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1 The centenary of Gossner´s emblem book The heart of men in the context of the religio cordis brasiliensis or “cordial” reli- gion: continuity, variation and social relevance Helmut Renders 1 Abstract Since colonial times emblems are used in Brazil as an important religious language. Among their di- versity, the language of the “religio cordis” is outstanding and even gained a kind of sociological equivalent, called “cordial man” (Sérgio Buarque de Holanda). Alternative Protestant forms (G. de Montenay; D. Cramer) or Protestant adaptations of Catholic works have shown in Brazil no effect among Protestants. This changed, in 1914, with the translation from German of J. E. Gossner´s book “The heart of man” (1812). A. Jensen, Danish-born Presbyterian, attracted Calvinist readers referring to John Calvin´s religio cordis, integrated a nada obstat for the Catholic audients, and changed se sequence of the engravings based on the motif of the narrow and wide path. Methodists, promoted already in 1916 this version and published themselves 20 editions of it up to 1980. In 1932 followed a German version, edited by F. W. Brepohl in a Publishing House which promoted the positions of the German Christians. From the fifties onwards All Nations Gospel Publishers distributed their version principally among Pentecostals. This text was also edited by a Baptist Publishing House since 1998. The conference documents the evolution of the emblems and the texts, discusses the implicit message of these editions concerning modern society and stresses its proximity to the classic catholic, colonial and ultramontanous “religio cordis brasiliensis”. Zusammenfassung Seid der Kolonialzeit ist in Brasilien die Emblemsrpache als wichtige religiöse Sprache etabliert. Unter ihren Varianten sticht die der „religio cordis“ hervor die sogar als soziologischer Typ eine Entsprechung fand (kordialer Mensch, Sérgio Buarque de Holanda). Alternative protestantische Formensprachen (G. de Montenay; D. Cramer) wurden in Brasilien unter Protestanten genausowenig wirksam wie protestantische Adaptionen katholischer Werke. Dies änderte sich 1914 mit einer Übersetzung aus dem Deutschen von J. E. Gossners Buch „Das Herz des Menschen“ (1812). A. Jensens, ein dänischstämmige Presbyterianer, umwarb in ihm die calvinistische Leserschaft durch eine Anknüpfung an die religio cordis Calvins, integrierte ein nada obstat für die katholische Leserschaft und stellt die Reihenfolge der Stiche nach dem Motiv des schmalen und breiten Weges um. Ab 1916 warben Methodisten für diese Ausgabe, um sie bald selber in bis 1980 20 Editionen aufzulegen. Einer 1932 von F. W. Brepohl in einem den deutschen Christen nahestehenden Verlag in deutscher Sprache herausgegebenen Ausgabe folgte ab den Fünfzigern eine des vornehmlich unter Pfingstlern wirkenden „All Nations Gospel Publishers“, die ab 1998 von einem baptistischen Verlag weitergeführt wurde. Der Vortrag dokumentiert die Emblem- und Textvarianten, diskutiert die durch die Ausgaben impliziete Haltung zur modernen Gesellschaft und stellt ihre Nähe zur klassisch katholischen, kolonialen und ultramontanistischen „religio cordis brasiliensis“ heraus. 1 Professor and director of the Graduate Program for Religious Studies of the Methodist University of São Paulo. Research: Symbolic, narra- tive, ritualistic, doctrinal and ethical religious languages as expressions and interpretive systems of religions in articulation with their respec- tive cultural contexts].

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The centenary of Gossner´s emblem book The heart of men in the context of the religio cordis brasiliensis or “cordial” reli-gion: continuity, variation and social relevance

Helmut Renders1

Abstract Since colonial times emblems are used in Brazil as an important religious language. Among their di-versity, the language of the “religio cordis” is outstanding and even gained a kind of sociological equivalent, called “cordial man” (Sérgio Buarque de Holanda). Alternative Protestant forms (G. de Montenay; D. Cramer) or Protestant adaptations of Catholic works have shown in Brazil no effect among Protestants. This changed, in 1914, with the translation from German of J. E. Gossner´s book “The heart of man” (1812). A. Jensen, Danish-born Presbyterian, attracted Calvinist readers referring to John Calvin´s religio cordis, integrated a nada obstat for the Catholic audients, and changed se sequence of the engravings based on the motif of the narrow and wide path. Methodists, promoted already in 1916 this version and published themselves 20 editions of it up to 1980. In 1932 followed a German version, edited by F. W. Brepohl in a Publishing House which promoted the positions of the German Christians. From the fifties onwards All Nations Gospel Publishers distributed their version principally among Pentecostals. This text was also edited by a Baptist Publishing House since 1998. The conference documents the evolution of the emblems and the texts, discusses the implicit message of these editions concerning modern society and stresses its proximity to the classic catholic, colonial and ultramontanous “religio cordis brasiliensis”.

Zusammenfassung Seid der Kolonialzeit ist in Brasilien die Emblemsrpache als wichtige religiöse Sprache etabliert. Unter ihren Varianten sticht die der „religio cordis“ hervor die sogar als soziologischer Typ eine Entsprechung fand (kordialer Mensch, Sérgio Buarque de Holanda). Alternative protestantische Formensprachen (G. de Montenay; D. Cramer) wurden in Brasilien unter Protestanten genausowenig wirksam wie protestantische Adaptionen katholischer Werke. Dies änderte sich 1914 mit einer Übersetzung aus dem Deutschen von J. E. Gossners Buch „Das Herz des Menschen“ (1812). A. Jensens, ein dänischstämmige Presbyterianer, umwarb in ihm die calvinistische Leserschaft durch eine Anknüpfung an die religio cordis Calvins, integrierte ein nada obstat für die katholische Leserschaft und stellt die Reihenfolge der Stiche nach dem Motiv des schmalen und breiten Weges um. Ab 1916 warben Methodisten für diese Ausgabe, um sie bald selber in bis 1980 20 Editionen aufzulegen. Einer 1932 von F. W. Brepohl in einem den deutschen Christen nahestehenden Verlag in deutscher Sprache herausgegebenen Ausgabe folgte ab den Fünfzigern eine des vornehmlich unter Pfingstlern wirkenden „All Nations Gospel Publishers“, die ab 1998 von einem baptistischen Verlag weitergeführt wurde. Der Vortrag dokumentiert die Emblem- und Textvarianten, diskutiert die durch die Ausgaben impliziete Haltung zur modernen Gesellschaft und stellt ihre Nähe zur klassisch katholischen, kolonialen und ultramontanistischen „religio cordis brasiliensis“ heraus.

1 Professor and director of the Graduate Program for Religious Studies of the Methodist University of São Paulo. Research: Symbolic, narra-tive, ritualistic, doctrinal and ethical religious languages as expressions and interpretive systems of religions in articulation with their respec-tive cultural contexts].

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Introduction My academic focus is on religious studies and within them on religious language and

how by them religious subjects relates themselves to the world around them. In the last 15 years I am working in Brazil and became slowly aware of that in this cultural and social con-text visual, ritual and gesture languages are much more relevant and formative than, for ex-ample, confessional texts.

This paper presents a partial result of a five years study on very specific iconic expres-sion of this visual culture. It started with and in response to my first contact with a Brazilian edition of Johann Evangelista Gossner´s Little book of the heart (Livrinho do coração). The exemplar was handed over to me as a Protestant book, whereas it looked to me quite Catholic. I started to investigate its background 2, its immense popularity,3 and its effect4; I became to understand it as a part of the wider phenomenon of the religio cordis, its effect on Brazilian Protestantism5, the rare but existing cases of alternative readings in colonial6 and present times7. These studies resulted then in a much more profound understanding of Gossner´s book itself, its origins8, and its Brazilian adaption9.

Putting this together with the perception of a Brazilian Protestant and New-Pentecostal Renaissance of the religio cordis from the early eighties of the last century onwards, I formu-late the following hypothesis: Gossner´s book is the link between the Catholic religio cordis as religious expression of the colonial project and the late modern Protestant and New Pente-costal versions of a religio cordis. Both have in common that they describe the relation be-tween the religious subject and the world around in more pre-modern than modern terms. By this I understand Gossner´s book as a important link who introduced a colonial Catholic men-tality to Brazilian Protestants and Pentecostals. At least the Protestant self inscription represents a rereading of its own tradition within this wider cultural setting. In comparition,

2 See RENDERS, Helmut. “Deus, o ser humano e o mundo nas linguagens imagéticas da religião do coração: códigos e projetos” [God, the human being and the imagetic languages og the religion of the heart: codes and projects]. In: Pistis & Práxis, vol. 1, n. 2, p. 373-413 (jul./dey. 2009). 3 RENDERS, Helmut. “Imaginário religioso católico – protestante – pentecostal – neopentecostal? implicações da origem e múltiplas reedi-ções do livrinho do coração e em solo brasileiro” [A Catholic-Protestant-Pentecostal-New-Pentecostal religious imagery? Implications of the multiply editions of the Little book of the heart on Brazilian soil] n: Ciências da Religião, História e Sociedade, vol. 7, n. 2 (2009). 4 RENDERS, Helmut. “Somos deste mundo: imaginário religioso e ação social”. [We are from this world: religous imagery and social ac-tion] In: RENDERES, Helmut et al. Sal da terra e luz do mundo: cem anos Credo Social Metodista. São Bernardo do Campo: Editeo, 2009, p. 89-113. 5 RENDERS, Helmut. “Religião wesleyana do coração e religião cordial brasileira:`união mística´ com a matriz religiosa brasileira ou porta para uma imersão cultural transformadora?”. [The Wesleyan religion of the heart and the Brazilian coridal religion: “a mystical union” with the Brazilian religious matrix or the door for a transformative cultural immersion?] In: RENDERS, Helmut e SOUZA, José Carlos. Teologia wesleyana, latino-americana e global: uma homenagem a Rui de Souza Josgrilberg. São Bernardo do Campo: Editeo, 2011, p. 181-198. 6 RENDERS, Helmut. “O coração como atributo hagiográfico de São Benedito do Rosário: hipótese sobre a sua origem e seu modelo subja-cente da vida cristã”. [The heart as hagiographic attribute of Saint Benedict of the Rosary: hypothesis on its origin and its underpinned under-standing of Christian life] In: Horizonte, Belo Horizonte, MG, vol. 13, n. 29 p. 109-132 (jan./mar. 2013). 7 All this finally culminated in a post-doctorate. RENDERS, Helmut. Raízes, projetos, mentalidades e perspectivas da religião “cordial” do Brasil: uma viagem em busca da alma brasileira. [Roots, projects, mentalities and perspective of the “cordial” religion of Brasil: a jour-ney seeking for the Brazilian soul] Relatório de estágio pós-doutoral (Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências de Religião UFJF). Juiz de Fora, MG: Universidade Federal de Juiz de Fora, 2011. 252p 8 RENDERS, Helmut. “As origens do livro emblemático O coração do ser humano (1812) de Johannes Evangelista Gossner: continuidade e releituras da religio cordis nos séculos 16 a 19”. [ The origins of the emblem book The human heart by Johannes Evangelista Gossner: continuity and new readings of the religio cordis between the 16th and 19th century]. In: Protestantismo em Revista, São Leopoldo, RS, vol. 29, p. 65-78 (set./dez. 2012). 9 RENDERS, Helmut. “A tradução do livro católico O coração do ser humano, de J. E. Gossner (1812), pelo presbiteriano A. Jensen (1914): promoção de um imaginário católico ou sua releitura protestante?”. [The translation of the Catholic book The human heart by J. E. Gossner (1812) by Presbyterian A. Jensen (1914): the promotion of a Catholic imaginary or its Protestant review?]. In: Estudos de Religião, São Bernardo do Campo, SP, vol. 26, n. 43, p. 77-105 (jul./dez. 2012). And to do so, I had in contrast to remember the Calvinist pioneers work on the subject, see RENDERS, Helmut. “Os Emblèmes ou devises chrestiennes vanguardistas de Georgette de Montenay: uma religio cordis imagética calvinista”. [The vanguard Emblèmes ou devises chrestiennes of Georgette de Montenay: an calvinist imagétic religio cordis] In: Ciências da Religião - História e Sociedade, São Paulo, vol. 11, n. 1 p. 129-150 (jan./jun. 2013). Disponível em: < http://editorarevistas.mackenzie.br/index.php/cr/ article/view/5731/4151 >. 04 dez. 2013.

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visual expressions of existing alternative readings of the religio cordis, either Catholic, Prot-estant or Pentecostal, are still rare, also they exist parallel to the dominant pictorial discourse.

I divide, than, my paper in three parts. In the first part, “Continuity …”, I describe the particular role of Gossner´s book in the Brazilian religious context as a bridge between the colonial religio cordis and the late modern religio cordis, contributing to a contemporanean religious matrix which resembles the colonial project. In the second part, “Variations...”, I present the different editions and their particularities, including not only modifications of the text but also of the organizations of the emblems. In the third part, “Significance…”, I focus on the unbroken promotion of a world relation by a discourse established in the Spirit of the Catholic Reformation, and willingly excepted and transmitted by certain Protestants and Pen-tecostals.

1. Continuity: Gossner´s Book of the heart and its relation to the religio cordis brasiliensis

The amazingly far-reaching, transconfessionell and transdenominational acceptance of a Protestant emblem language in Brazil in general and the “religio cordis” in particular becomes understandable when we step behind to focus, first, the larger cultural context. The “Conquis-ta” of Latin America was in religious terms accompanied by the spirit of the Catholic Refor-mation or, from a Protestant point of view, the Counter-Reformation. The center of articula-tion of the religious aspect happened in the Portuguese colonial empire initially only through books and prints from Antwerpen,10 after 1640 from Portugal. Consequentially, the visual and ritual mediation of religious contents got a special weight what resulted in a profound impact on the cultural setting. The Project Engraved Sources of Spanish Colonial Art registered thus especially for the Spanish cultural space the influence of the religious language of emblems, more precisely, the specific literary genre of the emblem books. In the Brazilian cultural space, similar observations have been made punctually,11 but a systematic investigation into it and the presentation of the results are still to be done.

Among the diversity employed in the symbolic languages of religious emblem books, the language of the “religio cordis” is outstanding, in particular because it was used to high-light the inner – and intimate – aspect of the ideal of the mystical union as the most precious goal of religious experience in the spiritual project of the Catholic Reformation (eg. Anton Wierix12, von Haeften13, Hermann14). Part of this is the Latin American – especially Portu-guese - appreciation for Ignatius of Loyola – the theological language of the Jesuits can also be called “theologia cordis” (Jesuits) –, John of the Cross and Teresa of Avila – whose spiri-tuality soon after her death has been summarized in iconographic terms as “religio cordis”. Our research on the importance of the religio cordis brasiliensis in colonial times has shown

10 Even during the Iberian Union (1580-1620) there were no official print presses in Brazil. The first official was authorized by Dom Pedro I in 1813. 11 Oliveira, Myriam Andrade Ribeiro de. "Gravuras européias e o Aleijadinho". In: O Estado de São Paulo (Suplemento Cultural), ano 3, n. 136, p. 3 (1979). Another evidence is the reproduction of the emblem book Horatii Flacci Emblemata of Otto Vaenius (1612), a Catholic humanist. It can be found in a Franciscan Convent in Salvador, Bahia. See also AMARAL JÚNIOR, Rubem (2010) "Emblematica Mariana no Convento de São Francisco de Salvador, Bahia, e seus modelos europeus". In: Lumen et Virtus, ano 1, n. 3, p. 107-130 (2010) and AMARAL JÚNIOR, Rubem. “Emblematica Mariana na Igreja do Antigo Recolhimento de N. S. da Conceição de Olinda (Pernambuco) e seus modelos europeus". In: Zafra, Rafael & Azanza, José Javier (Eds.) Emblemática Trascendente: Hermenéutica de la Imagen, Iconología del Texto.Pamplona, Sociedad Española de Emblemática/Universidad de Navarra, 2011, p. 151-162. 12 WIERIX, Antonio. Cor Iesv amanti sacrvm. [Antverpia]. 1585-86. 13 HAEFTEN, Benedictus van. Schola cordis , et instructio. s-wert, typis Hieronymi Vedussi, 1629. 14 HUGO, Herman. Pia desideria: Antverpia, 1642. Fac-símile com introdução de Hester M. Black. Manston Scholar Press, 1971.

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how the heart mysticism15 fitted very well in the logic of a slave-society. It is not occasionally that Jesuits and Carmelites have been the religious orders with the highest number of slaves16, and that the Carmelites have been the order who gathered the colonial elites, especially, after the expulsion of the Jesuits.17 But the significants of the religio cordis as articulation not only of a personal piety, but part of a wider project of society, did not end here. It got its last major Catholic expression as the devotion of the sacred heart of Jesus, mainly promoted as the spiri-tuality of Ultramontanism and Romanization at the end the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, gave continuity to the older project. Also this spirituality did not any more promoted a society based on slavery, it was distinguished in its standing against Repub-lican ideals and ideas and a modern world view in general, symbolically expressed by the Christ figure on the Corcovado mountain in Rio de Janeiro, in 1932 capital of the country. The statue and its surroundings form still today a sanctuary of the sacred heart and it was the declared intend to promote Catholicism as the privileged religion of Brazil if not the status of a state religion.18

The religio cordis brasiliensis which we understand as central part and vivid expression of what others describe as the religious matrix of Brazil,19 dominant up to 1813, struggling up to around 1928 and as we pretend to show, even adapted into Protestant spirituality after 1914, has been indirectly registered as highly influential if not dominant by the Brazilian so-ciologist and historian Sérgio Buarque de Holanda. He created the sociological type of the “cordial man”, passionate in his defense of his family and friends and the combat of his ene-mies, eager to mix the public with the private sphere, religion and the actually laicistic state.20 With other words, Holanda understands that the “cordial man” is not only not prepared for modern democracy, its burocratic processes and impersonal political structures, but, openly against it. In agreement with Holanda´s studies and convinced by its utility even today,21 we suggested that it might be appropriate to describe the religio cordis brasiliensis – in distinc-tion from its Spanish expression – as a specific religious typus which we suggest to call “cor-dial religion”22.23

15 We use the in the German academy common distinction between mysticism and mystics, being the first a normally rejected extreme of the second. It represents a great challenge that this distinction is rarely made in Anglo-Saxon or Latin American literature. 16 See JOHNSON, Elizabeth A. Ora et labora: Labor transitions on Benedictine and Carmelite properties in colonial São Paulo. The Johns Hopkins University. Baltimore, Maryland, 2008, p. 2. 17 See ORAZEM, Roberta Bacellar. “Um importante modelo de santidade feminino contrarreformista: Santa Teresa D’Ávila e sua represen-tação nas igrejas de associações de leigos carmelitas em Sergipe e Bahia colonial”. In: Revista Brasileira de História das Religiões. Maringá, PR, v. 3, n. 9, [without Page] (jan. 2011). Disponível em: < http://www.dhi.uem.br/gtreligiao/pub.html >. Access: 20 jan. 2014 [2011a]. ORAZEM, Roberta Bacellar. A representação de Santa Teresa D’Ávila como símbolo de devoção e poder das Ordens Terceiras do Carmo no Brasil. Comunicação no Congresso Internacional Pequena Nobreza nos Impérios Ibéricos de Antigo Regime. Lisboa 18 a 21 de Maio de 2011. Disponível em: < http://www.iict.pt/pequenanobreza/arquivo/Doc/t7s1-01.pdf >. Access: 20 ago. 2013 [2011b]. 18 As a result of the I Vatican, Ultramontanism can be interpreted as one of the three closed (fundamentalist ad exclusive) Christian religious systems that marked the 20th century, all trying to guarantee certainty in faith issues by introducing the concept of infallibility: papal infalli-bility (Catholic Fundamentalism [1870-1928]) , infallibility of scripture (classic Protestant Fundamentalism [1890-1928]) and the infallibility of religious experience (late Protestant Fundamentalism [1970-2000]). One could add to this an understanding of modern logic as a system that suggests the idea of the infallibility of reason, what makes more plausible not only the heavy conflicts between Catholicism and Protes-tantism between 1850 and 1945, but, also between Ultramontanism, the classic as the late Protestant Fundamentalism and Modernity. 19 As mainly enthusiastic and preferentially mysticistic; see BITTENCOURT FILHO, José. Matriz religiosa brasileira: religiosidade e mudança social. Petrópolis: Vozes: Koinonia, 2003. 20 HOLANDA, Sérgio Buarque de. Raízes do Brasil. 26ª Ed. 19º reimpressão. São Paulo, SP: Editora Schwarcz / Companhia das Letras, 2004. [1ª edição de 1936]. 21 This does not refer to his classic Weberian understanding of the modern world as characterized by an ongoing process of secularization which would eventually outran the “cordial man”. At least up to 2014 there is no wider evidence of this. 22 There are existing exceptions, as we have shown by the description and interpretation of the heart as a rare hagiographic element of Bene-dictus Rosário, the Saints of the slaves. (See: RENDERS, Helmut. “O coração como atributo hagiográfico de São Benedito do Rosário: hipótese sobre a sua origem e seu modelo subjacente da vida cristã”. In: Horizonte, Belo Horizonte, MG, vol. 13, n. 29 p. 109-132 (jan./mar. 2013). 23 We cannot deepen this here but we believe that the sociologists Bittencourt Filho and Holanda are right and wrong at the same time: the “cordial man” did not die out (against Holanda, who follows the theory of a inevitable growing secularization of Max Weber) and mysticism has not taken over the laicistic state (against Bittencourt). More likely one should work in Brazil with the model of a religious modernity, not

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When Gossner wrote the The heart of the human being hee was still a catholic folk theologian and missionary among the popular classes. Only fifteen years later he became a Lutheran. No doubt already in 1811 he was very close to the Christentumsgesellschaft (Socie-ty for Christendom) in Basel, Switzerland, an transconfessional group compost be Reformed, Lutherans and Catholics (like him). This and the fact that he suffered persecution by Jesuits and his eclesiatic superiors does not project the idea that he promoted the “conventional” Ca-tholicism of his days. But, in the end what type of Catholic Gossner was? His emphasis on the human heart is modern – but not new – , his stress on the existence of the devil and demons is medieval. And there is no doubt that the second is central to his argument, as we can read in his introduction – “today people laugh about the devil as if he does not exist, the deny his existence and his influence on the human beings (1813, p. iv)” – and see in the emblems.

Beside this one can perceive the absence of certain classic themes of Catholic theology. The doctrine of original sin is not mentioned, the sacraments not nor the Church as a sacra-ment, or the ecclesiastic hierarchy or priests. And, although he talks a lot about the devil and hell, he does not refer to the purgatory.

No doubt the emphasis on the human being diminish the importance of the institutional and especially sacramental mediation of salvation and this may be one of the reasons of his problems with religious authorities. But he works at least with two major Catholic doctrines: “deathly sins” – “Todsünden” (cf. GOSSNER, 1813, p. 1 e 21) – and “previnient” – “zuvor-kommende Gnade”24 (cf. GOSSNER, 1813, p. 1). The later represents a doctrinal reorienta-tion which occurred at the council of Trento and substituted the irresistible grace of Augus-tine.

Gossner´s Book of the heart shows then a clear evidence of its dependence on a tradi-tional Catholic, mainly Jesuit emblem iconography: the mere use of emblems in theological treaties is a Jesuit specialty and the engravings used in the book are full of respective refer-ences. Still clear is the inspiration by Antoin Wierix, but formative was Vincent Huby and his Miroirs du pécheur (GARNIER, circa 1739)25.

dominated by secularization, nor by the “revenge of religion” (See: SELL, Carlos Eduardo & BRÜSEKE, Franz Josef. Mística e sociedade. Itajaí / São Paulo, SP: Universidade do Vale do Itajaí / Paulinas, 2006). 24 Na descrição do próximo emblema, Gossner (1813, p. 9) usa também a expressão “zuvorkommende Barmherzigkeit” – “misericórdia preveniente”. 25 There are editions from 1683.

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Image 1: Antoin Wierix, Jesus Paints in the Middle of the Heart. Antverpia: [1586/87]26

Image 2: Vincent Huby, The state of a man in sin. Paris: 168327

Huby introduced the head into the emblem to articulate a relation between the facial ex-

pression of the religious subject and the ongoing within his or her heart.28 Beside this we found in the engravings of Gossner´s book a rich quotation of the pas-

sion of Christ using the medieval iconography which can be found in the images of Mess of Gregory the Great (emblems 4 and 6; triple presence of the crucifix: emblems 4, 9 and 1029; Trinity: emblem 5).

26 WIERIX, Anton. Jesus paints in the middle of the heart”. Retrieved from: Project on the Engraved Sources of Spanish Colonial Art (PESSCA). < http://colonialart.org/images/182A.jpg >. Access to: 20th December, 2013. We believe that this picture –The Jesus child is actually painting the Novissisma. I guess it is part of WIERIX, Antonio. Cor Iesv amanti sacrvm. [Antverpia]. 1585-86]. 27 HUBY, Vincent. Engraving. The state of a man in sin. Plate I of a set of twelve illustrations on The States of Man, Paris: 1682. Retrieved from: Project on the Engraved Sources of Spanish Colonial Art (PESSCA). < http://colonialart.org/images/1793A.jpg >. Access to: 20th December, 2013. 28 See Bettina Bannasch (2007, p. 170-172) who refers only to Gossner. But William Blake (1757-1827) used the metaphors of the heart and the face in his poetry The divine image (BLAKE, 1794, p. 14): "For Mercy has a human heart, / Pity, a human face, / And Love, the human form divine, / And Peace, the human dress”. Repare no subtítulo do livro: “os dois estados da alma humana” (negrito pelo autor). 29 No emblema 10, o fiel, em seu leito de morte, segura um crucifixo com suas duas mãos.

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Image 3: Johann Evangelist Gossner. The state of a

faithful soul. Augsburg: 1813, [between the pages 32 and 33].

Image 4: Johann Evangelist Gossner. The state of a

man who has fallen into temptation. Augsburg: 1813, [between p. 38 and 38].

This iconography is still alive in Brazil and especially represented by the typical Fran-

ciscan crosses, as, for example, in the cities of Tiradentes, MG, and São João del Re, MG. Last not least, Gossner relates as Huby good or bad, God or Devil to the rejection of the

seven capital sins (six time vezes; emblems 1-3, 6-7 e 9) or the observations of the three theo-logical virtues– faith, love and hope – in combination with the seven classical virtues, divided in two groups: on the one side, “humility, generosity, love and chastity” 30, on the other “so-briety, patience, and diligence”31. The focus is on the capitals sins, which appear on six of ten emblems, whereas the seven virtues are only present in one emblem. This only another indicator for the book´s general emphisis on the strong presence of the evil in the world. The model of the seven vices and virtues is a fundamental element in the Catholic moral theology soince the Psychomachia of Prudentius (400)32. Prudentius related the imaginary of the battle for the human soul with the entry of Christ into the human heart and a kind of marriage be-tween the divine Spirit and the human soul, elements one can still identify in Huby and Goss-ner.

30 “Demuth, Freygiebigkeit, Lieb[e] und Keuschheit.” 31 “Nüchternheit, Geduld und Fleiß.” 32 Prudentius integrated two of the three theological virtues into the system (Fides versus veterum cultura deorum [; pudicitia versus sodomita libido; patientia versus ira; mens humilis et spes versus superbia et fraus; sobrietas versus luxuria; ratio et operatio versus avaritia; concordia et fides versus discordia cognomento haeresis).

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Excursus: Spanish Colonial Paintings of the predecessor of Gossner´s book, based on the images of Vincent Huby

In earlier publications we have suggested the possibility that the wide acceptance of the imagetic language of Gossner´s book in Brazil could be directly related to a long time pres-ence between 1588 and 1753 of Anton Wierix iconography in his book Jesus… , known as its iconographic antecessor.33 To proof this has shown itself very difficult, because Jesuit li-braries and archives have not survived in Brazil. A later expression of this iconography and direct inspiration of it, the work of Vincent Huby,34 has not been on my list of research up to my recent discovery of this source in the Latin American colonial art of the Spanish Empire. With other words, the presence in Latin America of Vincent Huby´s Espelhos… um emblem book which Gossner´s Little book of the heart simply copies, …, is an remarkable indicator of the fact that this language had been already introduced to Latin America, more precisely, Spanish America. This is reinforced by the observation that at least in Peru the same icono-graphy not only was found in Huby´s emblem book but also in paintings is documented in at least two cases in the Catholic context. There is no reason to believe that Jensen had know-ledge or a clear perception of this,35 but it makes understandable why Catholic parishes can occasionally be find using the book. Going even a little bit further, it makes its wide accep-tance plausible as cultural phenomena of an established religious emblematic language.

Image 5: Vincent Huby, The state of a man in sin. Private Collection. Mexico City: [1780-1820]36

Image 6: Vincent Huby, The state of a man in per-severance Daniel Liebsohn Collection, Mexico City:

[1780-1820]37

33 See: SAUVY, Anne. Le miroir du cæur: quatre siècles d'images savantes et populaires. Paris: Les Editions du Cerf, 1989; 34 For example, in GARNIER (ed. ) Le miroir du pécheur. Troyes : Garnier [entre 1738-1754]. 35 Alltough this is not impossible, considering the fact that the work of Wieirx was very much present among Lutherans in Scandinavia. See ACHEN, Henrik L. von. Human heart and Sacred Heart: reining in religious individualism. The heart figure in 17th century devotional piety and the emergence of the cult of the Sacred Heart. Amundsen, Arne Bugge & Laugerud, Henning (eds): Categories of Sacredness in Europe, 1500-1800. Conference at the Norwegian Institute in Rome 2001. Oslo: Universitet Oslo, 2003, p. 131-158. Disponível em: < http://www.enid.uib.no/texts/achen_1.htm >. Access: 12 fev. 2014. 36 HUBY, Vincent. Engraving. The state of a man in sin. Plate I of a set of twelve illustrations on The States of Man, Paris: 1682. Retrieved from: Project on the Engraved Sources of Spanish Colonial Art (PESSCA). < http://colonialart.org/images/1793B.jpg >. Access to: 20th December, 2013.

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2. Variations: the Book of the heart in its Brazilian Editions between 1914 and 2014

Also religious emblem books are normally considered a Catholic phenomena, this is not the whole story. It is known that the Protestant reformers Luther and Calvin used seals which integrated the symbol of the heart and in historic terms Protestantism has been even at the vanguard of the emblem books considering that the Calvinist (!) Georgette de Montenay (1540-1581) not only edited the first religious emblem book, but one in which the “religio cordis” served as language. A centenary later created Daniel Cramer (1568-1637) a totally autonomous Lutheran expression.38 Seen both works together it can be observed that appeared in them a formal language clearly distinguished from the Catholic emblem language of ´the “religio cordis”. Nevertheless, this alternative Protestant language of the the religio cordis has shown in Brazil no effect, and this by obvious reasons: Protestantism was admitted only slow-ly and not until 1821. The same applies to the opposite, the (actually not at all) Protestant adaptations of the works of Anton Wierix, Benedictus von Haeften and Hugo Herman39 in Germany or England.40

In Brazil we could so far clearly identify five editions, and for the first example we at least have strong evidence:

[1864: [in German] The Barmen Mission Society starts its work among Lutherans in Bra-zil]; 1932: [in German] Edition of the Deutschen Vereinigung für Evangelisation und Volksmission in Ponta Grossa, Paraná ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1914-1950 [?]: Edition of the Presbyterian Church of Brazil; 1916 [?]-1970: 20 editions of the Methodist Publishing House -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 1955 [?]-2011: 50 or more editions of the All Nations Gospel Publishers, mainly distri-buted among Assembles of God of Brazil; 1998-2008: 10 editions of a Baptist Publishing House.

2.1 The Presbyterian edition and it´s Methodist copy The first Brazilian from 1914 was, interestingly, edited and published by a Danish-born

Presbyterians, who translated the book from German.

37 Vincent Huby, The state of a man in perseverance Daniel Liebsohn Collection, Mexico City: [1780-1820]. Retrieved from: Project on the Engraved Sources of Spanish Colonial Art (PESSCA). < http://colonialart.org/images/1799B.jpg >. Access to: 20th December, 2013. 38 CRAMER, Daniel. Emblemata Sacra. [Electronic ed.]. Franckfurt am Mayn: Jennis, 1624. In: < http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/th-470/start.htm >. Access: 30 set. 2013. CRAMER, Daniel. Emblematum Sacrorum Secunda Pars. [Electronic ed.]. Franckfurt am Mayn: Jennis, 1624. Disponível em: < http://diglib.hab.de/drucke/th-470/start.htm >. Access: 28 ago. 2013. 39 There were two Portuguese catholic version of Hugo Herman´s Pia desideria in 1656 and 1830 (!). See: JÚNIOR, Rubem Amaral. “Portu-guese emblematics: an overview”. In: Lumen et virtum, vol. 1, n. 4, p. 139 (maio 2011). 40 Concerning Wierix, see HOHENBURG, Christian. Lebendige Hertzens-Theologie: Das ist Andächtige Betrachtung wie Jesus im Hertzen wohne und würcke und im Hertzen der Liebhabenden sey alles: Mit schönen Bildern und artigen Kupferstücken vor diesem vorgestellet. Anjetzo aber auß Liebe mit Versen Soliloquien, Seuffzern und Bildern in 22. Kupffern vermehret Von Christiano Hoburg, Predigern. Franckfurth / Leipzig: Brodthagen, 1691. 94p Concerning Von Haeften see QUARLES, Francis. Emblems and hieroglyphics of the life of man, modernized in four books. London: Printed for J. Cooke, at Shakespear’s Head, in Pater-Noster-Row, 1773. Disponível em: < http://www.archive.org/details/francisquarlesem00quar >. Acesso em: 10 dez. 2013.

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Image 7: JENSEN, P. O livrinho do coração, 1914,

Front Page [Presbyterian Edition]41 Jensen explains in his introduction that he translated the text “freely from the German,

added a preface, mad some adaptations and amplified it with final reflections” (GOSSNER, 1970)42. His editor’s hand appears, in fact, at several occasions. Jensen adapted the book care-fully to achieve Brazilian Catholics and Presbyterians or Calvinists.

Jensen´s edition: an adaption to the Brazilian Catholic reader The first observation refers to the title itself, Little book of the heart. or “A famous trac-

tat or the Little book of the heart! 43 The diminutive form “Livrinho”, little book, is a typical characteristic of Brazilian Portuguese to create a relation of proximity to persons or subjects to which one under normal conditions would not have access. It is actually a within the social system permitted linguistic strategy of a person with a lower social rank to achieve favors from a person in power calling his name in the diminutive form. The objective is to create a kind of familiarity as if one belongs to the same family what creates bounds of responsibility where there is no legal right to appeal too. In linguistic terms the title is then a clever call to appropriate himself or herself of a holy book [which does not belong to him or herself].

Beside this more discreet detail, Jensen attends also quite openly the potential Brazilian Catholic reader. First, Jensen used a translation of the bible from “Father Antônio Pereira de Figueiredo”44, and makes clear that this tradition has been “approved the […] Archbishop of Bahia”. Beside this, he openly describes the book as “a Catholic work”:

41 JENSEN, P. O livrinho do coração, 1914. Retrieved from: Internt Arquive. < http://www.archive.org/details/livrinho_01 >. Access: 28 ago. 2013. 42 “livremente do alemão, prefaciado, adaptado e aumentado com reflexões finais”; 43 Um folheto célebre ou O livrinho do coração. On the third page we read: O coração humano: templo de Deus ou de Satanás, representado por 10 geniais ilustrações para edificação e despertamento da cristandade copies the German title. Jensen maintained the correct translation and used “humano” (“human”) instead of “homem” (“man”). 44 This edition was still a translation from the Vulgata, not from Hebrew and Greek. Actually, in 1914 existed only the New Testament in a Protestant translation, the socalled Tradução brasileira. It was a joined afford of Presbyterians ans Methodists metodistas with the help of Brazilian writers as Rui Barbosa, José Veríssimo and Heráclito Graça. The complete Bible was publsihed in 1917, with a preention of the Methodist Hugh Clerance Tucker. Only in1948 was published the frist Brazilian edition of the Almeida Bible.

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The Little Book of the Heart, a Catholic work of truly universal character, is aimed at a very different from other more or less sectarian press mission, of course, the complete absence of disputes [...] it is not propaganda of a sect that was making with this or that degree of fanaticism, but only the most le-gitimate and truthful advertising of the Christian Spirit (GOSSNER, 1914, p. 15).45

“Other more or less sectarian press mission” may refer to Catholic or Protestant ones, as the rejection of “Fanaticism” addresses both Catholic and Protestants. On the whole Jensen gives the impression to assume a position of the Missionary Conference of Edinburgh that Catholicism has to be considered a Christian religion as Protestantism united by a “Christian Spirit” they have in commune. That is probably the reason why he translated on the third page of his book, where the original title of Gossner work appears, Christian sense by Christiani-ty.46

Concerning the Catholic virtue-ethics, Jensen does not comment his substitution of li-beralitas – or generosity – by liberty. But one has to be careful. Jensen does not promote the liberty of religion, but the mystic’s liberty from institutional religion. Jensen stresses that the union with God47 reveals the transitory character of “… everything around us, riches, fame, pleasure, yes, everything, represents […] nothing…”(GOSSNER, 1970, p. 64)48. What in Gossner is at least a little understandable turns out to be among Brazilian Presbyterians much less comprehensive. Jensen writes in a Republic, and belongs to a church which since 1910 had in the pastor Erasmo Braga a strong promoter of the Social Gospel. The Little book of the heart is then not an accident, but, a conscious omission of any promotion of a more construc-tive interaction with the society.

Published within the context of the high point of the Ultramontane’s conflict with the Brazilian state, this is actually a quite surprising irenic statement.

Jensen´s edition: an adaption to the Brazilian and Calvinist reader Where Gossner had only cited 1 John 3:4-10 (GOSSNER, 1813, p. 2), Jensen quotes

two latin verses: “praebe, fili mi, cor tuum mihi… / omni custodia serva cor tuum…” (Image 2). This acutally a literal reference to Proverbs 23:26a and 4:23a, following the Vulgata: “My son, give me thy heart”; “Keep thy heart with all diligence”. Proverbs 23.26 in its complete form appears even a second time, on page 3, in a collection of texts called “textos áureos” (Golden texts) side by side with Psalms 50:12-13, Ezequiel 36:26-27 e “Saint”49

Mathew 5:8. All these texts have in comum that they refer to the human heart as something which poten-tially can be “given”, “pure”, “new” and “clean” (Image 3).50

45 “O Livrinho do coração, obra católica ou de caráter verdadeiramente universal, é destinada a uma missão muito diferente de outras mais ou menos sectárias, prima, naturalmente, pela completa ausência de disputas […] não se trata de propaganda de seita que foi fazer-se com tal ou qual grau de fanatismo, mas, unicamente da mais legítima e verdadeira propaganda do Espírito cristão”. 46 O coração humano: templo de Deus ou de Satanás, [...] para edificação e despertamento da cristandade “Das Herz des Menschen oder der Tempel Gottes oder Santans, [...] zur Erweckung und Beförderung des christlichen Sinnes”, literalmente, “avivamento e promoção do sentido cristão”. 47 I am not sure whether Jensen understands the proximity of this expression to the idea of classic catholic model union with god in general. 48 “... todo ao redor de nós, riqueza, fama, prazeres, sim, tudo é […] nada…” 49 The use of Saint before the names of biblical authors is uncomun in abrazilian Protestant publication. 50 “dado”, “puro”, “novo” e “limpo”.

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Image 8: JENSEN, P. O livrinho do coração, 1914, p. 1 [Presbyterian Edition]

Image 9: JENSEN, P. O livrinho do coração, 1914,

p. 2 [Presbyterian Edition] It seems to us that the first and repeated quotation of the proverbs relates directly to

John Calvin, and his motto: “Cor meum tibi offero, Domine prompte et sincere” (My heart I offer to you, my Lord, [being it] ready and sincere) which is also known in its pictoral form as the seal or coat of John Calvin.

Image 10: John Calvin, Personal seal or coat,

arround 154051 Twice Jensen omitted the two classic catholic termini tecnici used by Gossner: “deadly

sins” (Todsünden) and “provinient grace” (zuvorkommende Gnade). The first marcs a general difference between Protestants and Catholics, the second between Reformed and Catholics as outher Protestants. Protestantism does not distinguish between great and small sins, and Cal-vinism understands within its doctrine of the double predestination sin as irresistible.

51 John Calvin. Personal Seal, 1540. Calvin Mind and Thinking. Retrieved from: <http://www.calvin.edu/about/the-seal.html >. Access: 20th January 2014.

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Jensen´s edition: an adaption to Pietist mindset or mentality One of the famous Pietist pictorial motives is the image of the large and the straight

way. Jensen followed this motive and reassembled the emblems significantly, placing the set of the emblems 6 to 8 in the old edition before the emblems 3 to 5. This results in the foll-woing order, considering the numbers of the original edition:

• First group: emblems 1, 2, 6, 7 and 8 • Second group: emblems 3, 4, 5, 9 and 10 With this reorganization, Jensen combines four pictures of the heart resulting in the

death of the desperate sinner (emblems 1, 2, 6, 7 and 8) and four that cumulate in the happy death of the believer (emblems 3, 4, 5, 9 and 10). In his panoramic description, Jensen (1970, p. 12-13) describes the emblems in this “new” order, but he does not comment on its reorgan-ization with a single word.

The Methodist edition Already in 1916 started the Brazilian Methodist Publishing House with an edition on its

own, and ended it in 1980 with its 20th edition.

Image 11: JENSEN, P. O livrinho do coração, [14th

edition] 1970, Front Page [Methodist Edition]

Image 12: JENSEN, P. O livrinho do coração [20th

edition] 1980, Front Page [Methodist Edition] As they kept Jensen´s text and images, they opted for a promotion of doctrines at least

then not very common. First, Methodist Pneumatology refers in general to prevenient grace, not irresistible grace. This is much nearer to the Catholic concept of provenient grace than to the Calvinist one and opens the way for accountable and responsible interaction of humanity with God and the world. Second, Brazilian Methodists were the only denomination which adopted the Social Creed in Brazil and adapted it to their context, promoting a direct in-

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volvement with labor affairs and rural as industrial workers rights.52 Jensen translation does not only not stand for anything like this but he openly rejected the idea of at least minimal transformation of the world.

2.2 The Lutheran edition[s] Concerning the Lutheran editions, there should be an even older one, because a friend

of Gossner, Ignaz Lindl, was the director of the Barmen Mission in 1827, a mission which did pioneer work in Brazil from 1865 onwards among German immigrants (but, up to now, this could not be confirmed in loci). For sure is a edition in German language, edited by Friedrich Wilhelm Brepohl in 1932, published by the “German Association for Evangelism and Popular Mission” [Deutsche Vereinigung für Evangelisation und Volksmission] in the state of Paraná, a publisher who acted from 1933 onwards as a Brazilian arm of the propaganda of the Ger-man Christians. Although then, that the book was published before the election of Adolf Hit-ler, the execution of the Airier Paragraph and the exclusion of pastors with Jewish discen-dence, Brepohl was already known by its publications in defense of the organization Stahl-helm and ultraconservative organization of former combatants of World War First. There is no doubt that these activities represent at least conservative political convictions in continuity to Gossner. So I was very keen on including this book in our research. Unfortunately, I could only locate one exemplar of the book outside of Brazil, in the German National Library, in its dependence in Leipzig and hope, after this congress, visit the library and get to know it.

2.3 The Pentecostal and Baptist editions From the fifties, the well-known edition of the All Nations Gospel Publishers was dis-

tributed in Brazil, principally among Pentecostals. As already among Presbyterians and Me-thodists, the text was distributed in huge quantities especially in evangelist activities and was occasionally used by Catholic (!) communities (Image 13).53 In distinction to Jensen´s edition, the South African own follows the original order of the emblems in Gossner´s book. The text is nearly independent, but sometimes resembles the original text.54 The front page shows in both cases not the inner of the heart, but an angel and the devil (in the Pentecostal version together with demons in the form of bats (Image 13) fighting for a heart. In the Baptist ver-sion, the devil keeps the heart bound to him by a chain (Image 14).

The color of the devil on the front page (Image 13) changed later from brown to blue. This may be result to a higher sensibility for race issues, but, this it not for sure.

52 A minor diference is that the later Methodist editor was probably not firm in Latin. From the 14th edition onwards one reads “Omni custo-dia serva com tuum”instead of Omni custodia serva cor tuum”. This error is kept up to the 20th and last edition in 1980. 53 This cannot surprise considering the presence of the iconography of Vincent Huby (1608-1693) emblems. 54 The Pentecostal and then the Baptist edition kept the quotation from 1 John 3.4-10, only changed it to 3.4-20.

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Image 13: E. B. Gossner. The book of the heart, All Nation Gospel Publishers Edition, 1980, [front page]

Image 14: E. B. Gossner. The book of the heart [9th edition]. São Paulo: Vida Publishing House, 2007,

[front page] Who compares the images 2, 3 and 11 to the following two (images 15 and 16) sees

clearly that the Catholic iconography still is intact.

Image 15: E. B. Gossner. The book of the heart, All Nation Gospel Publishers Edition, 1980, p. 3 [first

emblem]

Image 16: E. B. Gossner. The book of the heart [9th edition]. São Paulo: Vida Publishing House, 2007, p. 6

[first emblem]

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From 1998 onwards a Baptist publisher maintained the text and the engravings, and had in 2007 already achieved a 9th edition (Image 12).

3. Significance: The description of the relation of the religious subject to the word around him or her

The book of the heart was formative in many ways. One aspect is its promotion of a di-chotomist world view, dividing life in a sphere dominated by the devil and his demons or by God and his angels. Who compares Huby and Gossner with, for example, Anton Wierix, can see that in work of the later the devil is graphically and textually much less present, whereas in general in all three the world is absent, that is, it in general not even portrayed in the em-blems.55 In all 10 emblems appears also an Angel, accompanied in six cases by the dove as a symbol of the Holy Spirit. As the demons are the mediators between the human being and the devil, the angels are the divine interfaces.

Image 16: E. B. Gossner. The little book of the heart [14th edition]. São Paulo: Imprensa Metodista, 1970,

p. 39 [forth emblem]

Image 17: E. B. Gossner. The book of the heart [9th edition]. Nation Gospel Publishers Edition, 1980,, p.

28 [seventh emblem] This dispute for the human heart results in human life or in a total victory of the trinity –

marked by a complete absence of the devil and his demons – or by a entire success of the de-vil and the plain disappearance of God (Images 16 and 17), resulting in heaven or hell.

Concerning the general omission of references to the world in its natural or cultural di-mensions space, one emblem makes an exceptions and focuses on the world relation (figures 18-21). This relations is developed by its double description. First, the world is directly men-tioned and represented by two male figures. They can be found at the margins of the heart and

55 This is not totally surprising. Wierix is an engraver of the renaissance, a time when the occident was [re]building his hope based on a new world approach and new worldview. This optimism is still present in the baroque, but Huby – a contemporanean of Baroque and Rococo world –, expresses already the fragility of this optimism, which is definitely fading away after the French revolution, and in the 19th century culminating in the world rejection of the I. Vaticanum.

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beneath of it. Within the iconic landscape of the surrounding of the these emblems, from the half downwards one is within the sphere of the devil and the highest level of the demonic is on its bottom, reserved not to demons but mal human beings.

Image 18: Vincent Huby, The state of a man in

perseverance Daniel Liebsohn Collection, Mexico City: [1780-1820]56

Image 19: E. B. Gossner. The little book of the heart [14th edition], São Paulo: Imprensa Metodista, 1970, p.

69 [ninth emblem] On the other hand the emblems describe, too, the relation of the religious subject to the

world. It is symbolized by the sack with grains which in Gossner´s interpretation has a double function: to signalize to keep oneself distance from the word by being as much as possible independent, for example, by stocking food, and, on the other hand to relate to the world by charity, which reveals again a very medieval mindset. Men with a cup and a knife:

1813: “You see in this picture how the human heart is surrounded on all sides by enemies. […] Below are two men who represent the world, one of which invites with a cup to sensual and worldly pleasures, the other with a knife tries by threats, persecutions, blasphemies and other violent means to hinder from doing good, and to entice a sinful life”. 57

1914/1970: “It is now seen, again, the heart of the old man surrounded by enemies, the world, the flesh and the devil – who, nevertheless are not yet in a position to enter the heart [...] The world is represented here by two men; the one with a sword (as well as in the emblem number 3) stand for threat

56 See image 6. 57 “Du siehst auf diesem Bilde, wie das Herz des Menschen von allen Seiten von Feinden umgeben ist. [..] Untrn stehen zwei Männer, die die Welt vorstellen, wovon einer durch die Darreichung eines Bechers zu sinnlichen Lustbarkeiten, und weltlichen Vergnügungen einladet; der andere mit dem Dolche sucht durch Drohungen, Verfolgungen und Lästerungen und andere gewaltsame Mittel vom Guten abzuschrecken, und zu einem sündhaften Leben zu verleiten“ (1814, p. 28).

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and persecution, while the other, with the chalice, represents the attractions and sinful pleasures of this century”.58 1985: “a Christian [...] stands firm even when his attempted on all sides... We see a man dancing with a glass in his hand, trying to seduce the Christian with the pleasures of the world. [...] The second man is knifing the Christian. When a believer or even an enemy of the Gospel speaks bad about others, when he is unfaithful, when he mocks and threatens others, all this is like a knife in the heart of the sincere Christian ...”.59

Beside the variations, all editions kept the idea of being surrounded by enemies or ene-mies and devils. There is no neutral, free, or middle ground and the world is not seen as inha-bited by God.

Image 15: E. B. Gossner. The book of the heart, All Nation Gospel Publishers Edition, 1980, p. 33 [ninth

emblem]

Image 16: E. B. Gossner. The book of the heart [9th edition]. São Paulo: Vida Publishing House, 2007, p.

40 [ninth emblem] The most positive move in favor of the world around is symbolized by an open money

bag: 1814: “The open money bag displays his charity, his fraternal charity. He works against the avarice when he likes to share his of own with his needy

58 “Vê-se agora, outra vez, o coração do homem cercado dos velhos inimigos, o mundo, a carne e o diabo – que não estão, contudo em condi-ções de outra vez entrar [...] O mundo está aqui representado por dois homens, um dos quais com uma espada (como também na tampa n. 3) representa a a ameaça e a perseguição, enquanto que o outro, com o cálice, representa os atrivos e os gozos deste século pecaminoso. “ (Gossner, 1970, p. 66) 59 “... um cristão [...] fica firme mesmo quando tentando de todos os lados […] vê-se um homem a dançar com um copo na mão, tentando assim o cristão com os prazeres do mundo. [...] O segundo homem está esfaqueando o Cristão. Quando uma pessoa que se diz crente ou mesmo um inimigo do Evangelho fala mal dos outros, é infiel, escarnece e ameaça os outros, tudo isso é como fosse uma faca no coração do Cristão sincero...” (1985, p. 26).

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brothers as much as he can, to practice love and to free his heart more and more of an earthly tear”.60 1970: “The open bag means that the Christian must always practice charity, remembering the words of Christ who said…” 61 1985: “The open money bag shows that not only your heart but also your money has to be consecrated to God. Instead of spending your money for nothing, spend it on alms to the poor and gives the tenth and offerings to God's Work. Some give all their possesses to the glory of God”. 62

There is a slide move between the three texts from an exclusive eclesiocentric charity,

to charity without any ecclesiological indication to a more missionary attitude, but one thing all have in common, there is no move at all into the direction of building or transforming so-ciety.

The world relation becomes more evident when one reflects upon the world relation of the Jesuit successor of Vincent Huby, of Gossner himself, of Pentecostals to the state of Apar-theid or the dictatorship in Brazil. Concerning Huby one can at least refer to a mindset the promoted the Catholic Reformation. In the 18th century the devotion of the sacred heart of Jesus became known as the religion of the King - that is in defense of the French monarchy against the French revolution – and in the late 19th century Ultramontanism promoted this devotion in a anti-republic perspective. Between these two expressions appeared the book of Gossner. Under the impression of the effects of Napoleon occupation of Bavaria, he later transferred this very negative idea to the revolutionary activities in Berlin around 1848. Since 1816 observed by conservative aristocratic Protestant circles in Berlin63 Gossner would by the occasion of the revolutionary uprisings in 1848 in Berlin “… ask insistently in a letter sent to Frederick William IV directly before the 18th march of 1848, not to use false ammunition, but, real one, even if ten revolutionaries might die, for by this the life of hundreds of pacific citizens this might be saved”.64

I agree to the author who still in the same paragraph describes Gossner – side by side with Krummbacher – as a “militant conservative”. A militant aristocratic (!) conservative…65 What in Gossner can be also described as the reflection of traumatic experiences, becomes in the Brazilian editions much more questionable, and this for two reasons. First, especially the Presbyterian Jensen and his Methodist followers had already in 1914 a highly developed, es-tablishment critical and pro-labor discourse at hand: the Social Creed. There is no way that even Brazilian Presbyterians and Methodists could have missed this, as the Social Gospel was

60 “Der offene Geldsack zeigt seine Wohltätigkeit, seine brüderliche Nächstenliebe an. Er arbeitet dem Geitz entgegen, indem er gern von dem Seinigem seinen bedürftigen Brüdern mittheilt, soviel er kann; um Liebe zu üben und sein Herz immer mehr vom irdischen loszureissen” (1814, p. 40). 61 “A bolsa aberta significa que o cristão deve sempre praticar a caridade, lembrando-se da palavra de Cristo que disse...” (GOSSNER, 1970, p. 68). 62 “O saquinho aberto de dinheiro, mostra que não somente o seu coração,mas, também o seu dinheiro está consagrado a Deus. Em vez de gastar a toa o seu dinheiro, gasta-o em esmolas para os pobres e dá o décimo e as ofertas para a Obra de Deus. Há quem dê tudo que possuí para a glória de Deus” (1985, p. 28). 63 BIGLER, Robert M. The Politics of German Protestantism: The Rise of the Protestant Church Elite in Prussia, 1815–1848. Berkeley: University of California Press. 1972. p. 128 and 129, mentions that the information about Gossner´s Catholic revival in Bavaria allrady in 1816 found its interest among Berlin´s “Pietist aristocracy”. “By this, a new element of religious mysticism, originating from the Catholic South, was introduced to the Protestant North of Germany.” 64 HACHTMANN, Rüdiger. Ein gerechtes Gericht Gottes: der Protestantismus und die Revolution von 1848 – das Berliner Beispiel”. In: Archiv für Sozialgeschichte: Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, vol. 36, p. 209 (1996). 65 Gossner´s stay in Russia was also indebted to represents of a Russian mysticism, in part, presenting itself as protestant.

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quite present among them since the Missionary Conference in 1910 in Edinburgh. The option for the edition of Gossner´s book has to be interpreted as a “counter-discourse” to the promo-tion of the Social Gospel. Second, in 1914 Brazil had been already 26 years a Republic and Protestantism – especially Presbyterians and Methodists – had presented themselves as active promoters of democracy and Republican ideals. Among the Lutherans the things were a little bit but not total different, and Brepohl´s edition fits et least better to his proximity to the Arian Church of the German Christians than to the Confessional Church.

The Pentecostal option to use the book from the fifties onwards– the first time they started in Brazil large evangelist campaigns by tent missions – can be understood on the basis of there world distant and critical dispencionalist eschatology and by the post second world war order and its sharp communist – capitalist diatomic, which in part contributed to the dic-tatorship of Vertúlio Vargas (1937-1945) and for sure to the dictatorship of 1964-1985. When Pentecostals started to use the book, they were politically still not relevant and citizenship as a project or the ideal of transformation of society did not fit into their eschatology.66 The Bapt-ist edition from 1998 onwards, 10 years after democracy had been reestablished in 1988, re-flects the main political option of the Baptist Alliance of Brazil during the editorship 1964-1985, but is even less understandable or defendable.

Final considerations

The Book of the heart as a iconological brigde between the colonial “religio cordis brasiliensis” and Protestant resemblance of the “cordial man”

The wide and quite "ecumenical" distribution of Gossner´s work is hardly found again at any other place of the world and can not only be explained in the terms of cultural history – as a response to the dominant religious discourse – or aesthetically – by the inclination of the Brazilian religious culture to orality and imagery, but it has to be discussed in terms of its social significance. In Brazil, the “religio cordis” is associated particularly with the Jesuits and the Carmelites - the Order, who united the colonial elite of this slave society - and has been touted as its last mutation as the favored piety of Ultramontanism and Romanization. This combines the “religio cordis” in Brazil almost without exception with a project of a mys-ticistic inwardness which almost immunized its adepts to social issues. By the uncritical re-ception of Gossner the various Protestant and Pentecostal denominations promoted social val-ues, that were just as little friendly towards Republican ideals as the Catholic version. Despite some Catholic and Protestant attempts in the eighties to reinterpret the “religio cordis” as a religious language of solidarity and justice, the colonial preconceived meaning retained the upper hand. This may have something to do with the power of symbolic emblems and its very specific grounding and definition of the “religio cordis brasiliensis”.

The Book of the heart and the relation between the religious subject and society The Little book of the heart did not respond to the social challenges and political possi-

bilities of modern states providing a vision of a critical but active citizenship. In spit of this, it perpetuated a profound negative world view and a very downsized idea of world responsibili-ty as charity. By this it contributed to the conflicts within the churches and between the

66 There are some exceptions among rural Pentecostal leaders, who envolved themselves in the fight for a land reform.

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churches about the “right” spirituality and the “right” relation to the state. The “inner” world was not related to the real “outer” world, what contributed to a willing or silent support of dictatorships, absence from the fights for democracy, and in some cases even persecution of those who did.67

I conclude that Jensen believed the contents of the original version were generally con-sistent with his understanding of the Presbyterian tradition. He subtly presents Calvin as the representative of the religio cordis and discreetly omits non-Presbyterian concepts, such as the Catholic zuvorkommende Gnade (prevenient grace). Moreover, Jensen reorganizes the sequence of emblems according to the late Protestant scheme of the “broad and narrow way”, which, in fact, reaffirms only a central aspect of the book’s original message, its unilateral negative understanding of the world as seductive or oppressive. Thus, even the introduction of freedom in place of generosity, that is, of a distinct Protestant concept, did not contribute to the creation of a more Protestant rereading. There is a prevailing dichotomous imaginary of a battle between God and the devil in and by the human heart focused on reaching a holy death, with no intention of transforming the world.

67 See xxxxx Inquesition without fire places.. first puplished in the US, than in Brazil.