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The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The contraction of the unmarked tensemorpheme duplicated due to prosodic
minimality1
Hiroki Koga
Saga University
1st Conference of Morphology and its interfaces (MI)Universiteacute Charles-de-Gaulle-Lille 3 Lille France
September 13th 2013
1The current work is supported by KAKENHI of Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS) specifically
Grant-in-aid for Scientific Research (C) No 24520432 in the academic year 2013
Hiroki Koga 1 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 2 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 3 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The non-past forms of verbs plus the head noun tokilsquotimersquo lsquowhen rsquo in Japanese Saga western dialect
Each lsquonon-pastrsquo form of 1) the so-called vowel e-finalbase verbs and 2) the strong base verbs ends with theformer part of the geminate consonant if immediatelyfollowed by a consonant
nut toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps rsquocf nuru toki [Fukuoka Yanagawa]
neru toki [Standard]
Note that nu toki and that the vowel immediately beforethe geminate is u
See Table 1Hiroki Koga 4 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
[m-class] S-western S-Takeo F-Yanagawa Standard[C-final]lsquofloatrsquo uku toki uku toki uku toki uku tokilsquosellrsquo u toki ut toki uru toki uru toki[e-final]lsquosleeprsquo nut toki nut toki nuru toki neru tokilsquoeatrsquo tabut toki tabut toki taburu toki taberu toki[i-final]lsquowearrsquo ki toki kit toki kiru toki kiru tokilsquowakersquo oki toki okit toki okiru toki okiru toki[strong]lsquocomersquo kut toki kut toki kuru toki kuru toki
Table 1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of verbs plus toki lsquowhen rsquo
Hiroki Koga 5 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
Each lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the vowel i-final base verbs andthe r-consonant-final base verbs ends with the latterpart of the lengthened vowel
u toki lsquowhen (he) sells (them) rsquooki toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up rsquo
cf uru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]okiru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 1
Hiroki Koga 6 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The sentence-final and prenominal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms ofverbs in old Japanese
The last final ru of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo form ofthe vowel e-final base verbs and strong base verbs butNOT of the r consonant-final base verbs is absent incontrast with its pre-nominal counterpart
nu lsquo(He) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquonuru toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquotabu lsquo(He) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquotaburu toki lsquoWhen (he) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquo
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 7 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
m-class S-final Prenominal (lsquowhen rsquo)C-final uku uku toki
uru uru tokie-final nu nuru toki
tabu taburu tokii-final kiru kiru toki
oku okuru tokistrong ku kuru toki
Table 2 The sentence-final and prenominal verbal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms inclassical Japanese
Hiroki Koga 8 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The stem-final i of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo formwill be replaced with u if the verb stem is a vowel i-finalbase verb and is equal to or longer than two moras likeoki and ru is added to this for its pre-nominalcounterpart
oku lsquo(He) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquookuru toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquo
cf okiru [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 9 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The final rursquos of the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the polite formswhich are analyzed as a kind of the strong base verb slsquodorsquo are absent
-masu lsquo [polite] [Old Japanese]rsquomasuru
cf su [F-Yanagawa Standard]suru lsquo(He) does so [F-Yanagawa Standard]rsquo
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 10 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 2 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 3 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The non-past forms of verbs plus the head noun tokilsquotimersquo lsquowhen rsquo in Japanese Saga western dialect
Each lsquonon-pastrsquo form of 1) the so-called vowel e-finalbase verbs and 2) the strong base verbs ends with theformer part of the geminate consonant if immediatelyfollowed by a consonant
nut toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps rsquocf nuru toki [Fukuoka Yanagawa]
neru toki [Standard]
Note that nu toki and that the vowel immediately beforethe geminate is u
See Table 1Hiroki Koga 4 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
[m-class] S-western S-Takeo F-Yanagawa Standard[C-final]lsquofloatrsquo uku toki uku toki uku toki uku tokilsquosellrsquo u toki ut toki uru toki uru toki[e-final]lsquosleeprsquo nut toki nut toki nuru toki neru tokilsquoeatrsquo tabut toki tabut toki taburu toki taberu toki[i-final]lsquowearrsquo ki toki kit toki kiru toki kiru tokilsquowakersquo oki toki okit toki okiru toki okiru toki[strong]lsquocomersquo kut toki kut toki kuru toki kuru toki
Table 1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of verbs plus toki lsquowhen rsquo
Hiroki Koga 5 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
Each lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the vowel i-final base verbs andthe r-consonant-final base verbs ends with the latterpart of the lengthened vowel
u toki lsquowhen (he) sells (them) rsquooki toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up rsquo
cf uru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]okiru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 1
Hiroki Koga 6 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The sentence-final and prenominal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms ofverbs in old Japanese
The last final ru of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo form ofthe vowel e-final base verbs and strong base verbs butNOT of the r consonant-final base verbs is absent incontrast with its pre-nominal counterpart
nu lsquo(He) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquonuru toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquotabu lsquo(He) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquotaburu toki lsquoWhen (he) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquo
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 7 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
m-class S-final Prenominal (lsquowhen rsquo)C-final uku uku toki
uru uru tokie-final nu nuru toki
tabu taburu tokii-final kiru kiru toki
oku okuru tokistrong ku kuru toki
Table 2 The sentence-final and prenominal verbal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms inclassical Japanese
Hiroki Koga 8 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The stem-final i of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo formwill be replaced with u if the verb stem is a vowel i-finalbase verb and is equal to or longer than two moras likeoki and ru is added to this for its pre-nominalcounterpart
oku lsquo(He) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquookuru toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquo
cf okiru [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 9 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The final rursquos of the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the polite formswhich are analyzed as a kind of the strong base verb slsquodorsquo are absent
-masu lsquo [polite] [Old Japanese]rsquomasuru
cf su [F-Yanagawa Standard]suru lsquo(He) does so [F-Yanagawa Standard]rsquo
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 10 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 3 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The non-past forms of verbs plus the head noun tokilsquotimersquo lsquowhen rsquo in Japanese Saga western dialect
Each lsquonon-pastrsquo form of 1) the so-called vowel e-finalbase verbs and 2) the strong base verbs ends with theformer part of the geminate consonant if immediatelyfollowed by a consonant
nut toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps rsquocf nuru toki [Fukuoka Yanagawa]
neru toki [Standard]
Note that nu toki and that the vowel immediately beforethe geminate is u
See Table 1Hiroki Koga 4 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
[m-class] S-western S-Takeo F-Yanagawa Standard[C-final]lsquofloatrsquo uku toki uku toki uku toki uku tokilsquosellrsquo u toki ut toki uru toki uru toki[e-final]lsquosleeprsquo nut toki nut toki nuru toki neru tokilsquoeatrsquo tabut toki tabut toki taburu toki taberu toki[i-final]lsquowearrsquo ki toki kit toki kiru toki kiru tokilsquowakersquo oki toki okit toki okiru toki okiru toki[strong]lsquocomersquo kut toki kut toki kuru toki kuru toki
Table 1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of verbs plus toki lsquowhen rsquo
Hiroki Koga 5 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
Each lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the vowel i-final base verbs andthe r-consonant-final base verbs ends with the latterpart of the lengthened vowel
u toki lsquowhen (he) sells (them) rsquooki toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up rsquo
cf uru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]okiru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 1
Hiroki Koga 6 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The sentence-final and prenominal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms ofverbs in old Japanese
The last final ru of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo form ofthe vowel e-final base verbs and strong base verbs butNOT of the r consonant-final base verbs is absent incontrast with its pre-nominal counterpart
nu lsquo(He) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquonuru toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquotabu lsquo(He) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquotaburu toki lsquoWhen (he) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquo
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 7 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
m-class S-final Prenominal (lsquowhen rsquo)C-final uku uku toki
uru uru tokie-final nu nuru toki
tabu taburu tokii-final kiru kiru toki
oku okuru tokistrong ku kuru toki
Table 2 The sentence-final and prenominal verbal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms inclassical Japanese
Hiroki Koga 8 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The stem-final i of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo formwill be replaced with u if the verb stem is a vowel i-finalbase verb and is equal to or longer than two moras likeoki and ru is added to this for its pre-nominalcounterpart
oku lsquo(He) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquookuru toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquo
cf okiru [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 9 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The final rursquos of the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the polite formswhich are analyzed as a kind of the strong base verb slsquodorsquo are absent
-masu lsquo [polite] [Old Japanese]rsquomasuru
cf su [F-Yanagawa Standard]suru lsquo(He) does so [F-Yanagawa Standard]rsquo
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 10 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The non-past forms of verbs plus the head noun tokilsquotimersquo lsquowhen rsquo in Japanese Saga western dialect
Each lsquonon-pastrsquo form of 1) the so-called vowel e-finalbase verbs and 2) the strong base verbs ends with theformer part of the geminate consonant if immediatelyfollowed by a consonant
nut toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps rsquocf nuru toki [Fukuoka Yanagawa]
neru toki [Standard]
Note that nu toki and that the vowel immediately beforethe geminate is u
See Table 1Hiroki Koga 4 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
[m-class] S-western S-Takeo F-Yanagawa Standard[C-final]lsquofloatrsquo uku toki uku toki uku toki uku tokilsquosellrsquo u toki ut toki uru toki uru toki[e-final]lsquosleeprsquo nut toki nut toki nuru toki neru tokilsquoeatrsquo tabut toki tabut toki taburu toki taberu toki[i-final]lsquowearrsquo ki toki kit toki kiru toki kiru tokilsquowakersquo oki toki okit toki okiru toki okiru toki[strong]lsquocomersquo kut toki kut toki kuru toki kuru toki
Table 1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of verbs plus toki lsquowhen rsquo
Hiroki Koga 5 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
Each lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the vowel i-final base verbs andthe r-consonant-final base verbs ends with the latterpart of the lengthened vowel
u toki lsquowhen (he) sells (them) rsquooki toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up rsquo
cf uru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]okiru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 1
Hiroki Koga 6 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The sentence-final and prenominal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms ofverbs in old Japanese
The last final ru of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo form ofthe vowel e-final base verbs and strong base verbs butNOT of the r consonant-final base verbs is absent incontrast with its pre-nominal counterpart
nu lsquo(He) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquonuru toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquotabu lsquo(He) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquotaburu toki lsquoWhen (he) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquo
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 7 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
m-class S-final Prenominal (lsquowhen rsquo)C-final uku uku toki
uru uru tokie-final nu nuru toki
tabu taburu tokii-final kiru kiru toki
oku okuru tokistrong ku kuru toki
Table 2 The sentence-final and prenominal verbal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms inclassical Japanese
Hiroki Koga 8 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The stem-final i of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo formwill be replaced with u if the verb stem is a vowel i-finalbase verb and is equal to or longer than two moras likeoki and ru is added to this for its pre-nominalcounterpart
oku lsquo(He) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquookuru toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquo
cf okiru [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 9 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The final rursquos of the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the polite formswhich are analyzed as a kind of the strong base verb slsquodorsquo are absent
-masu lsquo [polite] [Old Japanese]rsquomasuru
cf su [F-Yanagawa Standard]suru lsquo(He) does so [F-Yanagawa Standard]rsquo
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 10 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
[m-class] S-western S-Takeo F-Yanagawa Standard[C-final]lsquofloatrsquo uku toki uku toki uku toki uku tokilsquosellrsquo u toki ut toki uru toki uru toki[e-final]lsquosleeprsquo nut toki nut toki nuru toki neru tokilsquoeatrsquo tabut toki tabut toki taburu toki taberu toki[i-final]lsquowearrsquo ki toki kit toki kiru toki kiru tokilsquowakersquo oki toki okit toki okiru toki okiru toki[strong]lsquocomersquo kut toki kut toki kuru toki kuru toki
Table 1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of verbs plus toki lsquowhen rsquo
Hiroki Koga 5 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
Each lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the vowel i-final base verbs andthe r-consonant-final base verbs ends with the latterpart of the lengthened vowel
u toki lsquowhen (he) sells (them) rsquooki toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up rsquo
cf uru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]okiru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 1
Hiroki Koga 6 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The sentence-final and prenominal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms ofverbs in old Japanese
The last final ru of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo form ofthe vowel e-final base verbs and strong base verbs butNOT of the r consonant-final base verbs is absent incontrast with its pre-nominal counterpart
nu lsquo(He) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquonuru toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquotabu lsquo(He) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquotaburu toki lsquoWhen (he) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquo
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 7 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
m-class S-final Prenominal (lsquowhen rsquo)C-final uku uku toki
uru uru tokie-final nu nuru toki
tabu taburu tokii-final kiru kiru toki
oku okuru tokistrong ku kuru toki
Table 2 The sentence-final and prenominal verbal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms inclassical Japanese
Hiroki Koga 8 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The stem-final i of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo formwill be replaced with u if the verb stem is a vowel i-finalbase verb and is equal to or longer than two moras likeoki and ru is added to this for its pre-nominalcounterpart
oku lsquo(He) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquookuru toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquo
cf okiru [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 9 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The final rursquos of the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the polite formswhich are analyzed as a kind of the strong base verb slsquodorsquo are absent
-masu lsquo [polite] [Old Japanese]rsquomasuru
cf su [F-Yanagawa Standard]suru lsquo(He) does so [F-Yanagawa Standard]rsquo
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 10 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
Each lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the vowel i-final base verbs andthe r-consonant-final base verbs ends with the latterpart of the lengthened vowel
u toki lsquowhen (he) sells (them) rsquooki toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up rsquo
cf uru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]okiru toki [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 1
Hiroki Koga 6 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The sentence-final and prenominal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms ofverbs in old Japanese
The last final ru of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo form ofthe vowel e-final base verbs and strong base verbs butNOT of the r consonant-final base verbs is absent incontrast with its pre-nominal counterpart
nu lsquo(He) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquonuru toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquotabu lsquo(He) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquotaburu toki lsquoWhen (he) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquo
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 7 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
m-class S-final Prenominal (lsquowhen rsquo)C-final uku uku toki
uru uru tokie-final nu nuru toki
tabu taburu tokii-final kiru kiru toki
oku okuru tokistrong ku kuru toki
Table 2 The sentence-final and prenominal verbal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms inclassical Japanese
Hiroki Koga 8 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The stem-final i of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo formwill be replaced with u if the verb stem is a vowel i-finalbase verb and is equal to or longer than two moras likeoki and ru is added to this for its pre-nominalcounterpart
oku lsquo(He) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquookuru toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquo
cf okiru [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 9 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The final rursquos of the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the polite formswhich are analyzed as a kind of the strong base verb slsquodorsquo are absent
-masu lsquo [polite] [Old Japanese]rsquomasuru
cf su [F-Yanagawa Standard]suru lsquo(He) does so [F-Yanagawa Standard]rsquo
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 10 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The sentence-final and prenominal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms ofverbs in old Japanese
The last final ru of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo form ofthe vowel e-final base verbs and strong base verbs butNOT of the r consonant-final base verbs is absent incontrast with its pre-nominal counterpart
nu lsquo(He) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquonuru toki lsquowhen (he) sleeps [Old Japanese]rsquotabu lsquo(He) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquotaburu toki lsquoWhen (he) eats (it) [Old Japanese]rsquo
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 7 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
m-class S-final Prenominal (lsquowhen rsquo)C-final uku uku toki
uru uru tokie-final nu nuru toki
tabu taburu tokii-final kiru kiru toki
oku okuru tokistrong ku kuru toki
Table 2 The sentence-final and prenominal verbal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms inclassical Japanese
Hiroki Koga 8 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The stem-final i of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo formwill be replaced with u if the verb stem is a vowel i-finalbase verb and is equal to or longer than two moras likeoki and ru is added to this for its pre-nominalcounterpart
oku lsquo(He) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquookuru toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquo
cf okiru [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 9 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The final rursquos of the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the polite formswhich are analyzed as a kind of the strong base verb slsquodorsquo are absent
-masu lsquo [polite] [Old Japanese]rsquomasuru
cf su [F-Yanagawa Standard]suru lsquo(He) does so [F-Yanagawa Standard]rsquo
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 10 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
m-class S-final Prenominal (lsquowhen rsquo)C-final uku uku toki
uru uru tokie-final nu nuru toki
tabu taburu tokii-final kiru kiru toki
oku okuru tokistrong ku kuru toki
Table 2 The sentence-final and prenominal verbal lsquonon-pastrsquo forms inclassical Japanese
Hiroki Koga 8 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The stem-final i of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo formwill be replaced with u if the verb stem is a vowel i-finalbase verb and is equal to or longer than two moras likeoki and ru is added to this for its pre-nominalcounterpart
oku lsquo(He) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquookuru toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquo
cf okiru [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 9 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The final rursquos of the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the polite formswhich are analyzed as a kind of the strong base verb slsquodorsquo are absent
-masu lsquo [polite] [Old Japanese]rsquomasuru
cf su [F-Yanagawa Standard]suru lsquo(He) does so [F-Yanagawa Standard]rsquo
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 10 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The stem-final i of each sentence-final lsquonon-pastrsquo formwill be replaced with u if the verb stem is a vowel i-finalbase verb and is equal to or longer than two moras likeoki and ru is added to this for its pre-nominalcounterpart
oku lsquo(He) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquookuru toki lsquowhen (he) wakes up [Old Japanese]rsquo
cf okiru [F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 2
Hiroki Koga 9 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The final rursquos of the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the polite formswhich are analyzed as a kind of the strong base verb slsquodorsquo are absent
-masu lsquo [polite] [Old Japanese]rsquomasuru
cf su [F-Yanagawa Standard]suru lsquo(He) does so [F-Yanagawa Standard]rsquo
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 10 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The final rursquos of the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the polite formswhich are analyzed as a kind of the strong base verb slsquodorsquo are absent
-masu lsquo [polite] [Old Japanese]rsquomasuru
cf su [F-Yanagawa Standard]suru lsquo(He) does so [F-Yanagawa Standard]rsquo
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 10 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
V-forms lsquo-Politersquo lsquodorsquo [Saga] Yamaguchi SagaNon-past -masu su sinu sinu
-masuru suru sinuru sinuruNon-past-if -masureba sureba sineba sineba
-maseba seba sinureba sinurebaPast -masita sita siNda siNdaNeg -maseN seN sinaN sinaN
Table 3 The verbal forms of the polite style in standard and those ofthe verb sin lsquodiersquo in Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 11 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Saga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchi n-consonant final verb
The lsquonon-pastrsquo form of the n-consonant final base verbsin lsquodiersquo has ru added to its end
sinuru lsquo(He) dies [Yamaguchi]rsquo
cf sinu [Saga W F-Yanagawa Standard]
See Table 3
Hiroki Koga 12 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 13 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998
The target language is Saga-Takeo dialect
Argumentation The underlying form of the lsquonon-pastrsquoaffix is ru but NOT the former segment of the geminateconsonant
His analysis consists of
Vowel change [1] e rarr u ]verb stem
Verb final u elimination [2] u rarr empty r ]verb
R-regressive assimilation [3] r rarr Ci ]verbCi
See Table 4 for a derivation
Hiroki Koga 14 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
ne ru toki oki ru toki URnuru toki [1]nur toki okir toki [2]nut toki okit toki [3]nuttoki okittoki
Table 4 Derivation of the geminate consonant from the dental liquid
Hiroki Koga 15 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Hayata 1998 will not be adequate if the scope is expandedbeyond Saga-Takeo dialect
It will not capture the difference in Saga western dialectbetween
the geminate consonant [VCinonminuspast ]Ci if the verbis a vowel e-final base verb or one of the two strong baseverbs andthe vowel lengthening [Vnonminuspast ]C if it is a voweli-final base verb or an r consonant-final base verb
cf VruC [F-Yanagawa Standard]
Hiroki Koga 16 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Is the replaced u a part of the stem
If the vowel u replacing the stem final e (and thestem final i in old Japanese) were a part of anotherstem then this would apply to the Yamaguchi nconsonant-final verb and so sinu would be anotherstem
eg ne nu lsquosleeprsquo tabe tabu lsquoeatrsquoeg oki oku lsquowake uprsquok ku lsquocomersquo s su lsquodorsquosin sinu lsquodiersquo
Q1 Why are those stems used only in the lsquonon-pastrsquoforms (and the conditional forms the tense of which isthe non-past)Q2 Why were those stems used as the lsquonon-pastrsquo formsin old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 17 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Hayata 1998Two temptations to reject
Stem vowel change in the Old Japanese potential verb
We may be tempted to analyze the stem final e rarr u asthat of the old Japanese potential verb e
lsquonon-pastrsquo prenominal lsquopastrsquo lsquonegrsquo lsquocausativersquou uru toki eta enu esase
tabu taburu toki tabeta tabenu tabesase
Table 5 The verb forms of e lsquoobtainrsquo or lsquocanrsquo in Old Japanese
Q1 Why did the stem final i change to u as well in oldJapaneseQ2 Why didnrsquot the verb forms with u like tabu havethe meaning of can in old Japanese
Hiroki Koga 18 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Outline
1 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsSaga western dialectOld JapaneseThe standard polite morpheme and the Yamaguchin-consonant final verb
2 A previous studyHayata 1998Two temptations to reject
3 An analysisKoga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Hiroki Koga 19 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Koga and Ono 2010
Assumptions
Each lexeme of the so-called vowel e-final base verbsand the strong base verbs is associated with anotherstem with the final vowel (e or o) absent Eg neand n lsquosleeprsquo tabe and tab lsquoeatrsquoThe tense expletive (r)u selects the shorter stem andthe stem plus the tense expletive as a whole is furtherselected by the tense expletive ru Eg [[[n]v [bse]
u]tense ru]tense lsquosleep-Non-pastrsquo2
The tense expletive may be duplicated due to prosodicminimality on the lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
2See Julien 2002 for an idea that the building blocks of syntax areindividual morphemes but not words
Hiroki Koga 20 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Constraints
Ru Constraint on Verb Non-past Form If the finalsyllable of the lsquonon-pastrsquo form of a verb or a form of [tenseexpl] is one with r on the onset and u on the nucleusthen the verb form will not be appropriate
Coda Con(straint) Only the special sounds (or the glottalstop or the former part of the geminate consonant (Q) orthe syllabic nasal (N) or the latter part of the lengthenedvowel (R)) are allowed on the coda positions
Faith(fulness Constraint) If the sound S is analyzed asanother distinct phoneme from the original sound then theform with the sound S will not be faithful to the original
Hiroki Koga 21 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
1 Same consonant as the next onset (VCiCi)
The same consonant as one at the onset of the nextsyllable is at the coda position if the coda is associated withthe tense expletive and if the nucleus is associated with atense specification
σ σ
(O) N C O N (C)
[HEAD[t(ense)
]] Ci
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]
Ci
Figure 1 CC VCiCi
Hiroki Koga 22 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
The more-deeply embedded tense expletive u forcesthe duplicated tense expletive ru redundant inmeaning to be the least heavy or Q among theJapanese special sounds of Q R and NThe former part of a geminate consonant Q cannot beone syllable whereas both the latter part of alengthened vowel R and a syllabic nasal N can be onesyllable in the slower speech (pc with Haruo Kubozono)Independent Motivation The tense expletive ru is nowabsent when it immediately follows the past tense taEg the classic form hanashi-taru lsquotalkedrsquo for the modernform [hanashita] lsquotalkedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 23 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
2 The vowel lengthened in the coda position
The same vowel as that of the nucleus is at the coda positionif the coda is associated with the tense expletive
σ
(O) N C
Vi Vi
HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 3 ViViC
Hiroki Koga 24 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Bakovic 2013
The coda constraint ViViC would apply everywhere thecoda constraint VCiCi applies and is actually blockedby the constraint VCiCi In addition the set of thecontexts where the constraint VCiCi applies is a propersubset of the set of the contexts where the constraintViViC applies
Following Bakovic 2013 we can explain thiscomplementarity or blocking by ranking the specificconstraint prior to the general constraint or VCiCi raquoViViC
Ranking of Constraints CodaCon raquo VCiCi raquo Faithfulnessraquo ViViC
Hiroki Koga 25 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Predictions
[tense expl] CodaCon CC(VCiCi ) Faith CC(ViViC)tabur tabu
+ tabuC tabuN okir
+ ok okiC okiN
Table 6 The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the vowel e-final base verbs and thevowel i-final base verbs of Saga western dialect
Hiroki Koga 26 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga and Onorsquos 2010 morpheme-based morphologyTwo further coda constraintsBakovicrsquos 2013 OT analysis of complementarityPredictions
Conjunctive analysisA phonological rule of r rarr Ci in place of the coda constraintVCiCi would not be modular
r rarr Ci [σ[N Vi ] [C ]] [σ[O Ci ] ]
|[HEAD[
t(ense)]]
|HEAD[t(ense)TFORM expl
]Figure 2 Phonological rule (rejected)
The triggering context contains not only phonological notionsbut also too many morphological notions which is undesirableon the assumption of modular grammarWe need a rule ordering for the two coda constraints for thegeminate and the vowel lengthening
Hiroki Koga 27 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Summary and implications
SummaryWe provided the data of
the non-past forms of verbs in Japanese-Saga westerndialect in addition to Hayatarsquos 1998 observation of those inJapanese-Saga Takeo dialect in contrast with those ofJapanese Fukuoka-Yanagawa dialect and standardJapanesefurthermore 1) the non-past forms (or the pre-nominalforms and the sentence-final ones) of verbs in oldJapanese 2) the forms of the polite affix and 3) thenon-past forms of the n-consonant-final base verb sin inJapanese-Yamaguchi dialect
Hiroki Koga 28 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
It was shown that Hayata 1998 cannot capture thedifference between the geminate consonant and thelengthened vowel corresponding to the final rursquos of thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbs
We argued in favorthat the vowel u corresponding to the stem final e isNOT a part of the verb stem andthat it is NOT the same as that of the potential verb e inold Japanese
Hiroki Koga 29 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
We proposed an OT explanation with three coda constraintsand a faithfulness constraint in Koga and Onorsquos 2010morpheme-based morphology
The plural stems for some lexemes of the verbs andaffixes as morphemes selecting verb stems areassumed in the morphological frameworkThe vowel u corresponding to the stem final e is themorpheme of the tense expletive as well as thesequence ru isThe tense expletive (or the unmarked tense morphemein contrast with the past morpheme) is duplicatedrsquo
Hiroki Koga 30 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
The proposed coda constraints are one for SpecialSounds Q R and N one for Geminate VCiCi and onefor Vowel Lengthened ViVi
Ranking Coda Constraint for Geminate prior to CodeConstraint for Vowel Lengthened in OT explains theblocking of the latter general constraint by the formerspecific constraint similarly to Bakovic 2013
Hiroki Koga 31 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Implications
Theory Backovic 2013 works well for thecomplementarity for the coda positions associated with thetense expletive in Saga western dialect as in tabu cftabuQ lsquoeat-Non-pastrsquo
Language The unmarked morpheme (but NOT a markedmorpheme) may be duplicated and further contractsScheme
Form [x1xn][y1yn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ymyn]UnmarkedForm [x1xn][y1yn]Unmarked[y1ym]Unmarked where m lt n
Hiroki Koga 32 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Language and Theory The morpheme-basedmorphology or Item-Arrangement Approach withaffixesrsquo being the head and selecting verb stems fitsJapanese well which is an agglutinative language
Japanese If the corresponding vowel u to the verbstem final e is analyzed as the tense expletive (Kogaand Ono 2010 and Koga 2012) then we can explain thelsquonon-pastrsquo forms of dialects and old Japanese as wellas standard in a more straightforward manner
Hiroki Koga 33 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
ReferencesBakovic Eric J 2013 Blocking and complementarity inphonological theory Sheffield Equinox Publishing LtdHayata Teruhiro 1998 Saga-hoogen no dooshimikanryo-rentaiji no kiteekee Report from LinguisticLaboratory at Kyushu University 19 1-4Julien Marit 2002 Syntactic heads and word formationOxford Oxford University PressKoga Hiroki 2012 Past affixrsquo selection of verbal stemallomorphs Proceedings of the 19th InternationalConference on Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar232-250 Chungnam National University Daejeon July 18thto 21st 2012 CSLI Publications Downloadable at httpcslipublicationsstanfordeduHPSG2012
Hiroki Koga 34 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35
The lsquonon-pastrsquo forms of the verbsA previous study
An analysisSummary and implications
Koga Hiroki and Koji Ono 2010 Surface constraints onmultiple occurrences of the tense expletive InternationalWorkshop on Morphology and Formal Grammar posterpresentation Universiteacute Paris Diderot July 8th abstractdownloadable at httphpsg2010linguistuniv-paris-diderotfrworkshop
I would be very happy if I can hear your comment in case youhave any My e-mail address is hkogaccsaga-uacjp
Hiroki Koga 35 35