpter (intr.) ar††ara (tr.)

y=††a*da who scatteredy=†=†ara

a˚wcyyß` chick

60

ß\††ey† “you pl. scattered”

a*çç[]ara “to laugh”

a††ara* (_†=*†_)

accara* to cra@@

ys=Ω\=*ma Did I drink it

ytas=Ω\ma Did I drink it in?pres@@ @@@ ta phrase in @@@@

ytazΩ\yma did I cro@@@ in?

y=s=Ω\=j= What did I drink.y=jΩ\=j= What did I @@@

ylz=s=Ω\=ma shows in@@p’d pos+pos doesn’t determine phrase.Did I drink for her.or w=yl_z= y_s=_Ω\=_ma Did I drink it for her

wawz= (y=)s=Ω\=y† I drink for you. or y=wz=s=Ω\=y† incorporated reason

A_qapß` = Red = aq’apß’ = kırmızıA_yac\a = Green = ayac—’a = yeşilA_e/aykwac\a = Black = ayk—ac—’a = siyah A_«aΩ` = Yellow = aya±’ = sarıA_ß/aß ˚wa˚a = White = aßk—’ak—’a = bayalA_xwa = Grey = ax—a = griA_eß`=π = Grey = aeß’ål? = griA_ß\πa = thick, stout = as—p’a = kalınA_ja = slender = a^a = ince (for wood)A_…a©a = slender = ac’aÝa = ince (for rope, thread, cloth)A_h\wmπ=l = fat, plump = ah—mp’ål = tombul, @@A_jy©war = slim, thin = a^yÝ—ar = zayılA_˚`aß`lah\ = lame, criple = a kaß’lah— = topalA_˚`a˚`a = hard, harsh = akaka = sertA_†a†a = soft, mild = at’at’a = yumusalaqaqa = yassıaxaxa = yamukayaßa = düzadaga = sapıralas = Korapß^a = püzel

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acårsaga = cirkinaxåç’«= = küyükadåy = büyükA_˚`yΩåA_Ω\ = old = azakiz = eskiA_¤=c = new = aç’åc = yeniA_w= = long = awå = uzunA_˚`a¤ = short = akaç’ = kısa

5/11/92Mehmet çocuklara (kendi) kendilerini döřdürdi @@@M. made the children hit themselvesMehmet ac˚w=nc\a r=™d=yr=πqay†

Mehmet ac˚w=nc\a y=™=dy=r=πqay†M made the children hit him

s=™=ws=r=πqay† I made you hit me.

Kendimi dövdüm1. s(=)™=s=πqay†2. sxa s=πqay†

kendirmi dövdün1. w(=)™=w=πqay†

kendini dövdüy(=)™=y=πqay†

r(y)™=r=πqay† theyha™=haπqay† we

Mehmet ∆`an y=™=yr=πqay† Mj made Jj hit selfI

Mehmet ∆`an y=™=yy=r=πqay† Mi made Jj hit selfI

l=™=lr=πqay† Shej made herI his selfI

l=™=ll=r=πqay† SheI made her hit selfI

Çouklar kızlara kendilerimi dövdürdürder

Aç˚w=nc\a ah\s=sa r(=)™=dd=r=πqay†The childreni made the girls hit themI

______r(=)™=dr=πqay†.The ______ made the girlsI hit selvesI

sara lara l=™=ls(=)r=πqay† I made her hit herself.sara lara s(=)™=ls=r=πqay† I made her hit me.

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lara sara s(=)™s=lr=πqay†sara Amal l=™=ls(=)r=πqay† I made A. hit herself

Siz bize kendimizi düvdürdümüzß\ara hara ha™ahß\=r=πqay†kendimizi

Zihni changed to “ “ ß\™=ß\har=πqay† ??Loren back to OK ß\™ahß\=r=πqay† or ß\™haß\r=πqay†haß\=πqay† you hit usß\=haπqay† we hit you

biz size kendimizi dövdürdükhara ß\ara ha™ahß\=r=πqay†

a™r=πqara masdar “to hit oneself”aπqara to hit, beat (dövmek)çocuğa köpeği dövdürdüm(sara) ac˚w=n ala (y=_)ysr=πqay†I made boy hit child.

in isolationy=ys(=)r=πqay† I made him hit hims.sxa s=πqay† I hit myself.lxa l(=)πqay† “she hit herself.”

(sara lara) lxa(=)ls=rfey†I drove her to sn@@@de (I made her cut herself)lxa (y=)l=πqay† “She beat herself”*lxa ls=πqay† I.e. lxa can’t herself @@@@sxa s=rc=cey† I make myself laugh_s=™s=r™=cey† “”

Amal made herself hit Loren.A. kendisine Loren dövdürdü.

Ben kendi kendimi sana dövdürdümSara s™=w______wara sr=πqay†

sara wara s™=ws=r=πqay†

Ben kendi kendime semi dördürdüSara sxa w=™asr=πqay†

kendi kendimi yemek yedürdüm

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sara sxa ˚ra™as…ey† I’m feeding self

a™a…ara “feed”afara = eat

˚ra = something [-]sara sxa ˚ras=rΩ\†.

1. sara sxala az= (y=)s=Ω\=y†2. sara sxa aj= as=rΩ\† (_˚\=y†)

arΩ\ra make lunch

Wh-QuestionKim sana bu kitabı verdiary aß\qw (±wara) (y=)w=ztada? Who gave this book to you?

~ ary aß\qw darban (who) y=w=ztaz?

Sen bukitabı kime verdinary aß\qw (±wara) (y=)z=wtada

kimi

arkadaşina kimi verdın?w=«=za y=wtada._____neyi verdinw`«=za y=wtaz=

_da who_z= what_ma ?

Sen bana ne verdiy=s=wtazy?_wara sara (y=)s=wtazy?

z=y«n= w=ynat\ada?

a«na†\a_ra to stay/live inata†\a_rato be in a? box

z=«n= w=«na(in large places)†\ada.

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kimin evdı orurdu. Whose house did you stay in?

kimin köpeğini gördünz=la (y=)wbada [] Whose dog did you see?[z(=)lawbada] Whose dog did you see?[z=lawbada] Whose eye(s) did you see?abla eyesalac\a eye?

kimin köpeğini görmek istiyorsunz(=)la(y=)barn= (y=)wtax=wzy[]wbarn=stax=wπ

sla abara (_n=) stax=wπ I want to see the dog

la˚ (y=) zbar(n/y=) (y=) stax=wπI want to see a child.

Çocuğu görmek istiyorumbetter Aç˚w(=)n d=zbar (y=)stax=wπ.______y=bara_____

Bir çocuk görmek istiyorum.ç˚wn(=)˚ d=zbarn= (wisdom) (y=)stax=wπd=zbary(y=)

y=la his dogl=la her dog

ataxxa_ra to wantaba_ra to see

5/18/92Q: y=zfan= (y)gwawtadakimin ne yediğini farkettinmi?A: nas (yes), ygwastey†. mamow, g`=gwas=m tey†.y=zfaz dgwawtama?kim yedi, farkettinmi.

Q: y=sfan= (y)gwawtazy?A: nas, ____ne yediğimi farkettinmi,Did you see what I ate.

y=sfaz (y)gwawtama

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ne yedim

Q: y=sfan= (y)gwawtazy? []nas, y=gwastey†, a…\a (y=)wfey†.Yes I saw, you ate an apple.Mamow, g`=gwas=mtey†.No, I ___

ne yedi dedi

O dedi ki ne yedi

w=y (y=)yh\az aryowπ: y=yfazy]What he said was “What did he eat.”

J. “ne satınaldım” dedi kitap

∆`an y=sxwaay† ha (y=)yh\azy?or: ∆`an y=sxwaay† (y)=zz=yh\azy?

J. “nereye ginttim”? dedi

Q. ∆`an sab=c=y† (y=)yh\azy?John “nereye gittim” dedi?

Q. ∆`an s=c=y† ab=yh\a?A. ystanbwl s=c=y† (y=)yh\ey†.

acara “go”

Ne kadar zengin olduğumi sanıyorsun. How rich do you think I am?

Q: mazara n= (y=)s=mow ß`=wß`owzy_smazara ßaqan= (y=)

amazara richnessaß`=ß`ara thinks

A: 1. g`=s=zd=ram I don’t know2. wmazara (y=)ra…\owπ ha s=xw=cwey† (think)I think you are a very rich man.3. wmazara maæ[ç](az—not too)=wπ ha

Q: Nasıl yemek yaptığımı sanıyorsun

1. Axw ß=qasçown= (y=)wxw=cowzy?

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2. Axw ß=qas…ow, yaz=wxw=cowzy?3. Axw ß=qas…ow, az= (how/what) y=wxw=cowzy?

A: daara (very) y=bz=yowπ (good)__ daara (very) y=baaps=wπ (bad)__ yg`=ck`am

axw = ac=fa “food”= aças

ne yaptığımı sanı

Q: y=qas…(pres.)own= y=wxw=cowzyy=qas…(past)an=(did)n=qas…owßan=(fut. will do)

1. ac=fa qaw…ey† ha s=xw=cwey†.I think you made food.

y=qas…aßan= (y=)wxw=cwazy.What do you think I will make/do?y=qas…az az= y=wxw=cowzy?yaptığım şey içinne düşünüyorsun

1. y=sfan= y=wxw=cowzy? What do you think I ate.ne yediğimi sanıyorsun (düşünüyorsun).

A: a…\a! an apple

2. y=sfaz az=wxwcowzy?yedigim (yemek) için ne düşümüyorsum.

A: waga߆. I’ll kill you.(aß`ra “to kill”)(agara “to bring, kill”)

Ben kıtabı masaya koydumsara(erg.) aß\qw(nom.) as†wol(obl.) y=kw=(nom.) s…y†(erg.)(aqw…ara to put)

aß\qw(=)ab=kww…a kitabı nereye koydunwara(erg.) aç˚w=n(nom.) d(nom.)ab=kww(erg.)…a? çocuğu nereye koydun?

sara aç˚wn as†wol d=kw=s…=y† [ ]

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d(nom.)=l(obl.)=kw=s(erg.)…=y† “I put him (baby) on her thigh @@@”

d=lgw=n=s…=y† “on her chest”l=bΩ`=d=kw=s…=y† on her lapl«a d=kw=s…=y† on her shoulderlß`amxa d=kw=s…=y† on her knee_lß`amxa dan=s…=y†

o kitabı göğsume koydu.w=y aß\qw s=gw= y=kw=y…=y†

(agw= chest)

(sara) y=s=kw=y…=y†. put it on me. (all once @@)w=y aß\qw(no @@@) (y=)s=kw=y…=y†

bu kitablar masaya kondu,ary aß\qwkwa asgwol y=kw=y† (__akw__ “ous”)aß\qwkwa w=y as†wol y=kw=r…aay†.kitapları o masaya koysunlar.aß\qwkwa(no stress) as†wol y=kw=r…aay†

kitabı masalan aldım.aß\qw as†wola¤=n†\ yaas=xw†/yaas=xw=y†

kitab masadadıraß\qw as†wola¤= y=qay†

ben masadayımsara as†wola¤= s=qay†

uyumek = sleepsara araa s=qay†(oradayım) s=qowπhara araa haqay†.

Mehmet “kitabi nereye koydum” diye ne dediMehmet aß\qw ab=kw= s…=y† ha (y=)yh\azyMehmet aß\qw a/y= kw=…=y† (y=)ab=yh\a?Mehmet “nerede çalışuyorum” diye ne dedi/dedi

Q: Mehmet aw=s (y)=zw=wey† ab=yh\a?_Mehmet aw=s (y)=zw=wey† ha ab=yha?_Mehmet aw=s ab=zw=wey† ha (y=)yh\azy

A: ameryka (short answer)

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kanada aw=s (y)=zw=wey† yh\ey†

dab=kw=l…a “where did she put him/her?”w=y (y)ab=yh\a? Where did he say it.

Q: Mehmet yab=yh\a: aw=s (y)=zw=wey† haA: Amerykag`=s=zd=ram “bilmen”

5/26/92Q. Mehmet nereye gittinn diye ne dedi1. Mehmet s=c=y† ab=yha? where?~2. Mehmet sab=c=y† (y=)yhazy (bert) (pleomastic Q)

A. aß`˚wola(school)_x`=(to) s(=)c=y† (y=)yhey†.Mehmet “ne yaptım” dedi

Q: Mehmet y=qas…=y† (y)=zz=yh\azy?~Mehmet y=qas…=y† ha (y=)yh\azy?

A. A«n= qas…=y† (y)=yh\ey†.

Mehmet kimi gördüm dedi?Mehmet d=zb=y† (y)=zz=yh\ada?_Mehmet d=zb=y† ha (y=)zz=yh\ada?

Q: Mehmet s=z=pß=yda (y=)yh\azy?Mehmet s=z=pß=y† ha (y=)yh\azy?

A. Loren s=l=pß=y† (y=)yh\ey†

M-----neden gittim-----dedi

Q: Mehmet s=zcazy (when did I go? what for) (y)=zz=yh\azy?A: ˚.n. d=_z(first)_bar_z=(for) s=c=y† (y)=yh\ey†I went to see K.H.

d=s(first)_\`=rz=to kill him.

Mehmet “nereden geldim” dedi.Mehmet sab=n†\aay† (y)=zz=yh\azy?Mehmet sab=n†\aay† ha (y=)yh\azy?

†\

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aara @@ t?hangi masaya koy

Q: Mehmet: “kitabi hangi masaya koyduni” dediMehmet: aß\qw (a)/=s†ol_sa(which) y=zqw=s…=y†(y=)zz=yh\azy?A. loren l=s†ol y=qw=s…=y† (y)=yh\ey†.

hangi kitab

M. “hangi kıtabı okundum” dedi

M. ß\aqa_sa(which) s=z=px`=y† (y)=zz=yh\azy?M. =ß\qw=sa s=z=px`=y†Mehmet “bana kim vurdu” dedi“Who did Mehmet say hit him?

Mehmet y=s=sda ha (y=)yh\ey†Mehmet said who hit me.Loren d=y=s†Loren d=y=sy†

asra hitMehmet “bana kim vurdu” diye ne dedi?Q: Mehmet y(yara-sg.)_=s=sda ha yh\azy.A: Loren d=s=s† ha yh\ey†.

Q: Mehmet y(pl.= dara)_=s=s† ha yh\ada?A: K`eny Loreny (y=)s=s† (y=)yh\ey†.Ken and Loren hit me he said.˚`en heyly Loren (y=)s=s† y=yh\ey†.

Mehmet “bu kitabı sana kim berdi” dediMehmet ary aß\aqa/aß\qw (y=)w=ztada (y=)yh\ey†Who gave you this book?

Mehmet “bu kıtabı bana kim verdi” diye ne dediMehmet ary aß\aqa s=yt=y† ha (y=)zz=yh\ada.Mehmet ary aß\aqa (y=)s=ztada ha (y=)yh\azy.

7/30/92s=«=za wac\w= daawey†(a«=za [pres)[ü] tomorrow

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Ary aß\qw s=«=za y=sta߆this book my-friend give [fut]

1.) s=«=za wa…\w= daayry, ary aß\qu y=sta߆.“@@ my f.....”

2) s=«=za wac\= daarn= dqalary“if he @@@@”

ary aß\qw y=sta߆.

3) Sayß`a yac= daandaz, ary aß\qw y=starn=_(y=) stax=nto give-I would/wantvermek istiyorum

“If my brother had come yesterday, I would have given him this book.”“ ” y=s†ownverecektim

wy afyl=m (w=)wbary (görsen), w=ç=çow(a)nwbandaz

(o filim görseyidin, gülerdin.)If you had seen you would laugh

wy afyl=m (y=) s=mbandazsgw=r«awan (=sgw=_«awan)(heart-dry)~sgw= yax`wan.heart hurt[@@@@]w= afyl=m (y)n=zba s=çç\y†o film@ (görünce, gördüğüm zam@@) güldim

w= afyl=m (y=) wbary w=ç=ça߆When you see that film you will laugh. O filmi görsen, güleceksin. “ ” (y=) zbary s=çça߆When I see that film, I will laugh.O filmi görsen güleceğim.

w= afyl=m (y=)an=zba s=ççey†. 1st

When I saw I laughed.O filmi görünce/gördünğümzaman ? güldümw= afyl= (y=)an=wba w=ççey† 2nd

“ ” (y=)an=yba d=ççey† 3rd

wy afyl=m (y=)zbapx`aja s=ççawey†

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Whenever I see that film, I laugh.O flimi gördükçe (nezaman görsen) gülüyorum.

wy aß\a_(y=)wahary_w=gw=r©`a߆That song-hear-you will [γy] be happy.O şark@@ @@@@ @@ [γy] serineceksin.

wy aß\a (y=)sahapx`aza s=gw=r©awey†.O şarkiyi nezaman @@@@@ (duydukça) seviniyorum.

wy aß\qw wapx`ary y=wgwapxwowey†/y=wgapxaπo kitabı orkursan (if you read), beğenirsin.

wy aß\qw sanapx`a ay=sgwapxey@O kitabi okunduğem zaman, beğendim

3rd wy aß\qw danapx`a y=ygwapxey†wy aßeqw sapx`apx`aja s=ççawey†O kitabi ne zaman o kursan gülüyorum

kardeşine nezama(n) mektup yazarsan o seviniyorwayß`a asalamßeqw yz=w«=px`aja d=gw=r©`awey†sayß`a asalamßeqw (y)an=yz=z«= d=gw=r©`ey†kardeşime mektup yazınca sevindi

ß`wbß`abzya (good afternoon)šobž’æbzíghara hara hahamey†/hawπ = bizim biz variz biz bizeyiz = bizim biz varizweakens

hara hara (incorp.) hawπhahawπ

sara sarasa`wπ = ben benim.

hara w=r† hawπ

babowp “you are me”bara bwasowπ “you are a sheep”

2Ben babamım oğluyum “my father’s son”sara sab(a) s=ypowπsara sab y=pasowπ

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wara sab wa˚wwπ “you are my father” sen benim babmsinwara sara sabwowπwara sara sabwa˚wwπ

sara sa˚wwπ “it’s me”sara sowπ “it’s me”sasowπ (aqalara = to be @@@@)

w=y wasowπ “it’s a sheep”wasa˚ =qowπ “there is a sheep”wasa˚ qay†

awasa qowπ “there is the sheep”ary sara swasowπary sara suasa(a)˚uuπ.

warawara sara suasawowπ.you are my sheepwara sara sabwowπ/sabwa˚wwπ

sara la˚ s=mowπ. I have a dog.u=y sara sla˚uuπ/slowπ it is my dog.

sara a_la s=mowπ I have the dog.

sara sxa…owπ I am a man??ben adamım

sara ary axa…a sa˚wwπsara ary ala sa˚wwπwara aryawasa wa˚wwπ.arasa hazelnutaçça bread

ary sara srasowπ. “This is my hazelnut.”ary sara y=sxwaaz arasowπ/arasa(a)˚wwπ

“This is the hazelnut I bought.”d=g`=s=mb_=y†/_ey† I didn’t see him.d=s=mbey†

w=y dg`=s=mbey† himj\=r dg`=s=mbey† anyone

bir öğremei varki, ben onu görgedim??.

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…a«=˚ d=qay†, w=y dg`=s=mbey†

…a«=˚ dg`=s=ybey†px`e«=kbis öğrenci görmedimI didn’t see a student.

Her hangi bir öğrenci görmedren,…a«=n=n j\=r () dg`=s=mbey†

J. henüz bir mektup yazmad@@.

J. ma˚`ana salam=ß\q=˚ g`=y=m«=y†J. salam=ß\q=˚ g`=y=m««=…†narrow scope—no?? letters written

J. y=y«owßa asalam=ß\qw_kwa(<--plural)J. a˚= g`=y=m«=…†(hemüz)/g`=y=m«=y†arow˚=wide scope

John hasn’t met one of his cousins yet.∆`an_y_(yaß`a pa)_c\a_arowj\_y__-with-cousins-plural-of them-withma˚`ana (g`)eybazd`=ram.ma˚`ana (g`)eybamd=r=c†.

∆`an_yac=_x=ß\q=˚ aay=xwey†

A«`a(two) dr=px`ey† axa(but), arow˚= dg`ampx`ac†.arow˚= dampx`ac†.arow˚= dg`ampx`ey†.onlardan birini

cant say a˚= m@ ne arow˚=if a˚= does not imply larger @@ & ambi.1. more scope2. narrow scope.

still narrow~, wide 3ß\qw=˚

1. wide2. narrow scope

a˚=mzar a˚= no book at all

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∆`an (ß\qwn=) a˚=mzar a˚= dg`ampx`ey†.J. hasn’t read anything (by way of books).

a˚=mzara˚= (g`=)smahay† I haven’t heard anything.

(y=z)zeg`= everything hepsi, her sey@@@

∆`an …\a˚ g`=y=m«?ey†.narrow. he ate my apple ~(he ate an apple)(hk?) bir elma yemedi.? (amladem?)

…a«=˚ dg`=s=mbey†. her hangi bir öğrenci.narrow(c’ayük)I didn’t see a/any student

∆`an ß\=˚ g`aym=r˚=y†.John didn’t close a door <- both wide and narrow

∆`an aß\kwa arow˚= g`aym=r˚=y†unamb. narrow.

kitabi verdiğim kii

aß`qw= z=staz aw«=

am™= p=zqazthe one who cut the wood

(apqara to cut)

8/6/93d_aßp=_d_y=_r_ß`=agent of cause-how-her-them-cause-killHow did he make them kill her?

y=yß`=y† “He killed it”y=zß`=da “Who killed it?”y=yß`=ay “What did he kill?”y=yß`=da “What did he kill it with?”yab=yß`= “Where did he kill it?”daßp=ddy=rß`=third d here signifies second cause

“How did he get them to get them to kill her?”

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353-621daßp=d(d)=y=rß`=How did he make them (make them)kill her

˚`araxwla d=d(d)=y=rß`y†with a gunmajala d=d(d)=y=rß`y†by hiding

@@@@ means frazes have narrow scope

d=z=d(d)=y=rß`=z= ?Why did he makem (make them) kill her.

l=_mazara_z= d=d(d)=y=rß`y†her- -for/becauseher richness

for her richness---highests earner’s @@@@

5. Texts5.1. XwalaccyIn order to provide a more general sense of the dialect, we present a brief text below. The tale, “Shits-In-Ashes”, was recited by Mr. Påsiypa in 1994 and revised by the two authors over the next two years. As the present paper represents work in progress, and due in part to space restrictions imposed on contributions to this volume, we have not included the glossary containing parses of each lexical item in the tale, which is currently under preparation and can be obtained from the authors. Since Mr. Påsiypa was raised in a Turkish milieu and is a native speaker of Turkish as well, we have included his narration of the same story in Turkish. The story has a nearly exact parallel in Laz, a South Caucasian language spoken in many villages in Turkey that are adjacent to Abkhaz villages. The Laz version can be found under the title ‘Tembel-Memet’ in Dumézil 1937.

Transcription: parentheses enclose elements that are present in the underlying form but not pronounced in the surface form. Vowels that are stressed in isolation but lose their stress in phrasal context are marked with a grave accent. Sequences of word-final deleted -a followed by word-initial i- result from underlying -a##y- sequences, e.g. (sentence 2) dáar(a) iß—arg—Ådaz ‘very cowardly’ /dáara y-ß—a-r-g—Å-da-z/.

1 låk’— låk’— a±—Åt’— aámtan ƒ—ålaccÅ ¸—a a^—Å dÅq’azáarån. 2 ƒ—ålaccÅ dáar(a) iß—arg—Ådaz, (á)ƒ—ålpan áß«taƒ« yåp¸—Ås dåyÅcåmk’—a (å)竃—årá (a)d—aƒ«Å dåzÅmcow áq’ara yåß—arg—Ådaz a^—Å yák’—záarån. 3 waƒÅnla å竃—årá ad—aƒ«Å dåcápƒ«a^á ámå^-k’aç’«ç’«á (ya)níybaláak’; “aრaƒ aríy eypß ámå^-k’aç’«ç’«á

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áwƒa(a)ç’Å ß—arácara (a)cará, ák—lará (a)cará aamtás yåzawÅz yåzÅ g—År@«aro-(a)wp’,” y帗alówzaarån. 4 yåp¸—Ås låg—anála dåyåzg—ámc’owzaariyg«Å yåß—arg—Ådara yåçpåyÅlåm¸—arzå, yåg—(Å) álalmÅrc’arzå yÅlå竸alówzaarån. 5 aƒá eyssÅ anc—á yowƒá as ad—aƒ«Å yåd—Ålåc’Åpƒ«a^á; “abríy eypß awƒa (a)ç’Å ák—lara, ß—arácara (a)cará razq’ás(a) yåzmów-yzÅ yåg—År@«aro-(a)wp’,” (y)iy¸—ów (y)iy¸—ów 6 danyårg—ámc’a^a, waƒÅk’, yára wås ßíy¸—owz lará daaƒan¸—Å ay—nÅ dåneyy—nálan, yÅmy—afa (a)ƒ—åg«Å áß— ápƒ«a yÅq’az ác’la (a)ç’Å yånk’ånál¸an(å), ay—nÅ dåyy—nálanå aß— ac’apƒa nalårk’Ån dånat’—ázaap’. 7 ƒ—ålaccÅ-y(å)ƒála dåßc—á±—owz yåp¸—Ås yáanda dÅq’ámß—a (a)níyba, a@«@«éy— ¸—a dåy—agÅlan(å) yéyk—ag«å eydíyåmk’ålak’—a ay—n(Å) aƒ«Å deyƒázaap’. 8 ay—n(Å) áç’å dannéy aß— ac’apƒá (a)rk’ånÅ yaníyba, 9 yåp¸—Ås dålŸ—ow dálagazaap’, “yÅq’ap’c’owziy 10 bára båƒágo-(å)wma? 11 ad—Å sÅk’—k’—ånå as zåszÅb(wå) wazíy?” (y)iy¸—ázaap’. 12 yåp¸—Ås-g«å: “‘aríy eypß ámå^-k’aç’«ç’«á (á)wƒa (a)ç’Å ák—lara (a)cará ß—arácara (a)cará razq’asa yåzmów yåzå g—år@«ara-(a)wp’, ¸—a (yå)ßÅw¸—a ßÅw¸—owz såg—(Å) aƒá aapÅwc’—iyt’. 13 waƒàg«Å ámå^-k’aç’«ç’«(a) yÅq’owp’. abríy wåg—åtŃa wåçaƒ«Åwgå^ariy (yå)staƒÅwp’. 14 báßa wamŸ—an, aß— asårt’årnÅ såg—Å g«åtám,” (y)ål¸—ázaap’. 15 ƒ—ålaccÅ, yåp¸—Ås yagá dålŸ—azaariyg«Å aß— alårt’åranÅ låg—í-y(Å)ßtam anéyliyk’aa; “yeylÅsk’aayt’ wa±—åß«tá ay—nÅ såßåyy—nábåmc’ow aƒá såmy—afá (a)ƒ—Å sÅbtariy (yå)q’alóowt’,” ¸—a (yå)léy¸—azaap’. 16 yåp¸—Åsg«å: “wÅmy—afaƒ—Å waa ác’la (a)ç’Å yåk’ånás¸ayt’. 17 måy—á (á)måß wåcáayt’, wåg—åtŃa waƒ«^áayt’,” ¸—a yál¸—azaap’. 18 ƒ—ålaccÅ wá¸a yÅq’ayc’aßa (á)k’å ßÅq’am anéyliyk’aa, yåmy—afaƒ—Å ác’la yaak’åníyƒån yŃ—da-y(å)naƒáyß«ån ámy—a dÅq’—lazaap’. 19 dåców dåców dåców dåßnéyowz ^årk’ aç’ápƒ«á dånÅk—nagalazaap’. 20 ƒ—ålaccÅ: “abraánt’—å nårc— saßpÅnåråsra?” ¸—a då߃—Åcowz a^År anÅrc— aƒ«ånt’—Å awy—Å yÅg—å tÅzq’aßa (a)b±«Å baapsÅk’ ya¸ázaap’. 21 danÅnapßå, nårc— yÅk—g—ålow dawk’ árc’—aa ¸a ƒ—ålaccÅ-yƒ«Å dåq’áawa abÅs (y)iy¸—ówzaarån: 22 “ooy! sárà waa yÅzbow, aráa waanÅ áriy a^År waƒ« saƒáwåmgariy, abríy eypß weyleysÅrq’—åç’«owt’,” ¸—anÅ, adáw yíyk’åz aƒá¸— eyleyrq’—åç’«ånÅ yånk’áyåpsazáap’. 23 ƒ—ålaccÅ, yåpsåtázaara anc’—ámta-aayt’ ¸ag«Å dånazƒ—Åcownå, áfårk« ¸a yŃà ßéyk—yårƒarà åmy—ak’Å (a)ybarzå då߃—Åcowz, 24 yåq’—áq’—a yÅk—åz yÅmy—afá-ƒ—Å-trá yåtáz aß— aayg—álaß—an, a@«@«ey— ¸a áß— aatíyƒnå yaarbåc’c’ånÅ a^^Å lálår±«å±«ånå, 25 yåzlayÅlåßowz álag«å yåb±«Å tårq’«anÅ wÅsg«å dåq’áazaap’: “ooy! sárà wáa nårc— yÅzbow, 26 wárà (a)g—ålÅmy—a araá waanÅ waƒ«-

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nÅrc— sanÅråwmga abríy eypß wåß«ß«á wÅlåsƒowt’,” (y)iy¸—án 27 aß— aarbåc’c’ånÅ ac’—åc’—c’—á ¸a (a)^^Å lálår±«å±«ånå yånk’áy±«zaap’. 28 nas adáw: “aríy y僗åç’«Å måç’«Åw á^—å yák’—åp’ aƒá sárà séy¸ag«å ámåç« yÅlowß—a dÅq’owp’, aƒá¸— a^^(Å) ályår±å±iyt’,” (y)iy¸—án nårc— dÅråsnå ƒ—ålaccÅ (yå)q’—áq’—a dånÅk—årt’—anå ß«tძq’à nårc— dåd—Åk—lazáap’. 29 a^År yál(a) ißnéyowz adáw ƒ—ålaccÅ wås yéy¸—azaap’: “wárà ß«áda wålassÅwp’. 30 aƒá¸— a^Å ßálåwƒåz anÅzba daar(a) iƒ«antów a^—Å wák’—åzaap’ ¸a s僗Åcån aƒá wÅsß—a wåg«Åq’am,” (y)iy¸—ázaap’. 31 ƒ—ålaccÅ áfårk« ¸a daaƒ—Åcån: “sará áy—adant—å såß«tÅrƒowt’ áwmzariy séytagara (yå)zlåßów á^—å ßwák’—åm (y)åwdÅraayt’,” ¸a yéy¸—azaap’. 32 nas adáw: “yårḗa wåyák’—zariy wáwråß«taayt’,” (y)iy¸—ázaap’. 33 ƒ—ålaccÅ: “wa±«Å (yÅ)q’asc’owziy?” ¸a då߃—Åcowz, 34 yḗa aayg—álaß—an: a@«@«éy— ¸a yḗa aatíypaan adáw y僗daÀ«ál yálayårpow dálagazáap’. 35 nas adáw y僗daÀ«ál aß«á (a)låyrów, yanálaga: 36 “wåyt’, wåyt’ abaapsÅ såwŸ—owt’, yårḗa weytáß«tårƒaayt’, 37 wåszéytagownå såƒá g«åpnaq’ám,” ¸ànÅ-(yå)y¸—àzaap’. 38 nas ƒ—ålaccåg«Å yḗa adáw y僗daÀ«ál yaálåyƒån: “wa±—Å såß«tÅrƒ—ow yálagaƒt’, wåmg—åry—an,” ¸a yéy¸—azaap’. 39 nårc— yanÅrås áß«taƒ« påtk’ yåßnéyowz d—å-tåbáarak’ aç’Å yannéy 40 adáw: “ámla ¸ak’k’íyt’. 41 sará abnáa ábna sånÅlalanå sÅq’aaßt’. 42 sará såb±«Å yac—ß—anÅ arძ yåléyow ß—aráƒk’ aank’Ålanå yåß«Å, 43 sará såƒan¸—ånÅ sanáaylaak’ yå^^ånÅ yaƒfáp’,” 44 yåy¸—an, ábnara dånÅlalazaap’. 45 ƒ—ålaccÅ dåß—ów dar¸áw yåpsÅ ßéyk—yårƒara dåßazƒ—Åcowz, 46 ábna ábaraç’å yåq’az ác’la-dÅwk’ ág—å tå@«@«ára g—áytan, áfårk« ¸a dåntálanå yåçíyc’aƒåzaap’. 47 adáw áy—ada ábna daƒ«Ålazånt’—å danÅy—aƒ—帗a; 48 ag—åg—g—á adåddá ¸a bna raƒ—nÅ yÅq’az (y)izzeg«Å adáw yåb±«Å yac—ß—anÅ ƒ—ålaccÅ yålayÅbåy—rån yåcázaap’. 49 ƒ—ålaccÅ kårwiyzå k僗owz yará yåpsÅ ßéyk—yårƒara dáß«tanå ác’la ag—å-tå@«@«ára dძtat’—az . . . 50 aƒá yårazq’ála c’ås ƒ—åç’«Åk’ adáw yåb±«Å yac—ß—anÅ, ƒ—ålaccÅ daƒ«ƒ—ác’at’—az yåparånÅ yaanÅ yåtálazaap’. 51 ƒ—ålaccÅ dånámc’asån ac’Ås ¸—åç’«Å aanÅyk’ålazaap’. 52 adáw danáay, 53 “yÅwk’åziy, yÅwßåziy,” ¸a danyåzc’áa; 54 “wára wåb±«Å yac—ß—áz ak’Åmzarå ak’Å g«åsåmbíyt’ arძ yåléyåz! 55 abríy ac’Ås ƒ—åç’«Å zac’—Åk’ níyåsow yaç’Ån abráant’—å, sånámc’asån yaanÅsk’ålt’,” ¸a yåy¸—ázaap’. 56 adáw-g«å: “waaw sára g—Åß«a 57 aríy yåparów ac’Åsg«å yåyk’ów yÅlåßowt’, aríy sa såzŃowßa á^—å g«åyák’—åm, 58 saßpíyyayra?” ¸a yåg—anála d僗Åcowzaarån. 59 wÅs-g«å dåyåzc’áazaap’: “nas yÅq’a¸c’owziy wará? 60 ámla ¸apsówt’,” ¸anÅ aníy¸—a. 61 ƒ—ålaccÅ: “wåmg—åry—án,

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wa±—Å sará anáa ábna sånÅlalanå s帗¸—ówt’. 62 abrძ yåléyow ak’år q’aláriy wará yaank’Ålanå yåß«Å, yå^^ånÅ ya¸fáp’,” y帗ázaap’. 63 nas ábna dånÅlalanå c’la dÅwk’ aƒÅc— aç’Ån^a dåy—k’—ák—lanå yåzlayÅlåßowz ála árc’—aa ¸a daníya¸—¸—a 64 wÅrtk—a áayg—araç’å yÅq’az bna-ç«ák’ ar¸anÅ álada adåddá ¸a yÅk—lanå yåßléyowz. 65 adáw dámc’asån yaaníyk’ålan თda aap’åc’—anÅ yåyß«Åzaap’. 66 nas, ƒ—ålaccÅ danléy, adáw: “anc—á wåynŸ—aayt’ 67 abríy ábnaç«a léyown abráa yaanÅsk’ålan yåsßíyt’,” y帗ázaap’. 68 nas ámca ayk—Årc’an abnaç«á (yå)r^Ån 69 råzƒára anÅrfa aß«tძ, adáw ƒ—ålaccÅ abÅs yéy¸—azaap’: “wára ¸azƒará a¸fíyt’, waalá ¸áwa rey¸á (yå)@—@—anÅ yåp’åzów da¸báp’,” yåy¸—ázaap’. 70 ƒ—ålaccÅ-g«å: “båzíyowp’ rápƒ«a wará wálaga aƒá wÅß«taƒ« sáyårƒanå wås wåp’åzÅ,” ¸a yéy¸—azaap’. 71 adáw ƒ—ålaccÅ yaƒ« yÅß«taƒ« årƒanÅ ázåw zåw ¸—a ap’åzårá danálaga, ƒ—ålaccÅ ráayg—ara yÅq’az ƒa¸— dåwk’ dånávac’at’—anÅ yåçíyc’—aƒåzáap’. 72 adáw ázåw zåw ¸a dåp’åzÅp¸—a^a yḗtåy—rowz abnaç«á ábåy—k—a aƒá¸— yáaƒowzaarån. 73 yåzák’—ziy (yå)w¸—áriy, adáw ábnaç«a aníyfowz, aríy båy—Åwp’, aríy k’—ácowp’ ¸a dazÅm ƒ—åck’—á yåyfázaarån. 74 adáw yåzƒará danp’åzÅ áß«taƒ«: “yaßpÅwba såp’åzårá?” ¸a ƒ—ålaccÅ dåyåzcaarzÅ 75 dåmƒan¸—åk’—a, ƒ—ålaccÅ a@«@«éy— ¸a dåy—agÅlanå aƒá¸— ápƒ«a daagÅlazaap’. 76 nas adáw: “k’år wŃ«ma?” ¸a danyåzc’áa; 77 “ak’Åmzariy ak’Å g«åsåznámwåyt’. 78 p’åzåraß—ag«Å g«Åsåmbåyt’. 79 påzårówma k«åß—årówma-g«å 80 g«åszéylåmk’aayt’,” yåy¸—ázaap’. 81 nas adáw: “wa±—Å wará wåp’åzÅ, 82 sast’—Å (yå)wg—ámpƒa zariy wáwt’—å yÅq’anac’ow a¸báp’,” aníy¸—a; 83 ƒ—ålaccÅ: “wÅß«taƒ« sáyårƒa, 84 sa såléyß—a, såk«ábza aç’Å á^—å yáanda áp’åzåra apƒáß«arowp’,” yåy¸—azaap’. 85 nas adáw ƒ—ålaccÅ (y)iƒ«Å yÅß«taƒ« (y)årƒanÅ danÅnat’—a, ƒ—ålaccÅ yÅmåç« zåk—ƒówz ƒa¸—dÅwk’ áaß«tåyƒån, adáw yåƒá yannáayårƒowz álamtala, yåb±«Å álag«å dÅp’åzow ß—á yåb±Å yÅrgazaap’: “ázåw zåw” ¸a... 86 adáw aƒá¸— yåƒá yanáaƒa, “waagÅl waagÅl såwŸ—oyt’ 87 såwß«åranÅ wåg—Å yåtówma 88 såƒá pÅwçåyt’” ¸a yåy¸—ázaap’. 89 ƒ—ålaccåg«Å: “yåybzíyowp’ 90 nas aríy sará såzzåpsówz ák’å g«ák’—åmåzt’. 91 wará ¸áwa rey¸á yå@—@—anÅ yåp’åzów da¸báp’ aƒ«Åw¸—az azówp’ yåzÅq’asc’az,” yåy¸—ázaap’. 92 nas adáw, yåƒá yálåyrowz aß«ß«á ƒ—åç«’Åk’ yanß«ak—gÅl: “waalá såy—nÅ aƒ«Å wåzgáp’. 93 sa sa¸tånåg«Å (yå)wbáb, wåsÅsasƒariy (yå)staƒÅwp’. 94 wará y僗åç«’Å måç«’Åw ß—a yÅq’ow a^—Å wák’—åp’ aƒá yaƒ«Ånt’—aawa dÅråm dáara mÅç«å yåzlów á^—å wák’—åp’. 95 anc—á yåsát—ayß«az ç’ac’á-ƒ—Åk’ ag«ám (yå)wsårbáriy (yå)staƒ—Åp’,” ¸a ƒ—ålaccÅ yéy¸—azaap’. 96 nas yåcóow yåcóow yåßnéyowz adáw yá¸tånÅ aç’Å yånéyzaap’. 97 nas yårfíyt’, yårå±—íyt’, y僗márt’, yåk’—aßíyt’ yÅwdårßa... 98 áßtaƒ« adáw: “sará ƒ—åç«’Åk’ sånÅk—yåßt’. 99 sÅlac—a aaƒ«Åsß«år q’aláp’. 100 warg«Å yÅwtaƒ—å q’ac’á, ay—nÅ

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wará yåwt’—ånÅ yåpƒ«a^á, sasnÅ wåç«’Åwmåpƒ«a^án, wÅp’at’åw såƒá yåk—Åp’. 101 yåwtaƒÅzar warg«Å À«ará wånÅk—y—å,” ¸a (yå)y¸—ázaap’. 102 ƒ—ålaccÅ: “wará wanÅc—alaak’ wanbáapßow,” ¸a dåyåzc’áazaap’ adáw. 103 adáw-g«å: “sará sanÅc—alaak’ fÅmå^ sÅc—oyt’,” ¸a (yå)y¸—ázaap’. 104 ƒ—ålaccåg«Å: “yåybzíyowp’ nas, c—ámta bzíya wáwaayt’. 105 sará ƒ—åç«’Åk’ adaƒ«Å såndÅlåc’åßt’. áß«taƒ« sarg«Å sånÅk—yår q’aláp’,” yåy¸—ázaap’. 106 nas dånd—Ålåc’ån påt’k’ aamtá dånéyaayzaap’ ad—aç’Å. 107 nás-g«å ay—nÅ dåy—nálan adáw yáanda dånéyån; 108 dÅc—ama dÅmc—ama ¸a dåyŃ—apßån dåßÅc—azg«å anéylåyk’aa áß«taƒ«, adáw yåmázara (y)izzeg«Å -- aƒ«Å, araznÅ u¸—á -- awardÅnk—a yålarÅk’—åyc’an yåy—nÅ aƒ«ƒ«Å ámy—a dÅk—lazaap’. 109 nas yála k’«at’íyala yåzzÅr¸—ow eypß amázara dåw yÅmanå yÅßta dannÅk—la, 110 yåp¸—Ås dáara lapƒÅla dåypÅlan: “waaw sÅpåß—ma båzíyala waabíyt’. 111 anc—á wÅg—å tŃak—a zeg«Å wårƒ«íygå^azaap’, ésså måß sånŸ—own wára-wzÅ sapsá sapsám,” ¸a yål¸—ázaap’. 112 ƒ—ålaccÅ: “waaw yåtabÅwp’ sÅpåß—ma, båzíya yåbbéyt’. 113 abÅrt yaazgak—áz ay—nå aƒ«Å råy—nágala razÅ båsÅcƒara bårac—ówp’ aƒá,” yiy¸—ázaap’. 114 nas yaaygáz aƒ«ƒ«Å araznÅ u¸—a yÅzzeg«å ay—nÅ yånåy—nárgalan yårc’—aƒÅzaap’. 115 nás-g«å ƒ—ålaccÅ yåy—nÅ danáa áß«taƒ« fÅmå^, yåfÅrƒac’ara yådåzn帗alówz, yåléyowz yåy—áyowz aayrŃow dÅk—ån. 116 yÅßtaç’å yÅq’az k’—aßarán, g—År@«aran ç«åç«arán fÅmå^. 117 nas ƒ—ålaccÅ: “wa±—åß«tá adáw daapßånÅ dåsáß«talazariy q’aláp’. 118 såçåsg—åƒanÅ sÅq’azáriyowp’,” yåy¸—án 119 essÅ måß yÅy—nå ápƒ«a yågÅlow ác’ladåw aƒÅc— dåk’—ák’lanå adáw danbáaråyß« ¸a dåpßówn. 120 adáw, fÅmå^ ráß«taƒ« ác—a dálåc’ån danáapßå ƒ—ålaccÅ dåßÅq’amåz, yåmázara yåzzeg«Å ßíygaz anéylåyk’aa: 121 “¸ayt’! aríy (yå)szÅzwåz ƒ—ålaccÅ yák’—åp’. 122 såmázara ow¸—ƒá (y)ic—Åzgariyowp’,” ¸a dåblaq’«á ámy—a dÅk—lazaap’. 123 dáazåk—ß—aláak’ zeg«Å: “ƒ—ålaccÅ ¸a a^—år dårdÅrowma?” ¸a dåråzc’aawá 124 dåßnéyowz mÅy—a-ƒ—asták’ aç’Å bagaspák’ dák’ß—azaap’. 125 nas yåsåc—nagowzíy (y)i¸—án abagaspag«Å dazc’aaranÅ yå^bán: 126 “måßåbzíyak—a wará abagaspá,” yåy¸—íyt’. 127 abagaspag«Å: “oow! måßåbzíya, wåblaq’«á wabÅcow?”a¸—íyt’. 128 adáw: “ƒ—ålaccÅ ¸a ^—år dåwdÅrowzariy ubríy såyÅß«towp’. 129 yåsc—íygaz såmázara yÅmåsƒriyowp’,” ¸a aníy¸—a; 130 abagaspá ak’«et’íya-ƒa påc’—arat’—Å áç«åç«ara yálagazaap’. 131 adáw: “wåzÅrç«åç«owziy? 132 ƒ—ålaccÅ yåg—á@ wará yåwƒásåmgaayt’ wa±—Å,” aníy¸—a 133 abagaspá: “waagÅl waagÅl! sará yÅzdårow ƒ—ålaccÅ wåmázara ßåwc—íygazowp’ sará såƒá yáanamƒow. 134 ƒ—ålaccÅ, yanƒ—alåláak’ áß«taƒ«, yåp¸—Ås

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dåyÅcåmk’—a å竃—årá ad—aƒ«Å dåzÅmd—ålåc’ow áq’ara yåß—arg—Ådow á^—å yák’—åp’. 135 sará ésså áwƒa wåy yåk’—åt’Åc’ara stálanå yåk’—t’k—á z@«Åç«oyt’. 136 my—ásß«as yåsÅmow wåyyåk’—t’k—á rák’—åp’,” a¸—ázaap’. 137 nás-g«å: “waalá sará yånƒárta, yÅßta usårbáp’,” a¸—án adáw dáß«targålanÅ ƒ—ålaccÅ yåy—naƒ«Å yåd—Åk—lazaap’. 138 ƒ—ålaccÅ essÅ måß yåßÅq’ayc’owz eypß ác’la dåw aƒÅc— dÅk—gåla dåßåpßówz, esså áwƒa yåk’—t’k—á z@Åç«owz abagaspá adáw dáß«targålanÅ yåßaawáz aníyba ç’íytåyt’ abÅs: “aaáyt’ yaba¸—á! 139 wará ag—ålÅmy—a yåsÅmwåpsaƒÅz sk’—åt’k—á wåy yåwÅß«targ—ag—ow yaawgów ay—årdáÀ« yålá yåwß—áp’ ¸a wåg—Å@owzariy báßa ámy—a wÅk—ån. 140 såk’—åt’åk—á r僗 yåßéyba¸¸—az eypß yåwß—áriy (yå)wß—íyt’. 141 wåy nák’—mƒa sÅßta mÅßta wÅk—åmlan. yåwÅß«targåla yaawgowg«Å warg«Å ß—åßÅsß«ow (yå)wdÅraayt’,” yåy¸—ázaap’. 142 adáw, ƒ—ålaccÅ árc’—aa ¸a dåq’aawá yíy¸—az (y)anya¸á: “aáyt’ wará alamÅsda! 143 ƒ—ålaccÅ yåsc—íygaz såmázara azÅmƒowß—a yåyÅmwåpsaƒåz yåk’—åt’åk—á råƒatÅpanå sará agÅrwasa såyÅwtarnå wÅq’azma?” 144 yåy¸—án abagaspá ac’Ń—aç’ånt’—å yaank’Ålanå ádg«ål yåláarƒanå yåß«ånÅ yålk’áy屫ån, 145 nás-g«å “sará ƒ—ålaccÅ såmázara ow¸—ƒá yåyc—Åzgap’ ßÅs¸—owz bagaspák’ awál saƒack’Ńown. 146 yåcáz aándaz sábg«å daarÅn. 147 yåcáz såmázara ^Ń«ß—aß—ak’ aƒá±—nå såßéybgow såt’—Ålaƒ«å såƒan¸—År sará szÅ ey¸á yéy@«owp’,” 148 yåy¸—án daaƒan¸—Ån yåt’—Ålaƒ«å yåç’Å neyƒíyt’. 149 ƒ—ålaccÅ ác’la aƒÅc— daƒ«Åk’—gålaz adáw, abagaspa ßånÅ dåk’—ålaawá ß«taƒ«q’á dåßdÅklaz aníyba aß«åß«ß«á ¸a c’áq’a dånálbaan: “såk’—åt’åk—ag«Å sarg«Å a¸zÅ wa±—ånaƒÅs tÅnç«rowp’ yÅq’ow,” yåy¸—án ay—nÅ dånåy—nálazaap’. 150 wåy naƒÅs yåp’¸—Åsiy yaríy råpsÅtazara zeg«Å tÅnç«rala yårƒárgazaap’. 151 aríy alÅk’— araa yånc—’iyt’. wårt áayan^ak’ ß—«ara ß—«åmnéyaayt’.

1 Once upon a time there was a man named Shits-in-Ashes. 2 Shits-in-Ashes was very cowardly; he was such a coward that he couldn’t go outside to the outhouse after dark without his wife.

3 Whenever he went out to the outhouse at night and saw the full moon shining, he would say, “Ah, what a pleasure it would be for someone who had the chance to go hunting or robbing on such a moonlit night!” 4 Though his wife secretly was angry with him, she kept her temper so as not to sadden him by reminding him of his cowardice. 5 But every night when they went outside, he would say, “Ah, what a pleasure it would be for someone who had the chance to go hunting or robbing on such a moonlit night!” 6 Finally, he made her so angry that while he was saying this again she went back in the house, hung his food on the tree in front of the door, locked the door, and sat down.

7 When Shits-in-Ashes noticed that his wife was no longer next to him as he talked to himslef, he jumped up and ran toward the house without bothering to pull up his

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pants. 8 When he reached the house, he saw that the door was locked. 9 He started to entreat his wife: “What are you doing? 10 Are you crazy? 11 Why have you locked me out?” 12 His wife replied, “I’ve had it up to here with you saying ‘what a pleasure it would be for someone who had the chance to go hunting or robbing on such a moonlit night!’ 13 There’s a lot of moonlight tonight, and I want you to get your wish. 14 Don’t bother begging; I have no intention of opening the door!”

15 When Shits-in-Ashes realized that his wife wasn’t going to open the door no matter how much he begged her, he said “I understand that you’re not going to let me in the house, but it would be nice if you gave me my food for the trip.” 16 His wife replied, “I hung your food on the tree over there. 17 Have a good trip; I hope you get your wish!”

18 When Shits-in-Ashes saw that there was nothing he could do, he took his food from the tree, put it around his neck, and set out on the road.

19 He walked and walked and walked, until he reached a river. 20 While he was wondering “how can I get to the other side of the river?” he heard a heart-stoppingly frightening voice. 21 When he looked across, he saw a giant screaming at him from the other side of the river. 22 “Hey! You over there! If you don’t come over here and carry me to the other side of the river, I’ll squeeze you like this!” the giant said, squeezing the rock he was holding and then throwing the fragments on the ground.

23 At this point Shits-in-Ashes thought that his life was about to end; at the same time he was considering how he could survive. 24 Then he remembered that there was a cheese in his provisions. 25 He immediately took the cheese and yelled to the giant, 26 “You fool, if you don’t come here and carry me to the other side of the river, I’ll squeeze you like this!” 27 Then he picked up the cheese, squeezed it until the water poured out, and threw it down. 28 The giant, saying to himself “this midget I see appears to be more powerful than me--he brought water out of the rock!”, crossed the river, put Shits-in-Ashes on his back, and started to return to the other side. 29 While they were crossing the river, the giant said to Shits-in-Ashes, “You’re very light. 30 When I saw you bring out the water from the rock, I thought you would be very heavy, but you’re not.” 31 Shits-in-Ashes thought quickly and decided to say, “they hold me up from the sky; if they didn’t, you wouldn’t be able to lift me.” 32 The giant replied, “tell them to let you go.” 33 Shits-in-Ashes thought to himself, “what am I to do now?” 34 Then he remembered his dagger, and snatching it up, he began to stab the giant’s neck. 35 The giant’s neck began to bleed. 36 “Ouch! Ouch! Please, I beg you, tell them to hold you up again! 37 I don’t think I can carry you!” he screamed. 38 Upon this Shits-in-Ashes pulled the dagger out of the giant’s neck and said, “now they’ve started holding me up again. Don’t worry!”

39 A little while after they crossed to the other side of the river, they came to a large clearing. 40 The giant said, “We’re hungry. 41 I’ll enter that forest over there and bellow. 42 Grab and kill any wild animal that is scared by my voice and runs by you. 43 Then I’ll return, and we can grill it and eat.” 44 Having said this, he entered the forest.

45 Shits-in-Ashes was very scared, and began thinking of a way to save his life. 46 Seeing a huge tree with a hollow in it at the edge of the forest, he quickly went inside it and hid himself. 47 Once in the forest, the giant screamed. 48 All the animals in the forest were scared by the giant’s voice, and trampled by Shits-in-Ashes.

49 Shits-in-Ashes wasn’t able to grab anything, of course; looking to save his skin, he stayed in the hollow. 50 Luckily for him, though, a tiny bird frightened by the

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giant’s voice flew into his hiding place. 51 Shits-in-Ashes grabbed the tiny bird and held it. 52 The giant returned. 53 “What did you catch, and what did you kill?” he asked. 54 “No one was scared by your voice; I didn’t see anything come this way! 55 Just this tiny bird was trying to pass by here, and I grabbed it and caught it,” Shits-in-Ashes responded. 56 “Oh, poor me!” said the giant to himself. 57 “This fellow who can catch birds isn’t someone I can beat. 58 How can I get the best of him?” 59 “So, what are we going to do? 60 We’re dying of hunger!” he said to Shits-in-Ashes. 61 “Don’t worry, now I’ll go in the forest over there and scream,” said Shits-in-Ashes. 62 “If anything comes by here, you catch it and kill it, then we’ll grill it and eat.”

63 Then he entered the forest, climbed to the top of a huge tree and let out a yell with all his might. 64 A nearby wild deer was scared and ran by the giant. 65 The giant grabbed the deer, broke its neck, and killed it. 66 When Shits-in-Ashes returned, the giant said, “God bless you! 67 This wild deer ran by here, and I caught and killed it.” 68 Then they made a fire and grilled the wild deer. 69 When they were full, the giant said to Shits-in-Ashes, “Hey, you! Now that we’re full, let’s see which of us farts more powerfully.” 70 “Okay, you go first, but turn your back and then fart,” replied Shits-in-Ashes. 71 When the giant turned his back to Shits-in-Ashes and began to make farting noises, Shits-in-Ashes crouched and hid behind a huge rock nearby. 72 The giant farted repeatedly, and wild deer bones flew from his ass and crushed the rock. 73 Why, you ask? Because while he was eating the deer, he hadn’t bothered to separate the bone from the meat. 74 After the giant had farted to his satisfaction, he asked Shits-in-Ashes, “How did you like my farting?” 75 Before the giant had turned back around, Shits-in-Ashes quickly stood up in front of the rock.

76 “Did something happen to you?” asked the giant. 77 “Nothing happened to me. 78 I didn’t see anything that looks like a fart. 79 Was it a noisy fart, or a silent one? 80 I couldn’t tell,” Shits-in-Ashes replied.

81 The giant responded, “Now you fart! 82 If you didn’t like mine, let’s see what yours does.” 83 Shits-in-Ashes replied, “Turn your back. 84 In my culture it is shameful to fart in front of someone.” 85 When the giant had turned his back to Shits-in-Ashes and sat down, Shits-in-Ashes lifted a huge rock and smashed the giant’s head with it, while at the same time making farting noises with his voice: “azuw zuw”...

86 When the rock struck the giant’s head, blood gushed out like a flood, and he begged, “Stop! Stop! Please! 87 You’re killing me! 88 You broke my head!” 89 Shits-in-Ashes replied, “Okay. 90 Then this wasn’t what I was dying for. 91 I did it because you said ‘let’s see which of us farts more powerfully.’”

92 When the giant’s head stopped bleeding, he said, “Come, I’ll bring you to my home. 93 You’ll see my palace; I want you to be my guest. 94 You look tiny, and it’s not clear where it came from, but you have great power. 95 I want you to eat the little food that God gave me,” he said to Shits-in-Ashes.

96 They walked and walked and walked until they arrived at the giant’s palace. 97 When they arrived, they ate and drank and danced, as you know. 98 Then the giant said, “I’m going to lie down for a little bit. 99 I may fall asleep. 100 Do what you like; consider the house yours; don’t think of yourself as a guest; my respect for you is boundless. 101 If you like, you can lie down as well.”

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102 Shits-in-Ashes asked the giant, “When you sleep, when do you wake up?” 103 “When I sleep, I sleep for six months,” the giant replied.

104 “Okay then, have a good sleep,” Shits-in-Ashes responded. 105 “I’m going outside for a little while, then I may lie down.” 106 Having gone out, he paced around outside for a little while. 107 Then he entered the house and went up to the giant and looked at him. 108 When he was sure that the giant was asleep, he loaded wagons with all of the giant’s treasure--gold, silver, and so on--and set out on the road toward his house.

109 Eventually he returned to his land with more treasure on his back than you would dream possible. 110 His wife greeted him pleasantly, “hey, welcome back, my husband. 111 I prayed every day that god would help you attain all of your desires, whether it helped you or not.”

112 “Thank you, my dear, and greetings,” replied Shits-in-Ashes. 113 “Please help me bring these things I brought into the house.”

114 They carried all of the gold and silver and other treasures he had brought into the house, and hid them. 115 After he returned home, Shits-in-Ashes passed six months entertaining those who came to congratulate him for his heroism. 116 For six months there was dancing, happiness, and merriment in his home. 117 Then Shits-in-Ashes said, “the giant will have woken up by now, and may come looking for me. 118 I should be prepared!” 119 After this, he climbed to the top of a huge tree in front of his house every day and watched for the giant approaching.

120 After six months, the giant awoke, opened his eyes, and discovered that Shits-in-Ashes had disappeared with all of his treasure. 121 “Arrr! Shits-in-Ashes did this to me! 122 I’d better get my treasure back!” he raged, and set out on the road. 123 To everyone he encountered on the way he asked, “do you know anyone named Shits-in-Ashes?”

124 While he was going along the road, he met a fox. 125 Thinking “what do I have to lose?”, the giant decided to ask him too. 126 “Good day, fox!” he said.

127 “Good day! Where are you going in such a hurry?” the fox replied. 128 “Do you know anyone named Shits-in-Ashes? I’m looking for him,” the giant

responded. 129 “I must take back the treasure he stole from me.” 130 The fox began laughing and almost burst his intestines. 131 “Why are you laughing?” the giant demanded. 132 “Maybe I should take my revenge on Shits-in-Ashes out on you right now!” 133 The fox interjected, “Stop! Stop! I don’t see how the Shits-in-Ashes I know could have taken your treasure from you. 134 Shits-in-Ashes is such a coward that he can’t go outside to pee at night without his wife! 135 Every night I go into his chicken coop and steal his chickens. 136 I live off of the chickens I have there. 137 Come on, I’ll show his land and his property,” said the fox, and started for Shits-in-Ashes’ house with the giant behind him.

138 When Shits-in-Ashes, who was standing at the top of the huge tree every day looking around, saw the fox who had been stealing his chickens approaching with the giant behind him, he yelled, “Hey, you son of a pig! 139 You fool, if you were planning to pay for the chickens you borrowed from me with that giant you’re dragging behind you, you came for nothing! 140 Pay the price we agreed on for my chickens, or don’t step onto my property. 141 You know that I’ll kill that thing behind you, and you too!”

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142 When the giant heard what Shits-in-Ashes said, he screamed, “You liar! 143 You were planning to give me as a slave to this Shits-in-Ashes who stole my treasure, instead of the chickens you borrowed from him?!” 144 Saying this, he grabbed the fox by the tail and smashed him on the ground, killing him. 145 Then the giant said, “while trying to get my treasure back, I was almost sacrificed for a fox’s loan! 146 If the lost came back, my father would be back too. 147 I should forget my lost treasure; it’s better for me to return to my land while I’m still alive.” 148 Saying this, he turned his face toward his land and set off.

149 When Shits-in-Ashes, standing in the canopy of the tree, saw that the moster had killed the fox and started lumbering home, he slowly came down from the tree and said, “Now there will be peace for me and my chickens!” and went inside his house. 150 After that he and his wife passed the rest of their lives in peace.

151 May you not go there until they return!

Turkish Version1 Masal: evvel zaman içinde ƒulatts¥ diye biri varm¥ß. 2 ƒulatts¥ çok korkak, akßamdan sonra yan¥nda kar¥s¥ olmadan ißemek için d¥ßar¥ gidemiyeÀek kadar korkak biri imiß. 3 GeÀeleyin ißemeye d¥ßar¥ gittikçe dolunay’¥ gördüÌü zaman; “ah ah bunun gibi ayd¥nl¥k bir geÀede avlanmaya gitme, soyguna gitme ßans¥n¥ bulana ne mutlu,” dermiß. 4 Kar¥s¥ kendi kendine koÀas¥na k¥ziyorsa da korkakl¥Ì¥n¥ ona yüzüne vurmamak için, onu üzmemek için sabrediyormuß. 5 Fakat her tanr¥n¥n geÀesi böyle d¥ßar¥ya ç¥kt¥kça “böyle geÀede soyguna avlamaya gitme ßans¥ olana nemutlu,” diye diye 6 kar¥s¥n¥ iyiÀe k¥zd¥r¥nÀa, bir geÀe kendisi öyle derken o geriye dönüp eve girip kap¥y¥ kilitleyip, koÀas¥n¥n az¥Ìn¥ kap¥n¥n önündeki var olan aÌaÀa as¥p eve girip oturmuß. 7 ƒulatts¥ kendi kendine konußurken kar¥s¥n¥n yan¥nda olmad¥Ì¥n¥ görünÀe f¥rlayarak kalk¥p pantolonunu dahi toplamadan eve doÌru yönelmiß. 8 Eve vard¥Ì¥nda kap¥n¥n kilitli olduÌunu görünÀe 9 kar¥s¥na yalvarmaya baßlam¥ß: “Ne yap¥yorsun? 10 Delirdin mi? 11 Beni d¥ßar¥da b¥rak¥p niye böyle yap¥yorsun,” demiß. 12 Kar¥s¥: “‘böyle geÀede soyguna avlanmaya gitme ßans¥ olana nemutlu’ diye diye Àan¥ma yettin. 13 Bu geÀede ay çok ayd¥nl¥k dileÌine ulaßman¥ istiyorum, 14 boßuna yalvarma kap¥y¥ açmaya niyetim yok,” demiß. 15 ƒulatts¥, kar¥s¥na her ne kadar, yalvard¥sa da kap¥y¥ açmayaÀaÌ¥n¥ anlay¥nÀa: “anlad¥m art¥k beni eve sokmayaÀaks¥n, fakat yol az¥Ì¥m¥ verseydin olurdu,” demiß. 16 kar¥s¥da: “yol az¥Ì¥n¥ orada aÌaÀa ast¥m. 17 Iyi yolÀuluklar dilerim dileÌine erißirsin inßallah,” demiß. 18 ƒulatts¥ yapaÀak bir ßey olmad¥Ì¥n¥ anlay¥nÀa yol az¥Ì¥n¥ aÌaçtan al¥p boynuna as¥p yola koyulmuß. 19 Gide gide gide giderken, bir nehre ulaßm¥ß. 20 ƒulatts¥: “buradan karßiya nas¥l geçebilirim?” diye düßünürken, insan¥n yüreÌini hoplataÀak bir ses duyumuß. 21 Karßiya bak¥nÀa, nehrin öbür taraf¥nda duran bir devin kendisine ßöyle baÌ¥rd¥Ìn¥ duymuß: 22 “hey, oradaki sen buraya gelip beni karßiya geçirmezsen, seni böyle parçalar¥m,” deyip, elindeki taߥ s¥k¥p taß k¥r¥ntalar¥n¥ yere

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dökmüß. 23 ƒulatts¥ yaßam¥n¥n sonuna geldiÌini düßünürken ve hayat¥n¥ nas¥l kurtarabileÀiÌini tasarlarken 24 yol az¥Ì¥ndaki peyniri hat¥rlay¥p az¥k torbas¥ndan 25 h¥zla peyniri ç¥kar¥p suyunu s¥k¥p deve ßöyle baÌ¥rm¥ß: 26 “Benim orada gördüÌüm sen aptal herif buraya gelip beni karßiya geçirmezsen kan¥n¥ böyle ç¥kar¥r¥m,” deyip 27 peyniri s¥k¥p, suyunu ç¥kar¥p yere f¥rlatm¥ß. 28 Dev: “gördüÌüm bu mini mini adam benden daha kuvvetli galiba, taߥn suyunu ç¥kard¥” deyip, karßiya geçip ƒulatts¥’y¥ omuzuna bindirip geriye nehrin öbür taraf¥na doÌru yola koyulmuß. 29 Nehrin içinde giderlerken dev ƒulatts¥’ya: “Sen çok hafifsin. 30 Taߥn suyunu ç¥kard¥Ì¥n¥ gördüÌüm zaman çok aÌ¥r birisindir diye düßünmüßtüm, fakat öyle deÌilsin,” demiß. 31 ƒulatts¥ çabuÀak düßünüp “beni yukar¥dan tutuyorlar olmasa beni taßiyamayaÀaÌ¥n¥ bilmelisin,” demiß. 32 Bunun üzerine dev “söyle onlara seni sals¥nlar,” demiß. 33 ƒulatts¥: “ßimdi ne yapaÀaÌ¥m?” diye düßünürken 34 kamas¥n¥ hat¥rlay¥p h¥zla kamas¥n¥ ç¥kar¥p devin boynuna bat¥rmaya baßlam¥ß. 35 Devin boynundan sel gibi kan akmaya baßlay¥nÀa 36 “Ah! Ah! Aman! Yalvar¥yorum söyle onlara seni tutsunlar yine 37 seni taßiyabileÀeÌimi sanm¥yorum,” demiß. 38 Ondan sonra ƒulatts¥ kamas¥n¥ devin boynundan ç¥kar¥p “ßimdi beni yukar¥dan tutmaya baßlad¥lar merak etme,” demiß. 39 Karßiya geçtikten bir süre sonra bir aç¥k alana ulaßt¥klar¥nda, 40 dev “karn¥m¥z aÀ¥kt¥ 41 ben orada ormana girip. ç¥Ìl¥k ataÀaÌ¥m 42 benim sesimden korkup bu tarafa geleÀek bir yabani hayvan¥ yakalay¥p öldür, 43 ben dönüp gelinÀe k¥zart¥p yiyelim,” 44 deyip ormana girmiß. 45 ƒulatts¥ korka korka Àan¥n¥ nas¥l kurtaraÀaÌ¥n¥ düßünürken 46 orman¥n kenar¥ndaki büyük bir aÌaÀ¥n kovuÌunu görüp h¥zla kovuÌa girip saklanm¥ß. 47 Dev yukar¥da orman¥n içinden hayk¥r¥nÀa “aguggua ad¥dda” diye 48 bütün yaban¥l hayvanlar devin sesinden korkup ƒulatts¥’n¥n yan¥ndan geçip gitmißler. 49 ƒulatts¥ bir ßey mi yakalaya bileÀekti ki... Kendi Àan¥n¥ kurtarma derdinde iken aÌaÀ¥n kovuÌunda!... 50 Fakat ßans¥na küçük bir kuß devin sesinden korkup, ƒulatts¥’n¥n sakland¥Ì¥ kovuÌa girmiß. 51 ƒulatts¥ f¥rlay¥p kußu kapm¥ß. 52 dev gelip 53 “ne yakalad¥n ne yapt¥n” diye sorunÀa, 54 “senin sesinden korkup bu tarafa gelen hiç bir ßey olmad¥! 55 Bu küçük kuß buradan geçiyordu f¥rlay¥p yakalad¥m” demiß. 56 dev “aay! zavall¥ ben. 57 bu uçan kußu bile yakalaya biliyor ben bunun hakk¥ndan gelemiyeÀeÌim 58 bunu nas¥l yene bilirim” diye düßünürken 59 “öyleyse ne yapaÀaÌ¥z 60 açl¥ktan ölüyoruz” diye deyinÀe, 61 ƒulatts¥: “üzülme, ben ßimdi ormana girip ç¥Ìl¥k ataÀaÌ¥m. 62 Bu tarafa gelen bir ßey olursa yakalay¥p öldür, ben gelinÀe pißirip yeriz,” demiß. 63 Sonra ormana girip büyük bu aÌaÀ¥n tepesine ç¥k¥p var güÀüyle hayk¥r¥nÀa 64 oralarda olan ve korkarak aßaÌ¥ya doÌru koßmaya baßlam¥ß olan bir Àeylan¥ 65 dev yakalay¥p öldürmüß. 66 ƒulatts¥ geri gelinÀe dev “tanr¥ senden râz¥ olsun, 67 bu Àeylan buradan geçiyordu, yakalay¥p öldürdüm,” demiß. 68 Ondan sonra ateß yak¥p Àeylan¥ pißirip yedikten sonra, 69 dev ƒulatts¥’ya ßöyle demiß

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“karn¥m¥z¥ doyurduk gel osuruk yar¥ß¥ yapal¥m kim daha kuvvetli osuraÀak görelim,” demiß. 70 ƒulatts¥’da “olur. önÀe sen baßla fakat arkan¥ bana dönüp öyle osur,” diye söylemiß. 71 Dev ƒulatts¥’ya arkas¥n¥ dönüp azuwzuw diye osurmaya baßlay¥nÀa ƒulatts¥ yak¥ndaki bir kayan¥n arkas¥na saklanm¥ß. 72 Dev azuwzuw diye osurdukça k¥ç¥ndan f¥rlayan kemikler ƒulatts¥’n¥n sakland¥Ì¥ kayaya çarp¥yormuß, 73 zira dev Àeylan¥ yerken etiyle birlikte kemiklerini de yemißmiß. 74 Dev istediÌi kadar osurduktan sonra “nas¥l gördün osuruÌumu?” diye sorarken 75 dev dönmeden önÀe ƒulatts¥ kayan¥n arkas¥ndan ç¥k¥p dikilmiß. 76 Sonra dev “sana bir ßey oldumu?” diye sorunÀa; 77 [ƒulatts¥] “bir ßeyÀik olmada 78 osuruk gibi de deÌildi. 79 Osurmak m¥ yellenmek mi 80 anlayamad¥m” demiß. 81 Sonra dev “ßimdi sen osur 82 benim osuruÌumu beÌenmediysen, senin osuruÌun ne yapaÀak görelim deÌinÀe; 83 ƒulatts¥ “arkan¥ bana dön 84 benim töremde birinin yan¥nda osurmak ay¥pt¥r,” demiß. 85 Dev ƒulatts¥’ya arkas¥n¥ dönünÀe ƒulatts¥ güçünün yettiÌi bir taߥ kald¥r¥p, devin kafas¥na indirirken sesiylede azuwzuw diye osuruyor gibi ses ç¥karm¥ß. 86 Dev kafas¥na taß çarp¥nÀa ve kafas¥ndan sel gibi kan akmaya baßlay¥nÀa “lütfen dur dur 87 beni öldürmeyemi niyetlisin 88 kafam¥ k¥rd¥n” demiß. 89 ƒulatts¥’da: “peki 90 öylese bu benim Àan att¥Ì¥m bir ßey deÌildi 91 sen hangimiz daha kuvvetli osuraÀak dediÌin için yapt¥m bunu” demiß. 92 Ondan sonra dev kafas¥ndan akan kanlar durunÀa: “gel seni evime götüreyim 93 benim saray¥m¥ da görmüß olursun. M¥safirim olman¥ istiyorum. 94 Sen ufak tefek birine benziyorsun, fakat nereden geldiÌi belli olmayan bir kuvvete sahibsin. 95 Tanr¥n¥n bana lây¥k gördüÌü bir kaç lokmam¥ yemeni istiyorum,” diye ƒulatts¥’ya söylemiß. 96 Ondan sonra gide gide giderken devin saray¥na varm¥ßlar. 97 Ondan sonra yemißler içmißler oynam¥ßlar dans etmißler bileÀeÌin üzere. 98 Ondan sonra dev: “ben biraz uzanaÀaÌ¥m 99 gözlerimi dinlendiririm 100 her halde sende istediÌini yap evi senin evin say. Kendini misâfir gibi görme sayg¥n baߥm üstüne 101 istersen sende uzan biraz,” demiß. 102 ƒulatts¥ “sen uyursan ne zaman uyan¥rs¥n,” diye deve sormuß. 103 Devde “ben uyuyunÀa alt¥ ay uyurum,” demiß. 104 ƒulatts¥’da “iyi öylese sana iyi uykular. 105 Ben biraz d¥ßar¥ ç¥kaÀaÌ¥m. Sonra bende belki biraz uzan¥r¥m,” demiß. 106 Ondan sonra d¥ßar¥ ç¥k¥p b¥r müddet dolaßm¥ß. 107 Ondan sonrada eve girip devin uyuyup uyumad¥Ì¥n¥ inÀeleyip 108 devin uyuduÌunu anlad¥ktan sonra, devin bütün servetini -- alt¥n gümüß ve bu gibi -- arabalara yükleyip kendi evine doÌru yola ç¥km¥ß. 109 Ondan sonra inan¥lmayaÀak ölçüde servetle kendi arâzisine ulaߥnÀa 110 kar¥s¥ sevgiyle karߥlay¥p, “hey yiÌidim hoß geldin 111 tanr¥ bütün dileklerine ulaßt¥rm¥ßt¥r her halde. Her gün duva ettim senin için iße yarad¥ yada yaramad¥,” demiß. 112 ƒulatts¥’da “o teßekkür ederim, Àan¥m, hoß gördün 113 bu getirdiÌim ßeyleri eve taߥmama yard¥m eder misin lütfen,” demiß. 114 Ondan sonra getirdiÌi alt¥n gümüß ve bu gibileri eve taߥm¥ßlar ve saklam¥ßlar. 115 Ondan sonra ƒulatts¥ eve

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geldikten sonra alt¥ ay kendisini kutlamaya gelenleri aÌ¥rlam¥ß durmuß. 116 Avlusunda var olan sevinç, oynamak gülmek mutlulukmuß. 117 Ondan sonra ƒulatts¥ “art¥k dev uyanm¥ßt¥r ve peßime düßmüßtür 118 haz¥rl¥kl¥ olmal¥y¥m,” deyip 119 her gün evinin önündeki büyük aÌaÀ¥n tepesine ç¥k¥p dev ne zaman gelir diye bak¥yormuß. 120 Dev alt¥ ay sonra uyan¥nÀa ƒulatts¥’n¥n olmad¥Ì¥n¥ ve bütün servetinin ƒulatts¥ taraf¥ndan götürüldüÌünü anlay¥nÀa: 121 “wayt! Bunu bana yapan ƒulatts¥’d¥r. 122 Servetimi ondan geri almal¥y¥m,” deyip f¥rlay¥p yola ç¥km¥ß. 123 Kimi görse “ƒulatts¥ diye birini tan¥yor musun,” diye sora sora 124 giderken bir patika yolda bir tilkiye rastlam¥ß. 125 Sonra ne kaybederim deyip tilkiyede sormaya karar vermiß: 126 “iyi günler sana, tilki,” demiß. 127 Tilkide “o, iyi günler telaßla nereye gidiyorsun?” demiß. 128 Dev “ƒulatts¥ diye birini tan¥yormusun? Onu ar¥yorum. 129 Benden çald¥Ì¥ servetimi geri almal¥y¥m,” deyinÀe; 130 tilki barsaklar¥ çatlarÀas¥na gülmeÌe baßlam¥ß. 131 Dev “niye gülüyorsun? 132 ƒulatts¥’n¥n aÀ¥s¥n¥ senden ç¥karm¥yay¥m ßimdi,” deyinÀe 133 tilki “Dur! Dur! Benim bildiÌim ƒulatts¥ senin servetini nas¥l kapt¥ senden, onu akl¥m alm¥yor. 134 ƒulatts¥ akßamlar¥ kar¥s¥ yan¥nda olmadan ißemeye d¥ßar¥ ç¥kam¥yaÀak kadar korkak birisi. 135 Ben her akßam ƒulatts¥’n¥n kümesine girip tavuklar¥n¥ çal¥yorum 136 benim yaßam kaynaÌ¥m ƒulatts¥’n¥n tavuklar¥d¥r,” demiß. 137 Ondan sonra da, “gel ben sana evinide her ßeyini de göstereyim,” deyip devi peßine tak¥p ƒulatts¥’n¥n evine yollanm¥ß. 138 ƒulatts¥ her gün yapt¥Ì¥ gibi aÌaÀa ç¥k¥p bak¥n¥rken, her akßam tavuklar¥n¥ çalan tilkinin devle birlikte geldiÌini görünÀe ßöyle baÌ¥rm¥ß: “Heey! Domuzun eniÌi! 139 Sen salak herif benden ödünç ald¥Ì¥n tavuklar¥n bedelini peßine tak¥p getirdiÌin koÀa yarat¥k ile öderim diye düßünüyorsan boßuna yol teptin 140 tavuklar¥m¥n karߥl¥Ì¥n¥ sözleßtiÌimiz gibi ödersen ödedin. 141 Yoksa bana görünme peßine tak¥p getirdiÌinide seni de öldüreÀeÌimi bilesin,” demiß. 142 Dev ƒulatts¥’n¥n ç¥Ìl¥k ç¥Ìl¥Ìa söylediÌi sözleri duyunÀa “Wayt seni namussuz seni!... 143 ƒulatts¥’n¥n servetimi çald¥Ì¥ yetmiyormuß gibi ondan ödünç ald¥Ì¥n tavuklar¥n karߥl¥Ì¥nda beni ƒulatts¥’ya köle olarak vereÀeÌini mi zannediyordun,” 144 deyip tilkiyi kuyruÌundan yakalay¥p yere çarp¥p öldürmüß, 145 sonrada “ben ƒulatts¥’dan servetimi geri al¥r¥m derken bir tilkinin borÀuna kurban gidiyordum 146 azkals¥n giden gelseydi babam da gelirdi 147 servetimin üstüne bir soÌuksu içip memleketime dönsem benim için iyi olur,” 148 deyip dönüp yola koyulmuß. 149 ƒulatts¥ aÌaÀ¥n üzerinde dikildiÌi yerden devin tilkiyi öldürüp geriye yola koyulduÌunu görünÀe yavaß yavaß aÌaçtan inip “benim için de tavuklar¥m için de bundan sonra var olan rahatl¥k ve huzurdur,” deyip eve girmiß. 150 Ondan sonra kar¥s¥ ve kendisi tüm yaßamlar¥ buyunÀa mutluluk içinde yaßam¥ßlar. 151 Onlar gelinceye kadar siz gitmeyin.

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5.2. The Bull and the Stonenarrated by Zihni Psipa, June 24, 1998

Once upon a time, an Abkhaz and a Svan decided to go to some other area and steal a bull and bring it home and kill it and have a feast. They went to another village, found a bull, stole it. When they got far enough away, they decided to kill the bull, but they didn’t have a knife, so they decided to kill it with a rock. A said to the Svan, ‘you’re strong—hold the bull by the horns and I’ll hit it on the head with the rock, and it’ll die.’ A was really thinking to get rid of his partner. S went in front of the bull and held it by the horns. A went and grabbed a huge rock and hit S with all his might. S turned to him and said ‘why don’t you target properly? you my head, not the bull’s!’

5.3. Apples and Pumpkinstold by Zihni Psipa, June 24, 1998

Once upon a time, NH decided to take to Sultan Timur a gift and he decided to take him some pumpkins. Before he left, his wife see him putting some pumpkins on his donkey and she asked him where he was going and he said he was going to visit Sultan Timur and he was planning to take him those pumpkins and she said are you crazy what will he do with those pumpkins? Take him some apples. Then he emptied his bags and put some apples in and went to see Timur. When they took him to T, T was very mad for some reason. NH put the apples in front of the sultan and said he brought them for him. T started taking each apple and throwing them at NH’s face. With every strike of the apples, NH laughed and laughed. Finally the sultan got tired and stopped throwing the apples and said are you crazy? I’m hitting you with the apples you brought me and you’re still laughing, and NH said o my sultan, I’m laughing because I had been planning to bring you pumpkins—thank god my wife told me to bring apples—what would have happened to me if I had brought pumpkins?!

5.4. Sayingsaüåstáac\a açára qár…ow†ßeytanlar dü@ün yap¥yor‘the devils are getting married’

abziara qa…anå ajjå yataiyilik yap¥p suya verDo good things and give them to the river.[Don't expect a reward when you do something good]

abaga abaga g`afamkurt kurdu yemezThe wolf doesn't eat the wolf.

^Åzlam båsåzg—ámcan, s僫ç«á, bålapƒá sågåbmårƒán‘O Dzyzlam, don’t get angry at me, protect me, don’t diminish your good will’

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^Åzlam bå- så- z- g—á- m-ca- n så- ƒ«ç«á,

Dzyzlam 2sgf- 1sg- benefactive- heart- neg- narrow-finite 1sg- protect

bå- lapƒá så- gåb- må- rƒá- n2sgf- ?? 1sg- ?? neg- ??- finite

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6. PhrasebookXX

7. Glossariesmaster (Cwyzhy/Turkish/English)English=>CwyzhyTurkish=> Cwyzhy

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445-451. Rules of disagreement for verbs appear to exist in some languages. Some of the properties and consequences of such a rule are examined. An example found in the Blackfoot language is briefly described prior to an examination of the operational functions of the Northwest Caucasian language Abkhaz and the closely related Abaza. These latter two languages point more directly to the existence of a dis-agreement rule, whereby a verb-initial "y" prefix is lost if the verb is immediately preceded by the noun phrase it agrees with. Two alternative solutions are explored.

Anderson, Stephen. 1978. Syllables, Segments, and the Northwest Caucasian Languages. In: Alan Bell & Joan B. Hooper (eds.): Syllables and Segments. Amsterdam: North-Holland publishing Company. 47-58.

Ard, Josh. 1978. Word Order Templates in Ergative Languages. Linguistic Inquiry, 1978, 9, 2, spring, 297-299. A. C. Woodbury ("Greenlandic Eskimo, Ergativity, and Relational Grammar" in Syntax and Semantics 8: Grammatical Relations, Cole, P. & Sadock, J. M. [Eds], New York: Academic Press, 1977) is mistaken in his claim that there are no good test cases for the hypothesis that the word order template for any ergative language can be expressed in subject-O terms. Evidence from Abkhaz, a northern Caucasian ergative lang, demonstrates that word order templates cannot trivially be expressed with the same ease either in subject-O terms or in ergative-absolutive terms in V-first or V-final langs. Evidence from Koryak & Alyutor, two closely related Chukoto-Kamchatkan languages of eastern Siberia, shows that V-medial ergative languages do exist.

Arsba, Nelli Vladimirovna. 1980. Dictionary of Stock-Breeding Terms. Nelli Vladimirovna Arsba. Sukhumi, Abkhazia, 1980, 183 p. Or Dictionary of Animal Husbandry Terms 4.

Arsba, Nelli Vladimirovna. 1986. Dictionary of Dmitri Gulia's Language. Arsba, ?Nach'q'ebia-pha. Sukhum, Abkhazia, 1986. 3.

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Bruening, Benjamin. 1997. Abkhaz-Mabkhaz: M-Reduplication in Abkhaz, Weightless Syllables, and Base-Reduplicant Correspondence. In B. Bruening, M. McGinnis, and Y. Kang (Eds.), PF: Papers at the Interface. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics vol. 30. Cambridge, MA: MIT Working Papers in Linguistics.

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Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1985. K probleme sinxronnogo analiza svistiashche-shipiashchix soglasnyx v abxazsko-adygskix jazykax [On the Problem of the Synchronous Analysis of Hissing-hushing Consonants in Abkhazo-Adyghean Languages]. In: Voprosy Adygejskoj Filologii. Majkop, vol. V (1985), 95-117.

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1985. Nekotorye voprosy abxazo-ubyxskix zvukosootvetstvij [Some problems of Abkhaz-Ubykh Sound Correspondences]. In: Jazyki Azii i Afriki (Fonetika. Leksikologija. Grammatika). Sbornik statej. Moskva: Nauka, Glavnaja redakcija vostochnoj literatury (1985), 223-245.

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1986. Abxazskie leksicheskie zaimstvovanija v ubyxskom jazyke [Abkhaz Lexical Loans in Ubykh]. In: Problemy leksiki i grammatiki jazykov narodov Karachaevo-Cherkesii: Sbornik nauchnyx trudov. Cherkessk (1986), 112-124.

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1986. Sistema svistiashche-shipiashchix soglasnyx v abxazo-adygskix jazykax [The System of Hissing-hushing Consonants in the Abkhazo-Adyghean Languages]. Moskva (1986), 17 p. (a brochure).

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1991. On the Etymology of the Ethnonym /ápswa/ 'Abkhaz'. In: The Annual of the Society for the Study of Caucasia, no. 3, Chicago (1991), 13-18.

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1992. Abxazo-abazinskaja dialektologija i rekonstrukcija praabxazskoj fonemnoj sistemy [Abkhaz-Abaza Dialectology and the Reconstruction of the Proto-Abkhaz Phonemic System]. In: Nartskij epos i kavkazskoe jazykoznanie. Societas Caucasologica Europaea, IV Colloquium. Adyge Respublik, 23-25.VI.1992. Majkop (1992), 331-342

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1995. Etimologicheskij analiz dvux abxazskox i slavianskix slov [Etymological Analysis of Two Abkhaz and Slavic Words]. Etimologija. 1992, Moskva.

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1995. On the problem of the genesis of the suffix of Future II -ša in Abkhaz and Abaza. In: Ezhegodnik Iberijsko-Kavkazskogo Jazykoznanija. Tbilisi (1995).

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1996. A Dictionary of Common Abkhaz. Leiden.Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1996. Sadz, an Abkhaz dialect in Turkey. In NSL 8, Linguistic

Studies in the non-Slavic languages of the Commonwealth of Independent States and the Baltic Republics. Chicago: The University of Chicago, 67-81.

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1997. Abxazskij jazyk. In: Jazyki Rossijskoj Fedracii i Sosednix Gosudarstv. Encilpopedija v trex tomax. I. A-I [The Abkhaz language. In: Languages of the Russian Federation and Neighbouring States. Encyclopaedia in three parts. I. A-I]. Moskva: Nauka (1997), 8-18.

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1997. Abxazsko-adygskie jazyki. In: Jazyki Rossijskoj Fedracii i Sosednix Gosudarstv. Encilpopedija v trex tomax. I. A-I [The Abkhazo-Adyghean Languages. In: Languages of the Russian Federation and Neighbouring States. Encyclopaedia in three parts. I. A-I]. Moskva: Nauka (1997), 18-24.

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1997. Distribution of Abkhaz Dialects in Turkey. In: A. Sumru Özsoy (ed.). Proceedings of the Conference on Northwest Caucasian Linguistics, 10-12 October 1994. Studia Caucasologica III. Novus forlag - Oslo, Institutet for sammenlignende kulturforskning (1997), 63-88.

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Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1998. K voprosu ob abxazskix zaimstvovanijax v megrel'skom jazyke [On the Question of Abkhaz Loans in Megrel]. In: Voprosy Jazykoznanija, No. 4 (1998), 128-142.

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. 1998. K voprosy ob abkhazskikh zaimstvovaniyakh v megrel'skom yazyke [On the Question of Abkhaz Loans in Mingrelian]. Voprosy yazykoznaniya, 1998, 47, 4, July-Aug, 128-142. [Geographical contiguousness has facilitated long-term & extensive contacts between the Mingrelians, a western Kartvelian people, & the neighboring Abkhaz, speakers of a northern Caucasian language related to Nakh-Dagestanian; the links between these people seem to have extended as far as joint states, including that of the semi-legendary Colchids. Until the 20th century, dynastic links between Mingrelian & Abkhaz royalty were strong. The characteristics of the extensive linguistic contact between the two speech communities are discussed. Abkhaz loans into Mingrelian are analyzed phonologically; relevant changes to vowels, diphthongs, & consonants, & clusters are detailed. Also discussed are lexical-etymological characteristics of the influence of Abkhaz on Mingrelian; it is noted that there are typological similarities between the two (presumably unrelated) languages. It is concluded that the effect of Abkhaz on Mingrelian has been far-reaching in most areas of the language, including the sound system, morphology, lexicon, & syntax; this is evidence of long-term & extensive contact between the two communities.

Chirikba, Vjacheslav. and G. Kalimova. 1988. Fragmenty rechevogo etiketa abxazov [Fragments of Speech Etiquette of Abkhazians]. In: Etnopsixolingvistika. Moskva: Nauka (1988), 138-152.

Colarusso, John. 1975. The Northwest Caucasian Languages: A Phonological Survey. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Reprinted in 1988 by Garland Press, New York.

Colarusso, John. 1988. The Northwest Caucasian Languages: A Phonological Survey. New York: Garland.

Colarusso, John. 1994. Proto-Northwest Caucasian (Or How to Crack a Very Hard Nut). The Journal of Indo-European Studies, 1994, 22, 1-2, spring-summer, 1-35. The Northwest Caucasian (NWC) languages - Circassian, Kabardian, Ubykh, Abkhaz, & Abaza - have been remarkably resistant to efforts at reconstruction of a parent language, primarily due to the small number & phonemic simplicity of basic roots composing the lexical inventories of the attested languages; presumed sets of cognates frequently represent repetitions of the same root & therefore do not constitute additional evidence for a sound correspondence. A reinterpretation of phonological changes as feature changes provides a key to the problem, as changes to individual features are supported by larger number of cognate sets. Reconstructions are posited for 116 NWC cognate sets, based on a theory of migration of features from syllable nuclei to onsets prior to Proto-NWC & six assumptions regarding Proto-NWC synchronic processes: (1) ablaut of the remaining vowels /(schwa)/ & /a/, (2) palatalization & labialization of consonants due to original high & rounded vowels & (3) palatalization due to a root glide, fossilized systems of (4) preverbs & (5) class markers reinterpreted as parts of lexemes, & (6) complex consonant cluster changes.

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Comrie, Bernard. 1996. Adaptations of the Cyrillic Alphabet. Chpt in THE WORLD'S WRITING SYSTEMS, Daniels, Peter T., & Bright, William [Eds], New York, NY: Oxford U Press, Inc, 1996, pp 700-726

Dameniya, I. 1992. Iz istorii razvitiya abkhazskoy pis'mennosti v XIX-nachale XX v. [From the History of the Development of the Abkhaz Script in the Nineteenth and Beginning of the Twentieth Centuries]. Vestnik Sankt-Peterburgskogo Universiteta, Seriya 2: Istoriya, Yazykoznanie, Literaturovedenie, 1992, 3(16), July, 95-97. After a brief outline of the history of research in Abkhaz language & literature by Russian scholars in the early 19th century, the principal contributors to the formation of an alphabet for the Abkhaz language on the basis of the Russian Cyrillic script are discussed. P. K. Uslar in 1862 proposed an alphabet consisting of 55 graphemes adopted with no major changes in I. A. Bartolomey's script of 1865, which, however, contained only 52 letters. K. D. Machavariani proposed a 47-letter alphabet in 1892, & A. M. Chochua's alphabet of 1909 was introduced to schools. S. M. Ashkhatsava's script of 1906 consisting of 77 letters did not receive practical application.

Dondua, K., ed. 1928. Russian-Abkhazian and Abkhazian-Russian Dictionary. Edited by K. D. Dondua. Leningrad: Leningrad Oriental Institute, 1928.

Dumézil, Georges (1937) Contes Lazes, pp. 31-38. Paris: Institut d’Ethnologie.Dzanasia, Bagrat. 1954. Abkhaz-Georgian Dictionary. Bagrat. Tbilisi, Georgia, 1954,

VIII, 468 p.Guerin, Francoise. 1997. Evolution des verbes caucasiens: de la coexistence ou non des

marques de "genre" et des marques personnelles a l'interieur des syntagmes verbaux [The Evolution of Caucasian Verbs: On the Coexistence or Noncoexistence of "Gender" and Personal Markers inside Verbal Syntagms]. Cahiers de l'Institut de Linguistique de Louvain, 1996-1997, 22-23, 3-4/1-2, 191-194. A comparative inventory of the person & gender markers found in the verbal complex of North Caucasian languages reveals a wide variety of types, ranging from Lesghian & Andi, which have no trace of person & gender affixes, to Dargwa, Bats, & Lak, which have both marker types. Only markers are found in Avar, Ingush, & Chechen; only person markers in Tabarasan & Udi; & a single series integrating the two functions occurs in Abkhaz. To clarify the motivations of such disparate developments in the framework of syntactic economy, it is noted that markers performing the same functions appear to have diverse origins, several languages having incorporated pronominal elements into the verb. Only Lak appears to continue the protolanguage arrangement.

Haspelmath, Martin. 1992. Grammaticization Theory and Heads in Morphology. Chpt in MORPHOLOGY NOW, Aronoff, Mark [Ed], Albany, NY: State U of New York Press, 1992, pp 69-82. The introduction of the generative- & categorial-grammar notion of morphological heads to functionalist morphology is proposed in a discussion of the explanatory power of grammaticization theory (GT). Data from Turkish, German, Georgian, & Abkhaz are analyzed go show that GT can be simplified by using heads to eliminate radical reanalysis of syntactic relations & that the typological parameter of head- vs dependent-marking languages is explicable by grammaticization preferences, head-marking languages having preferentially grammaticized dependents & vice versa. The historical relationship between syntax & morphology, a central principle of GT, may clarify the degree of separation between these two components of grammar.

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Hewitt, B. George. 1979. Abkhaz. Viking Penguin / January 1979Hewitt, B. George. 1979. The Expression of 'Inferentiality' in Abkhaz. Journal of

Linguistics, 1979, 15, 1, Mar, 87-92. Attention has been drawn to the close association between perfect tense forms & forms used to express inferentiality in a wide variety of langs, eg, most Caucasian languages from the Daghestan & Kartvel families. It has been demonstrated that the Georgian inferential nuance has developed from the basic meaning of the perfect during the course of centuries; such a development may be presumed to have occurred in the remaining Caucasian langs, & once the inferential became established in the perfect, other inferential V-forms were created for other tenses. The inferential-system of Abkhaz, one of the three North West Caucasian langs, is examined. Apart from the Future I & the Conditional I, all Abkhaz tenses have a special inferential form, the exponent of which will be either -zaap' or -zaar(schwa)n, depending on the tense. These exponents are analyzed, & it is found that their most likely original function was to mark futurity of stative Vs. It is concluded that the Abkhaz inferential system has developed not from the perfect but from the future form of stative Vs. It is suggested that this is not an illogical association for, just as any pronouncement about the future may be proved wrong by the subsequent information acquisition, exactly the same applies to every statement made as a result of a speaker's inference.

Hewitt, B. George. 1979. The Relative Clause in Abkhaz (Abzui Dialect). Lingua, 1979, 47, 2-3, Feb-Mar, 151-188. Presented is an exhaustive treatment of the relative-clause forming strategy of Abkhaz, a Northwest Caucasian lang. The relevant verbal morphology is sketched, & examination examples showing that there are no restrictions on which NP may stand as head-N of a relative clause, provides no immediate support for the so-called Accessibility Hierarchy (see LLBA XII/1, 7800627). More complex structures, where the relative clause contains both a superordinate & a dependent V, are investigated in determining what restrictions manifest themselves in the formation of relative clauses. It is found that, depending on the dependent V's form, the superordinate V must also in some cases contain a mark of its own "relative" status. An explanation is offered of why a relative affix should appear in the superordinate V in some circumstances but not in others.

Hewitt, B. George. 1984. Parataxis Revisited (Via the Caucasus). General Linguistics, 1984, 24, 1, spring, 1-20. An attempt to disprove the view that paratactic structures are unnatural linguistic phenomena & should thus not be ascribed to protolangs (Lightfoot, D., Principles of Diachronic Syntax, Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 1979). The evidence comes from the widespread use of direct speech reporting strategies with Vs not normally associated with direct speech (eg, 'to fear') in two Caucasian langs, Georgian & Abkhaz. The data are primarily from informants (N unspecified). If parataxis can be shown to be alive & well in such living langs, then it is perfectly justifiable to reconstruct it in parent langs. From a morphological analysis of Old Georgian's complementizers it is argued that in origin they were cataphoric elements associated with direct quotations & thus that N-clause complementation in Georgian is an embedding procedure developed from an earlier paratactic stage. Abkhaz appears to be actually in the process of developing a fully-fledged complementizer out of its particle indicating the quotation of direct speech. All of this

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seems to confirm the faith in a development from parataxis to hypotaxis, as originally proposed by the classical philologists.

Hewitt, B. George. 1989. Abkhaz. In The Indigenous Languages of the Caucasus, volume 2, ed. B. G. Hewitt. Delmar, New York: Caravan.

Hewitt, B. George. 1990. Aspects of Language Planning in Georgia (Georgian and Abkhaz). In LANGUAGE PLANNING IN THE SOVIET UNION, Michael Kirkwood, ed. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press, Inc.

Hewitt, B. George. 1998. Abkhaz Newspaper Reader (with Zaira Khiba). MRM.Hewitt, B. George. 1999. Language, The Abkhazians: a handbook. George Hewitt (Ed.).

Richmond, Surrey, England, 1999Hewitt, B. George. 2001. Convergence in Language Change: Morpho-Syntactic Patterns

in Mingrelian (and Laz). Transactions of the Philological Society, 2001, 99, 1, May, 99-145. [The paper examines two features of Mingrelian (Kartvelian): (1) the marking of subordinate clauses by either clause-final suffix -n(i)/-i/(schwa) alone or this suffix + a full subordinating conjunction (or relative pronoun); (2) the conditional forms in -k'o(n(i)), which are peculiar within Kartvelian to Mingrelian & its close sister Laz. Influence exerted long ago by the North West Caucasian language Abkhaz, whose speakers may be presumed to have been in close contact with the Zan ancestors of Laz-Mingrelians, it is claimed, might feasibly underlie these phenomena. The discussion finally touches upon consideration of the possible role played by parataxis in the development of some hypotactic constructions in the history of at least some languages, especially in light of a recent attempt to refute the notion that hypotaxis can be so derived.

K'aslandzia, V. 1981. Short Dictionary of the Synonyms of the Abkhaz Language. V. K'aslandzia. Sukhum, Abkhazia, 1981.

K'aslandzia, V. 1985. German-Abkhaz Phraseological Dictionary. V.. Tbilisi, the Georgian SSR, 1985.

K'aslandzia, V. 1989. Phraseological Dictionary of the Abkhaz Language - first part: A-F. V. K'aslandzia. Sukhum, Abkhazia, 1989.

Kathman, Dave. 1991. Stress and Accent in Abkhaz. Proceedings - Eastern States Conference on Linguistics (ESCOL), 1991, 8, 210-221. An analysis of word stress in the Northwest Caucasian language Abkhaz is presented, using grid-based metrical phonology. The relevant units for stress assignment in Abkhaz are moras rather than syllables; each mora is lexically accented or unaccented, & stress in a word falls on the first accented mora not immediately followed by another accented mora. Translated into metrical notation (accented = two asterisks, unaccented = one asterisk), this system can be reduced to the two extremely common rules of clash deletion & the end rule. This analysis has several other advantages, ie, it automatically accounts for so-called irrational schwas in Abkhaz, & allows a simple account of two seemingly irregular morphemes, which can be analyzed as lexically stressed (having three asterisks) & extrametrical (no asterisks).

Kathman, David. 1993. Abkhaz and the Nature of Object Agreement. Chpt in FLSM III: PAPERS FROM THE THIRD ANNUAL MEETING OF THE FORMAL LINGUISTICS SOCIETY OF MIDAMERICA, Stvan, Laurel Smith et al [Eds], Bloomington, IN: Indiana U Linguistics Club, 1993, pp 125-138. An examination of three types of object agreement - direct, indirect, & adpositional - in Abkhaz, a

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Northwest Caucasian language, provides counterexamples to recent attempts to unite all forms of agreement under coindexation of specifier & head. The facts of Abkhaz, which has postposition-object agreement & double verb-object agreement in double object constructions, vitiate Noam Chomsky's proposal (1991) of an object agreement head AgrO & Carol Georgopoulos's claim (see LLBA 26/1, 9200922) that agreement is triggered by movement of the object into the VP specifier position. The theory of specifier-head agreement is saved by placing AgrO inside VP as the verb complement; the specifier position of the AgrO projection is the base site of the object, which need not move, as head movement permits AgrO to raise to the verb. It is argued that a universal VP-internal AgrO provides a simple, unifying account of English double object constructions, object control verbs with double complement, & small clauses.

Kathman, David. 1995. Verb Agreement and Grammatical Relations. Chpt in GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS: THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO EMPIRICAL QUESTIONS, Burgess, Clifford S., Dziwirek, Katarzyna, & Gerdts, Donna [Eds], Stanford, CA: Center Study Language & Information, 1995, pp 153-170. Accounts of the syntax & morphology of Georgian inversion constructions by Alice Harris (1981) & Stephen Anderson (1984) are critically examined, & it is argued that a simpler & more constrained treatment is available using a model of parallel syntactic & morphological subcategorization frames. The former are drawn from the f-structures of lexical functional grammar & correspond to structures of relational grammar, whereas the latter subcategorize in terms of morphological agreement markers instead of grammatical relations. Principles of optimality & reciprocity govern the relationship between the syntactic & morphological frames of a given verb, & Georgian is proposed to have a marked linking rule that violates optimality by allowing line crossings in the inversion construction. This analysis is extended to the relation between ergative morphology & nominative-accusative syntax seen in Abkhaz, a Northwest Caucasian language in which a proposed language-specific rule links the syntactic object to the highest agreement marker. Although the model proposed here is strikingly similar to Donna B. Gerdts's (eg, 1993) mapping theory, the latter disallows line crossings in linkings between syntactic & morphological levels.

Khalbad, T. 1977. Dictionary of Linguistic Terms. T. Khalbad. Sukhum, Abkhazia, 1977.

Khalbad, T. 1980. Terminological Dictionary of Vegetable-growing. T. Khalbad, Sukhum, Abkhazia, 1980.

Khasba, A. 1928. Russian-Abkhaz Dictionary. A. Khashba. Leningrad, 1928, cm. 24.13. Kibrik, Andrej. 1992. Relativization in Polysynthetic Languages. International Journal of

American Linguistics, 1992, 58, 2, Apr, 135-157. The expression of argument sharedness between relative clauses (RCs) & main clauses (MCs) is examined in an analysis of data from Navajo & Abkhaz, two languages defined as polysynthetic, as all core arguments are marked on the verb. Previous analyses involving deletion of the shared argument in the MC are critiqued, & it is argued that the primary relativization strategy in both Navajo & Abkhaz is one of insertion: the shared argument occurs only once, in the RC, & the RC plays the corresponding argument role in the MC. This one-copy strategy is contrasted with its opposite, the two-copy or

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combining strategy in languages where the shared argument occurs in both MC & RC, typically with reduction of one of the copies. English & Russian analogues of the insertion strategy are analyzed to show that in nonpolysynthetic languages marking only subject features on the verb, the strategy is restricted to subjective shared arguments. Spoken French, however, has relativization structures that are isomorphic to those of Navajo & Abkhaz. It is questioned whether zero-headed relativization structures exist in any language.

Kjellin, Olle and Julie Lovins. 1975. Is a High, Low, Back, Nonback Sound Possible? Annual Bulletin, Research Institute of Logopedics and Phoniatrics, 1975, 9, 167-170. In theory, a sound can be both (+ high) & (+ low) & ( + back) & (back), because the front part of the tongue may be raised & the lower part backed. Such sounds seem to exist in the Northwest Caucasian languages Abaza & Abkhaz, where there is a palatalized pharyngeal ejective. Therefore, Chomsky & Halle's constraint that 'the phonetic characterization of 'low' & 'high' rules out sounds that are ( +low) & (+ high) (See LLBA III/4, p. 1316.) is faulty. The Abaza & Abkhaz ejective would be represented as (+ high), (+ low), (+ back), (- back). This can be modified to indicate which features go together. Chomsky & Halle assume that clicks involve secondary articulations, but they can be seen instead as noncontinuants with extreme velarization. The tongue can articulate 'in two places at once,' both horizontally & vertically.

Klinger, Jorg. 1994. Hattisch und Sprachverwandtschaft [Hattic and Linguistic Affiliation]. Chpt in HETHITICA XII, Laroche, Emmanuel, Neu, Erich, Duhoux, Yves, Jucquois, Guy, Popko, Macej, & Lebrun, Rene [Eds], Louvain-La-Neuve, Belgium: Peeters, 1994, pp 23-40. An overview of Hattic's supposed genetic affinities with Caucasian languages. Various views are presented on Hattic's affiliations, particularly the views relating it to both North & South Caucasian languages. It is noted that this is contradictory & ignores the unsettled nature of intra-Caucasian relations. Initially, these theories were based on lexical correspondences, & it is observed that lexical comparison has its limits. Attempts at making a connection by morphological structure are discussed, in particular the supposed similarity of their layered verbal prefix systems. What is presently known about Hattic prefixes is described for each preverbal slot & compared to the functions of these slots for Abkhaz, showing a stark discrepancy in the role of the positions. An examination of a proposal based on implicational universals shows that the data are conflicting or unknown. The claim that Hattic was an ergative language (a common Caucasian areal feature) is refuted.

Kuipers, Aert (1960) Phoneme and Morpheme in Kabardian. The Hague: Mouton.Kvarchija, V. 1981. The Vocabulary of Animal-husbandry (Shepherding) in the Abkhaz

Language. V. Kvarchija. Sukhum, Abkhazia, 1981.Laver, John (1994) Principles of phonetics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Lomtatidze, K. 1975. K voprosu o kriterii vydeleniya dialektov (Na materiale abkhazsko-

adyskikh yazykov) [The Criteria for Distinguishing Dialects (Based on Data from the Abkhaz and Adygsk Languages)]. Izvestiya Akademii nauk SSSR, Seriya literatury i yazyka, 1975, 34, 2, Mar-Apr, 141-143. Presented is an attempt to show that in languages with complex phonological systems, the possibility of spontaneous phonetic processes exists with a correspondingly more appreciable distribution of this

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feature in their dialects. Various languages distribute phonetic features on a varying scale, determined both by the phonological system of the lang, & by integration processes. Distinguishing a given lang's dialects is difficult due to lack of a single criterion; however, a lang's complex phonological system acts as a basis for generating various spontaneous processes & consequently a strong distribution in its dialects' phonological components.

Lomtatidze, K. 1975. K voprosu o prirode sonantov i ob ikh korrelyativnykh parakh [On the Nature of Sonants and Their Correlative Pairs]. Voprosy yazykoznaniya, 1975, 3, May-June, 112-118. It is usually considered that sonants, if they do not constitute correlative pairs in a given lang, may not produce voicing next to voiceless conss. This law was used as the basis for studies attempting to explain the data from the Abaza lang; however, data from the Abkhaz-Adyg and other Kartvelian languages shows that sonants deprived of correlativity in a given language may produce voicing in preceding voiceless conss.

Lucassen, Wim and Albert Starreveld. 19XX. Abkhaz-English Dictionary. Delmar. New York.

Marr, Nikolaj. 1925. Abkhaz-Russian Dictionary [Aid to Lectures]. Nikolaj Jakovlevic Marr. Leningrad, 1925.

Marr, Nikolaj. 1928. Abkhaz-Russian Dictionary. Nikolaj Jakovlevic Marr. Leningrad, 1928, LV, 159 p.

Mikaja, Dzh. 1985. Pedagogical Dictionary of the Abkhaz Language. Dzh. Mikaia. Sukhum, Abkhazia, 1985.

Murasugi, Kumiko. 1995. Lexical Case and NP Raising. Chpt in GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS: THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO EMPIRICAL QUESTIONS, Burgess, Clifford S., Dziwirek, Katarzyna, & Gerdts, Donna [Eds], Stanford, CA: Center Study Language & Information, 1995, pp 309-320. In opposition to a claim by Noam Chomsky (1992) that crossing paths are universal, the economy principle of shortest movement is argued to result in nested paths when both subject & object are available for movement in ergative languages, as shown by constraints on relativization in Inuit (Eskimo) & the unmarked order of verbal agreement markers in Tzutujil (Mayan) & Abkhaz (Northwest Caucasian). The generation of crossing paths in accusative languages is attributed to lexical case assignment by transitive verbs to their complement or its specifier under a condition that structural case assignment also applies, requiring the object to move to the transitive phrase specifier. Ergative languages differ from accusative ones in that lexical case is not evidenced in the former & structural case assignment is therefore not necessary.

Nach'qebia-pha, S. 1988. Dictionary of the Homographs of the Abkhaz Language. S. ?. Sukhum, Abkhazia, 1988.

Pertsov, N. 1996. Grammaticheskoe i obyazatel'noe v yazyke [The Grammatical and the Obligatory in Language]. Voprosy yazykoznaniya, 1996, 45, 4, July-Aug, 39-61. A summary of past work (dating back to the Classical era) devoted to the idea of the "obligatory" in grammar is given; the distinction between grammatical & ungrammatical is acknowledged, & the universal unit of grammar - the grammeme - is assumed. Illustrative examples from various languages that demonstrate the necessity of assuming an obligatory set of grammemes are provided. These include the use of the postposed definite article in Bulgarian, the potential or abilitative mood

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in Hungarian, the citative or quotative mood in Estonian, the auditive mood in Nenets, the emphatic particle in Georgian, the transformative or qualitative particle in Abkhaz; the possessive morpheme ['s] in English, & the Russian directional particle -ka. A cline (drawing on heuristic criteria with counterexamples provided) is traced, along which the gradual shift from the purely grammatical to the purely lexical can be described.

Rayfield, Donald. 1989. Review of: Hewitt, The Typology of Subordination in Georgian and Abkhaz. Multilingua, 1989, 8, 4, 428-430

Rayfield, Donald. 1996. Georgian Ornithonyms, with Armenian and Caucasian Parallels. Annual of Armenian Linguistics, 1996, 17, 1-10. Possible genetic & areal relationships of 20 Georgian words designating bird species are examined. Equivalents in Abkhaz, Adyge, Ingush, Northeast Caucasian (NEC) languages, & five Indo-European (IE) languages are adduced for comparison. Although Georgian orbi 'eagle' has been argued to have IE ties, similar terms are found in Ingush & Chechen; IE & NEC parallels to Georgian c'ero 'crane' suggest a bird call imitation, as do terms for the sparrow, chaffinch, magpie, & other species. Culturally motivated borrowings from IE sources, primarily Armenian & Greek, are traced; Georgian influences on Abkhaz bird terms are noted.

Sagey, Elizabeth (1986) The Representation of Features and Relations in Non-Linear Phonology. Doctoral dissertation, MIT.

Samandzhia, L. 1987. Dictionary of the Homonyms of the Abkhaz Language. L.. Sukhum, Abkhazia, 1987.

Shakryl, K. and V. Kondzharija. 1986. Dictionary of the Abkhaz Language. Sukhum, Abkhazia, 1986. 2 Vols. "A reasonably comprehensive two-volume dictionary with both Abkhaz and Russian explanations" –

Southern, Mark.Stefanski, Witold. 1992. Review of Hewitt, The Typology of Subordination in Georgian

and Abkhaz. Linguistic and Oriental Studies from Poznan, 1992, 1, 231-232Stefanski, Witold. 1992. Semantic Paradigms of the Polypersonal Verbs. Lingua

Posnaniensis, 1991-1992, 34, 89-104. Semantic analyses of subject-, object-, & designator-marking paradigms of the types found in polypersonal verb languages are based on a structure of communicative space consisting of a base, a center, & active & passive peripheries, over which the possible combinations of two actants are distributed. Subspaces are defined for number & gender marking & for tripersonal verbs. Basque, Georgian, & Abkhaz verbal systems are considered, & subspaces are fully specified for all combinations in all paradigm types, including those distinguishing inclusive & exclusive categories.

Stepanov, Juri. 1974. O zavisimosti ponatiya fonemy ot poniatia sloga pri sinchronomy opisanii i istoricheskoi rekonstruktsii [The Dependence of the Phoneme upon the Syllable in Synchronic Description and Historical Reconstruction]. Voprosy yazykoznaniya, 1974, 5, Sep-Oct, 96-106. It is well known that at a given moment of its history a language's phonetic system admits of several phonemic solutions. Therefore, the objective fundamental which remains unchanged with all the solutions & enables judgement of their adequacy must be determined. The syllable structure is such a fundamental. A phonemic presentation must take into account the palatal (diesis or sharp) syllables vs. the velar or labio-velar (flat) syllables, e.g., the open

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syllables -ki- & -ku- are sharp & flat, respectively. The prosodic features of sharpness or flatness belong to the syllable as a whole. In describing a language, when the linguist proceedes from phonetic, immediately observable data to more abstract & discrete units -- phonemes -- 2 theoretically possible solutions are available to him: (1) Because the features of sharpenss & flatness are attached to the consonant, there are 2 different consonant phonemes & a vowel phoneme (1 & the same in both cases); (2) Because the features are attached to the vowel, there are 2 vowel & a consonant phonemes (the consonant being a featureless phoneme). Modern Russian serves as an example of a language for which both phonemic representations are possible. Languages with only weak accommodation (or no accommodation at all) between vowels & consonants within a syllable (e.g., Modern French) call for the 2nd solution. Strongly accommodating languages (e.g., Modern Russian, Aranta, Lakk, Abkhaz, Kashmiri) admit of both phonemizations. For the latter type of languages the following rule of option may be stated: a language with a tendency to open syllables is more apt for the 1st phonemization; a language with a tendency to close syllables, for the 2nd one. The described dependencies hold true for neutral syllables (containing -a- or the "neutral sound"), not only for the palatal & velar zones, but also for the laryngeal & pharyngeal zones. The intricate controversy over reconstruction of laryngeals & vowels in Proto-Indo-European is restated syllabically.

Stvan, Laurel Smith (ed.)van den Berg, Helma, ed. 1999. Studies in Caucasian Linguistics: Selected papers of the

eighth Caucasian colloquium. Leiden: Research School CNWS, Universiteit Leiden. [contains several useful articles on Abkhaz]

Vaux 1994Vaux 1998Vaux, Bert and Zihni Psiypa. 1997. The C—å±´å Dialect of Abkhaz,” Harvard Working

Papers in Linguistics 6, Susumu Kuno, Bert Vaux, and Steve Peter, eds. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Linguistics Department.

Wagner and Nevins for recent discussion of overwriting reduplicationWood, Sidney A. J.. Vertical, Monovocalic and Other 'Impossible' Vowel Systems: A

Review of the Articulation of the Kabardian Vowels Studia Linguistica. 45(1-2):49-70. 1991.

Yanagisawa, Tamio. 2000. Abkhaz Verb Accent-A Review of V. A. 'Dybo's Law' of Abkhaz Accent. Nagoya Working Papers in Linguistics, 2000, 16, 41-65. [V. A. Dybo's law of accent in Abkhaz (Northwestern Caucasian) is confronted with field data from the Abzhuy dialect of Abkhaz; analysis is limited to the accentuation of verbs lacking a preverb, ie, Dybo's classes A, B, C, & D. Results show that stress positions in the data conform to Dybo's law in the one- & two-place intransitive stative verbs of classes A & B respectively. The dynamic verbs of classes A & B also accord with Dybo's law provided the accent valency of the negation marker of the aorist, perfect, past indefinite, & pluperfect is specified as (1) positive for class B & for class A roots with negative accent valency & subject marker with positive accent valency & (2) negative for class A otherwise. The alternation between (1) & (2) remains unexplained. Numerous exceptions to Dybo's law are found in class C verbs; in the only verb in class D accepted by the informant, a-ta-ra 'to give', conformity to Dybo's law is conditional on the contents of affixal column 2.

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