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Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business & Government
Weil Hall | Harvard Kennedy School | www.hks.harvard.edu/mrcbg
M-RCBG Associate Working Paper Series | No. 28
The views expressed in the M-RCBG Fellows and Graduate Student Research Paper Series are those of
the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business &
Government or of Harvard University. The papers in this series have not undergone formal review and
approval; they are presented to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy
challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only.
The Business of Energy Policy:
Analyzing the impacts of policies and
businesses on solar electricity rates in
Massachusetts
Jun Shepard
May 2014
The Business of Energy Policy:
Analyzing the impacts of policies and businesses on solar electricity rates in Massachusetts
A thesis presented by
Jun Shepard
to
The Committee on Degrees in Environmental Science and Public Policy
in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for a degree with honors
of Bachelor of Arts
Harvard College
Cambridge, Massachusetts
March 2014
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank Professor Michael McElroy for advising this project and providing valuable insight on the current issues surrounding renewable energy growth in the United States. His understanding of the economics and engineering that drive renewable energy implementation is truly inspiring. As my advisor throughout my career at Harvard, Professor McElroy has helped me realize my potential academically. I could not thank him enough as I continue my studies in renewable energy economics and policy.
Thank you also to Xi Lu, who, in the last few weeks of this project, met with me to discuss the accuracy and applicability of my calculations. He helped me understand the various methods of financing solar, motivating me in the process.
I would like to thank my parents, Richard and Mariko, my sister Lisa, and my roommates, Miranda and Kristine. Finally, thank you to my dear partner Patrick and my loving dog Miles.
Abstract
The solar energy industry in the United States currently leads the renewable energy market in annual growth. In 2013, newly installed solar capacity surpassed that of wind. However, cost competitiveness with conventional fuels must be achieved in order for solar energy to be used in the mainstream. Government support and market growth have minimized capital cost, but the ultimate price of solar remains unnecessarily high. This thesis explores these costs and the policies that are currently used to reduce them outside of the United States. The recent history of solar energy policy in the United States is compared to that of Germany and Spain to determine the most successful financial instruments in advancing solar development. From this foundation, the discussion shifts to the Solar Power Purchase Agreement Model (SPPA), which has found immense opportunity in solar energy’s high cost barrier. Projections are estimated for the trajectory of solar electricity prices in Massachusetts based on various business and policy factors, using calculations of data from the National Renewable Energy Laboratory’s (NREL) System Advisory Model (SAM). Based on these calculations and policy precedent in the U.S. and abroad, recommendations are made to facilitate solar industry growth in the future.
Table of Contents
Chapter 1: Introduction 1
Chapter 2: Learning from the Past: Energy Policies in Germany and Spain 7
2.1 Background on German energy policies 7
2.2 Defining net metering and feed-in tariff programs 9
2.3 Weighing net metering and FIT policy options 12
2.4 Lessons from Germany and Spain 14
2.5 Applying Policies to the United States 16
Chapter 3: Solar Policies in the United States 18
3.1 History of energy in the United States 18
3.2 Current energy make up 20
3.3 Renewable energy capacities 21
3.4 Renewable energy trends 22
3.5 The solar energy industry 28
3.6 Current federal renewable energy policies 29
Chapter 4: Solar Policies in Massachusetts 32
4.1 Renewable energy trends 32
4.2 Energy make up 33
4.3 The electricity distribution network 37
4.4 Residential electricity rates 39
4.5 Renewable energy trends and the Renewable Portfolio Standard 43
4.6 Why solar in Massachusetts? 45
4.7 Current state-level solar energy policies 48
Chapter 5: The Solar Power Purchase Agreement 53
5.1 Background on the Solar Power Purchase Agreement 53
5.2 Issues that the SPPA will face in the future 58
Chapter 6: Impacts of Business and Policy on Massachusetts’ Solar Rates 66
6.1 Methodology 66
6.2 Electricity rates for stand-alone system 70
6.3 Electricity rates for SPPA-backed solar project without SREC 73
6.4 Electricity rates for SPPA-backed solar projects with SREC 75
6.5 Electricity rates for various policy scenarios 77
Chapter 7: Discussion of Policy Recommendations 80
7.1 Goals 80
7.2 Policy recommendations for Massachusetts 82
7.3 Policy recommendations for the United States 87
Chapter 8: Conclusion 94
Appendix A: Explanation of photovoltaic technology and solar installations 107
Appendix B: Maps of renewable energy potential in the United States 111
Appendix C: Data for projections in Chapter 6 112
List of Figures
Figure 1: Nations with photovoltaic prices at grid parity 3
Figure 2: Cost of a photovoltaic installation in the United States 4
Figure 3: Solar potential in Germany, Spain, and the United States 15
Figure 4: Energy consumption in the United States by source 19
Figure 5: Electricity generation make-up in the United States 20
Figure 6: Consumption (overall) by renewable energy source in the United States 26
Figure 7: Consumption for electricity generation by renewable energy source 27
Figure 8: Installed system prices for residential and commercial PV systems 28
Figure 9: Energy consumption for Massachusetts’ electricity generation 34
Figure 10: Price comparison of weighted electricity rates and wholesale natural
gas prices (2002-2012)
40
Figure 11: Electricity rate projections in the United States (2003-2040) 42
Figure 12: Historical retail electricity rates in the United States, New England,
and Massachusetts (1997-2012)
43
Figure 13: Renewable energy industry growth in Massachusetts (2007-2013) 45
Figure 14: Overview of the SPPA business model 54
Figure 15: Net metering availability by state 56
Figure 16: SREC programs by state 57
Figure 17: Federal expenditures on energy by source (2003-2012) 61
Figure 18: Components of bankability for solar projects 64
Figure 19: Generation mix in 2050 for NREL projections 81
Figure 20: Administrative scheme to solar installation in United States 86
Figure 21: Property values based on property tax as a proportion of income 92
Figure 22: Population density in the United States 93
List of Tables
Table A: Comparison of net metering and feed in-tariff programs 11
Table B: Soft cost and total cost projections for new solar systems 47
Table C: Solar tax programs in Massachusetts 49
Table D: Alternative Compliance Payment values planned 51
Table E: Costs of a Boston residential solar installation 69
Table F: Comparison of solar “friendly” and “unfriendly” policies 77
Table G: Categorization of states based on solar irradiance 90
List of Projections
Projection 1: Stand-alone solar installation rates versus conventional rates in
Massachusetts
71
Projection 2: SPPA-backed solar rates versus stand-alone solar rates in
Massachusetts
74
Projection 3: SPPA-backed, SREC-producing solar rates in Massachusetts 76
Projection 4: Solar rates for “friendly” and “unfriendly” policies 79
List of Abbreviations
ACEEE: American Council for an Energy Efficient Economy
ACP: Alternative Compliance Payment (for SREC auction)
APS: Arizona Public Service
CaT: Cap-and-trade instrument
CBI: Capacity-based incentive
CFA: Consolidated Funding Application
COD: Commercial Date of Operation
CSP: Concentrating solar power
DOER: Department of Energy Resources
EEG: German Renewable Energy Act
EIA: Energy Information Administration
EPA: Environmental Protection Agency
FIT: Feed-in Tariff
GW: Gigawatt
GWSA: Massachusetts Global Warming Solutions Act
IBI: Investment-based incentive
IRR: Internal rate of return
ISO-NE: Independent System Operator of New England
ITC: Investment Tax Credit
kW: Kilowatt
kWh: Kilowatt-hour
LCOE: Levelized Cost of Energy
MACRS: Modified Accelerated Cost Recovery System
MW: Megawatt
NEG: Net excess generation
NEPOOL-GIS: New England Power Pool Generation Information System
NREL: National Renewable Energy Laboratory
NYSERDA: New York State Energy Research and Development Authority
OPEC: Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries
P&I Cost: Principal and Interest Cost
PBI: Performance-based incentive
PTC: Production Tax Credit
PUC: Public Utility Commission
PURPA: Public Utility Regulatory Policies Act
PV: Photovoltaic
Q1: January-March
Q2: April-June
Q3: July-September
Q4: October-December
QF: Qualifying facilities
R&D: Research and development
RDL 1/2012: Royal Decree Law (January 2012)
REC: Renewable Energy Credit
RPS: Renewable Portfolio Standard
SAM: System Advisory Model
SPPA: Solar Power Purchase Agreement
SREC: Solar Renewable Energy Credit
VOST: Value of Solar Tariff
1
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
The American energy economy presents a series of predicaments. As the
consequences of global climate change have become increasingly apparent and imminent,
so too has the need for a transition to cleaner energy resources. Energy demand in the
United States, however, continues to increase and fossil fuels continue to provide
seemingly reliable and inexpensive alternatives to their renewable counterparts.
Transitioning the nation’s energy economy to one that is based in renewable resources is
now a political, economic, and social dilemma. Although the energy market has become
more favorable towards renewable energy, political stigma against a departure from
conventional resources has made it near impossible for a transition to occur. Solar, in
particular, serves as a good case study for renewable energy in the United States because
of its current unprecedented industry growth (a complete description of photovoltaic
technology and installation is available in Appendix A). The costs of solar power are
rapidly decreasing, but have not yet entered the threshold of true competitiveness with
fossil fuels. Cost-competitiveness will ultimately determine the success of renewable
energy in the future.
Globally, solar energy prices have decreased significantly since 1977, when the
capital cost of photovoltaic (PV) modules was $75.67/W. This figure declined to
2
$0.74/W in 2013, illustrating a 99% reduction in prices.1 The cause of this downward
trajectory is the fortuitous combination of increased solar manufacture, international
trade, and government support. Driving all three is the growing concern over a changing
climate. The global capacity of PV module manufacturing has a particularly corollary
relationship to solar energy prices. While price has decreased, PV module production has
increased from 3,231MW in 2007 to 35,945MW in 2012.2 In what has been dubbed the
Swanson Effect (after Richard Swanson, founder of SunPower Corporation), PV prices
dropped by 20% for every doubling in manufactured capacity. While the relationship
between the trends in global price and manufacturing demonstrate the Swanson Effect,
government support in the form of energy incentives and electricity policies was
instrumental in driving down prices at such a rapid rate.
Recent history evidences the extent to which government support has helped to
facilitate solar advancements. In Germany, where the government regulates the electricity
market, renewable energy-based facilities are allowed preferential entry into the national
power grid. Despite its lack of direct sunlight, Germany is now an international leader in
solar energy development with a net installed capacity of 35.9GW.3 In China, the
centralized government has total control over electricity generation and distribution.
Through stringent energy portfolio standards and energy mandates, China achieved a net
installed capacity of 10GW solar at the end of 2013. Its goal is to increase this to 15GW
1 Swanson, Richard. "Solar Cells at the Cusp." Photovoltaic Lecture Series. Kellogg Auditorium, Santa Clara. Oct. 2009. Lecture. 2 Arvizu, Dan E. "Solar Photovoltaic Technology Status, Challenges and Promise." Solar PV Outlook. National Renewable Energy Laboratory, 6 Dec. 2012. Web. 3 Hoffman, Winfried. "PV Solar Electricity Industry: Market Growth and Perspective." PV Solar Electricity Industry: Market Growth and Perspective. Solar Energy Materials and Solar Cells, 23 Nov. 2010.
3
by 2015.4 Utilizing a wide range of policy instruments, solar industries worldwide have
gained momentum towards large-scale implementation. Global solar installation prices
reflect this momentum, and illustrate also the policies that have been most favorable in
advancing solar. Currently 102 nations have achieved solar PV prices at grid parity.5
Figure 1: Nations with photovoltaic prices at grid parity5
Where does the United States fit into this international solar market? In 2013, the
United States surpassed Germany in newly installed solar capacity, with 930MW
installed in Q3 2013. This was 35% more than the solar systems installed in the same
quarter the year before.6 That same year, annual global solar installation surpassed annual
wind installation for the first time in history. Yet price trends in the United States reveal
that despite this growth, the U.S. solar industry is still not cost-comparable to that of 4 "Translation of China’s 12th Five-Year Plan." Weily Reinn LLP, 2011. Web. 5 Wenham, Stuart. "Solar PV Grid Parity." Solar 2013 Conference. Melbourne. Presentation. 6 Munsell, Mike. "US to Surpass Germany in Solar in 2013; 930 MW Installed in Q3." Greentech Media. GTM Research, Dec. 2013. Web
4
other nations. While Germany achieved grid parity with an installed price of $2.50/W
(2013), the United States aims to distribute solar power with a price of $5.12/W, nearly
double that amount.7 Capital costs in the United States continue to decline, but the
ultimate retail price of solar remains unnecessarily high. Currently, the capital cost of
solar projects is no longer the greatest obstacle to grid parity in the United States. Soft
costs make up over 60% of the total cost of solar installation, and present the greatest
barrier for large-scale solar entry into the energy market. Soft costs are not the direct cost
of construction, but rather the fees required pre and post-construction for customer
acquisition, permitting, engineering, and installation. Compared to Germany, this cost in
the United States is less correlated with market growth (9% correlation vs. 54%
correlation), but is roughly $2.8/W higher.8
Figure 2: Cost of a photovoltaic installation in the United States8
7 Morris, Jesse, Koben Calhoun, Joseph Goodman, and Daniel Seif. Reducing Solar PV Soft Costs. Publication. Boulder: Rocky Mountain Institute, 2013. Print. 8 Seel, Joachim, Ryan Wiser, and Galen Barbose. Why Are Residential PV Prices in Germany So Much Lower Than in the United States? Rep. Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory: National Renewable Energy Laboratory, 2013. Print.
5
Contrary to the Swanson Effect, even while manufacturing capacity has doubled, soft
costs have remained approximately constant and dissuade independently installed
projects. Government support is necessary in order to reduce the administrative burden of
solar engineering and permitting. While tax incentives and grants have helped minimize
the direct upfront costs of construction, they have not addressed the issue of labor and
paperwork. Yet despite this obstacle to solar cost competitiveness, solar installations have
grown over 20 years. This is because the soft cost barrier in the 1990’s presented both a
dilemma and a business opportunity for the solar industry. The Solar Power Purchase
Agreement (SPPA) business model is a rapidly growing branch of the solar financing,
and has found a niche market within the soft cost dilemma. The SPPA is a contract
between a consumer and a solar company that allows the company to own and maintain
an installation and sell the electricity generated at a fixed rate. Through this third-party
ownership of a project, consumers are able to reap the benefits of solar power, often
without any upfront cost. Currently, SPPA-based solar projects make up the majority of
new residential installations in most states. In Colorado, 80% of new residential
installations are facilitated by a SPPA.9 In California, third-party ownership encompasses
50% of all solar installations.10
The SPPA business model’s success illustrates a trade off between government
support and market behavior in the United States energy economy. Sustained success for
the SPPA is questionable, as it depends on the lack of government policies to mitigate the
soft costs of solar. Monitoring the impacts of this business model on residential electricity
9 Kollins, Katharine, Bethany Speer, and Karlynn Cory. "Solar PV Project Financing: Regulatory and Legislative Challenges for Third-Party PPA System Owners." National Renewable Energy Laboratory, Feb. 2010. Web. 10 How States Can Attract PPA Financing." Renewable Energy Project Finance. National Renewable Energy Laboratory, 2012. Web.
6
rates is crucial for future energy policymaking. If solar policies can incentivize
households to independently install solar, the SPPA business will have to phase out.
When this happens, the new solar electricity rates must be competitive with the SPPA-
facilitated rates for solar advancements to continue.
This thesis explores the intersection of government support and the SPPA business
model in the United States. Massachusetts, in particular, is explored as a case study in
order to illustrate the viability of solar in locations that are not predisposed to having a
booming solar industry. The thesis begins with overviews of solar energy policies on
global, national, and state levels. It continues with an in-depth discussion of the SPPA
model and the impacts that it currently has on the electricity market and state-level
energy regulation. Using this information as a foundation, the thesis then presents
forecasts for electricity rates in Massachusetts based on changes in policies and business
practices. Based on these forecasts, recommendations are offered for state and federal
initiatives that would allow the United States to take advantage of the vast renewable
energy resource that is just within reach.
7
CHAPTER 2
Learning from the Past: Energy policies in Germany and Spain
2.1 Background on German energy policies
As the United States looks forward to increasing solar electricity generation, it
must reflect on precedent in other nations. Germany is not blessed with sunny landscapes
in the way the United States is. Its annual cloud cover is roughly equal to that of Alaska.
Yet Germany has become the leader in implementing policies to encourage solar industry
growth. The Act on Granting Priority to Renewable Energy Sources (Erneuerbare-
Energien-Gesetz, EEG) of 2000 began Germany’s boost in renewable energy. In 2004,
EEG was amended to address targets set by the European Union; the government planned
to increase shares of renewable energy to 12.5% by 2010 and 20% by 2020.11 In 2005, the
Federal Network Agency was established to regulate grid access fees; this, in effect,
ended the political sway of large utilities and facilitated further growth of the renewable
energy industry.12 That same year, the governing Social Democratic party, which
partnered with the environmentally oriented Alliance 90’s/The Greens party for 7 years
(1998-2005), was replaced with the Christian Democratic Party. Many worried that this
shift would stymie prospects for renewable energy. However, despite this shift, support
for renewable energy growth continued under the new Chancellor, Angela Merkel.12
Currently, Germany continues to facilitate the entry of new energy technologies through
11 Germany. Federal Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation and Nuclear Safety. Public Relations Division. The Main Features of the Act on Granting Priority to Renewable Energy Sources (Renewable Energy Sources Act). Berlin: n.p., 2004. 12 Laird, Frank N., and Christoph Stefes. "The Diverging Paths of German and United States Policies for Renewable Energy: Sources of Difference." Energy Policy 37 (2009): 2619-2629.
8
a series of financial instruments. In October 2013, the German coalition government
agreed to a renewable energy target of 45% by 2025 and 55% by 2035.13
The most important financial instrument to result from EEG was the feed-in tariff
(FIT). This instrument allowed for electricity generated by renewable energy facilities to
receive a fixed rate higher than the retail rate, incentivizing industry growth and
interconnection. This rate was determined by the national government in the form of a
15-20 year contract, and included a ~1% monthly degression to safeguard against
overgeneration by renewables.14 This degression was for newly constructed projects, so
that a project with a commercial operation date (COD) in 2012 would have a higher fixed
rate than a project with a COD in 2013. Older technologies, such as wind turbines, were
offered a lower tariff rate than solar and tidal wave technologies. Additionally, the policy
mandated that renewables-based electricity should be used in preference to conventional
fossil fuel-based facilities. In the years that followed, Germany underwent a steady
transition towards renewable energy, with an industry-wide annual growth rate of roughly
15%.15 In 2011, electricity consumption from renewable energy resources increased by
19.5% to 20.3% of the total electricity market.16 In 2012, the impact was even greater as
the share of renewables-based electricity generation increased to 25%.15
The German FIT, however, underestimated the amount of investment that should
be incentivized. On June 16th 2013, renewable energy in Germany generated 28.9GW,
13 Thomas, Andrea. "Merkel Backs Plan to Cut Germany's Green Energy Subsidies." The Wall Street Journal. Dow Jones & Company, 22 Jan. 2014. 14 Germany. Federal Ministry for the Environment, Nature Conservation, and Nuclear Safety. Act on Granting Priority to Renewable Energy Sources (Renewable Energy Sources Act ). Berlin: 2005. 15 "Retail Power Rates Could Drop in Germany." 100% Renewable. Renewable International Magazine, 7 Apr. 2013. Web. 16 Pulmer, Brad. "Germany Has Five times as Much Solar Power as the U.S. — despite Alaska Levels of Sun." The Washington Post, 8 Feb. 2013. Web.
9
over half of the electricity required by the grid. With a power capacity of 45GW, and
peak generation by both renewable and fossil fuel-based facilities of 51GW, electricity
prices went negative to encourage supply reductions.17 Since the grid allowed preferential
distribution of renewable energy resources, the brunt of the financial responsibility fell on
conventional generating facilities. These facilities were not constructed to shut down on
short duty cycles, which was essentially what the FIT policy forced them to do. One gas-
fired plant, the E.ON Irsching-5 in Vohberg, was operational for only 25% of the time in
2012. Supplying approximately 10% of the grid capacity, the facilities had to not only cut
back on production but also pay for the electricity they contributed to the grid.18 Fossil
fuel and nuclear-based facilities are not capable of shutting down production, and in this
instance the FIT caused a financial burden on the utilities that had powered Germany for
decades. This event, however, is just a microcosm of the transition that the nation- and
Europe as a whole- is undergoing. As renewable energy takes precedence, conventional
utilities become obsolete.
2.2 Defining net metering and feed in tariff programs
After witnessing the impact of FIT on German utilities, American utilities have
been hesitant about establishing a similar policy in the U.S. Currently two states- Hawaii
and California- have state-regulated FIT policies for renewable energy. Additionally,
several utility-based FIT policies were put in place recently in Los Angeles (CA), Long
17 "How to Lose Half a Trillion Euros." The Economist. The Economist Newspaper, 12 Oct. 2013. Web. 18 "Irsching Power Plant." Structure and Asset Managing. E.ON Irsching. Web.
10
Island (NY), Gainesville (FL), and Northern Indiana.19 Despite these developments,
implementing a FIT in state and regional policymaking has become a point of contention.
While FIT increases renewable energy-based generation in the short term, an overloaded
grid capacity results in increased rates for consumers. While net metering allows for a
sustained growth of renewable energy capacity, prices are set by the wholesale electricity
market and are unpredictable. It is important, therefore, to distinguish the two policy
instruments, highlight their positive and negative influences on electricity markets, and
build a foundation for an unbiased cost-benefit analysis.
The greatest difference between net metering and the FIT is in the determination
of electricity prices. Net metering uses the same meter to buy and sell electricity, and the
price of electricity in both directions is the same as the full retail price.20 The FIT uses an
additional meter that sets another price for electricity that is sold back to the grid.
Typically, the prices of electricity generated by the independent generator are purchased
at a rate determined by a 15-20 year contract. For renewable energy-based facilities, this
rate is higher than the retail price with a tariff regression over the lifetime of the
contract.21 Essentially, the FIT acts as a PPA for utilities to purchase power from
independent facilities. The following table outlines the differences between the FIT and
net metering policies.
19 "Feed-in Tariffs and Similar Program." Electricity. U.S. Energy Information Administration - EIA, 4 June 2013. Web. 20 "Net Metering." Green Power Network. Department of Energy: Energy Efficient and Renewable Energy, 2013. Web. 21 "Feed-In Tariffs." NREL: State and Local Activities -. National Renewable Energy Laboratory. Web.
11
Table A: Comparison of net metering and feed-in tariff programs20,21
Net Metering Feed-in Tariff
Regulation State-regulated State-regulated
Price determination One meter; the retail meter goes in reverse when more electricity is generated than is used. Price is at the retail purchase rate.
Two meters; consumption and production are priced separately, and production rates are higher for renewables-based generation. Tariff rates are fixed and based on 15-20year contracts.
Price depreciation Price levels depend on electricity market results; fluctuates according to wholesale market behavior.
The fixed rate addresses depreciation of electricity output from facility.
Capacity limit for grid Maximum generation capacity is determined by the state; in Massachusetts, there are three classes of net metering that are dependent on size.
No maximum; there is maximum to individual capacity but not overall capacity
Eligibility of generation type
Only renewable energy facilities are eligible Renewable energy is eligible; in addition, renewable energy-based facilities receive preference in entering market (German example)
Impact on per kWh retail rates
Non-generating consumers’ rates increase (because net metering consumers’ electricity bills reflect generation into the grid)
Overall rates increase
Not all net metering or FIT policies are implemented in the same way, however.
The preferential access treatment of renewable energy and the decreasing tariff rate that
are characteristic of the German FIT are not used in United States-based policies. Even
on a domestic scale in the United States, net metering programs in different states have
distinctive regulations. For instance, the net metering program in Florida offers the retail
electricity rate and has no limit for the renewable subscriber. Georgia, on the other hand,
offers a fixed rate and has a subscriber limit of 0.2% of the grid’s peak capacity.22
Without centralized grid regulation, the United States cannot implement a streamlined
22 United States. Department of Energy. A Policymaker’s Guide to Feed-in Tariff Policy Design. By Toby D. Couture, Karylynn Cory, and Emily Williams. Print.
12
electricity buyback policy. The rate for renewable energy entry into the grid is dependent
on an attractive financial instrument, whether net metering or FIT.
The deciding factors in choosing one policy over the other are population density,
retail price of electricity, grid capacity, and the capacity for renewables (in this case
solar) relative to conventional fuels. Additionally, the method for determining the solar
FIT fixed rate, or value of solar tariff (VOST), determines whether or not FIT or net
metering should be used. In the United States, electricity providers determine the rates in
17 FIT (and similar) programs. The rates in the remaining 7 FIT-based programs are
determined by state governments.23 In smaller nations with a centralized electricity
regulator, such as Germany, the VOST is typically determined by the national
government.
2.3 Weighing net metering and FIT policies options
Net metering policies work better for the advancement of renewable energy than
the FIT for areas that have higher electricity rates and a higher output of solar electricity
onto the grid. There is a strong correlation between electricity consumption and solar
electricity generation; as solar irradiance increases, residents rely more heavily on air
conditioning and prices increase.23 As demand increases, utilities must look to alternative
generating facilities. Net metering allows grid entry by solar power at the set retail rate
when electricity demand is the greatest.21 The alternative would be to contract power
from expensive peak generators. In this case, net metering provides the utility with a
23 Sunrun Inc. Sunrun Supports Net Metering. CleanTechnica. N.p., 26 Aug. 2013.
13
stable price for electricity while simultaneously protecting the grid from overburdening
the power capacity. Consumers, if given the opportunity, will aim to obtain maximized
profit. Net metering limits individual capacity by presenting profit in the form of avoided
cost instead of direct revenue.24 This incentivizes consumers to install solar systems only
large enough to support the real electricity need of the household. This characteristic of
net metering makes it a better financial policy for developing solar in regions with high
irradiance.
While they are often faulted with overburdening the grid, FIT policies allow for
rapid increases in renewables-based generation entry into the grid. By differentiating
among tariff rates for different resources, they offer a “fair rate” for specific renewable
technologies.21 This subsequently allows for more advanced and expensive technologies
to enter the grid and for renewable energy to be incentivized and implemented quickly.
Net metering does not incentivize rapid development, and only accounted for about 2%
of the international solar photovoltaic market. FIT policies comprised about 25% of the
same market.25 In areas that are not attractive for solar investment because of low solar
output, lower population density, or lower electricity rates, FIT acts as an impetus for
solar development in the short term. This characteristic has become increasingly
important as a more urgent response to climate change is necessitated.
The greatest flaw of the FIT becomes apparent when it is used in high output,
high price locations. Germany has less solar capacity but a similar range of wholesale
electricity prices compared to the United States. The FIT therefore attracts renewable
24 Poyrazoglu, Gokturk. Benefits of Feed-in Tariff Bill on Renewable Energy. University of Buffalo, Feb. 2011. Web. 25 Gipe, Paul. "Time to Break Free of Net-Metering." The Great Energy Challenge Blog. National Geographic, 26 Dec. 2013. Web.
14
developments with minimal risk of overburdening the grid.26 In places like the United
States with a much higher solar capacity, this risk is significant. Spain, which has solar
potential similar to the American southwest, experienced a solar crisis when it
implemented an FIT in 2008. The electricity rates were kept artificially low in an attempt
to stifle inflation; however, in doing so, the electricity market incurred a deficit of €24
billion.27 In January 2012, the Spanish government temporarily stopped FIT payments for
solar constructions after January 2013 as part of Royal Decree Law (RDL 1/2012). The
great potential for the development of solar energy in Spain was stymied by two critical
mistakes in policymaking.28 The first was that the Spanish government maintained an
artificially low rate for consumers without the sustainability provided by an instrument
like the 20-year price degression used in Germany. Secondly, it based a policy decision
on these artificial rates, opting for an aggressive FIT over other incentives. While the FIT
perpetuated rapid developments of renewable energy, it was unsustainable. The Spanish
FIT illustrates the dangers caused by a governmental ambition that lacks an accurate
economic foundation.
2.4 Lessons from Germany and Spain
The policies used in Germany and Spain offers insight onto the impacts of solar
energy policies on electricity markets. The landscapes of the two European nations may
be different, but they represent two extremes of the spectrum of renewable potential in
26 Stefes, Christoph H. "The German Solution: Feed-In Tariffs." New York Times [New York] 11 Sept. 2011: Print. 27 Ragwitz, Mario, and Claus Huber. Feed-In Systems in Germany and Spain and a Comparison. Publication. Karlsruhe: Fraunhofer Institute for Systems and Innovation Researc, 2012. Print. 28 Voosen, Paul. "Spain's Solar Market Crash Offers a Cautionary Tale About Feed-In Tariffs." New York Times [New York] 18 Aug. 2009: Print.
15
the United States. The solar potentials in Spain and Germany roughly resemble those of
the Southwest and Northeast, respectively. Therefore, when formulating policy
recommendations for the United States at-large, it will be important to learn from the
experiences in these two nations.
Figure 3: Solar potential in Germany, Spain, and United States29
Adapted from Solar GIS
The fact that the United States uses net metering over FIT signifies the regulatory
power that public utilities still have over the electricity grid. While the FIT allows for
solar-based facilities to independently profit from electricity generation, net metering
connects them to the utility, thereby limiting their capacity and moderating their revenue.
29 "Global Horizontal Irradiation: United States." Map. SolarGIS. GeoModel Solar, 2013. Web.
16
Net metering is favorable for renewable energy advancements in areas where the FIT is
not; these are the high output and high price situations in which it is not cost-effective for
utilities to purchase electricity at a rate higher than the retail electricity rate. However, it
is interesting that while most of the world has implemented the FIT despite its flaws, the
United States has chosen to use a more sustainable but less effective policy mechanism.
Today, as Europe utilizes aggressive policies to combat climate change, the United States
continues to appease established institutions by building a weaker policy framework. The
Spanish FIT demonstrated that an aggressive electricity policy that is improperly used
would have a significant negative impact on the energy economy. Yet the FIT has the
potential to jumpstart a rapid transition to cleaner energy resources. As the United States
explores different policy mechanisms, the FIT should not be taken off the table.
2.5 Applying policies to United States
This paper focuses on the policy instruments necessary to develop solar energy in
Massachusetts both quickly and sustainably. Germany’s experience with the FIT
facilitates a new understanding of the applicability of various financing instruments.
Furthermore, it is important to acknowledge the different policy decisions used in each
location. While both have solar irradiances of 1100 to 1300 kWh/m2, Germany has opted
for the FIT where Massachusetts currently couples a net metering program with various
17
tax-based incentives30. The German renewable energy policies should be used, therefore,
as templates for future policymaking at the Massachusetts state level.
The United States on the whole, however, cannot use one streamlined policy
mechanism to regulate solar energy growth across its varying landscape. On one end of
the spectrum, there are states that have low solar output and electricity prices; these
locations can operate under an FIT because the risk of overburdening the electricity grid
is minimized. On the other end are states like California with high output and high prices.
These areas require programs similar to net metering programs, with or without the
additional support of tax-based incentives. A unilateral policy decision cannot effectively
be used in the United States because it would not address the individual solar capacities
of different states. Currently, the federal policies that promote renewable energy are
primarily tax-based incentives that are supportive of state-level programs.23 Before
making policy recommendations-like the FIT- that would effectively eliminate the need
for these incentives, it is important to examine the existing mechanisms and their impacts
on local electricity markets and ultimately the end-use consumer.
30 "Federal Incentives/Policies for Renewables and Efficiency Federal : Incentives/Policies for Renewables & Efficiency." Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy, 2014. Web.
18
CHAPTER 3
Solar Policies in the United States
3.1 A history of energy in the United States
The United States is very much a high-energy country; its rapid economic
transition from agriculture to energy intensive industry in the late 19th century
dramatically increased its demand for fossil fuel resources. As mechanical technologies
became more efficient and necessary for high productivity on farms and in factories,
greater amounts of energy were required to sustain growth. In the early 1880s, the United
States consumption of fossil fuels surpassed that of wood. New technologies and
industries established themselves as integral parts of a new American lifestyle, increasing
demand for larger amounts of energy. During the second half of the 19th century, coal
consumption and production rose tenfold.31 The United States has the highest content of
coal reserves in the world and produces more coal than any other fossil fuel resource.32
The new global demand for coal gives the United States a competitive advantage in
international trade.
Coal currently remains the dominant source of energy for electricity generation in
the United States. In other sectors, however, petroleum overtook coal as the primary
energy resource in the 1950’s. This transition coincided with the largest growth in energy
consumption in the United States; in the period between the late 1930’s and the 1970’s, 31 Smil, Vaclav. Energy at the Crossroads: Global Perspectives and Uncertainties. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT, 2003. Print. 32 "Introductory Statistics." Fossil Energy: A Brief Overview of Coal. United States Department of Energy, Web.
19
total consumption grew by 350%.33 In addition to petroleum, natural gas production also
gained momentum in the mid 20th century. In the 1970’s, nuclear energy entered the
United States energy economy as a powerful source of energy. Despite these trends in
general energy consumption, however, coal continued to increase for over 50 years. In
2008, coal use for electricity generation began to decline despite roughly constant
electricity consumption.34 The following diagram depicts trends in energy consumption
for the generation of electricity since 1949:
Figure 4: Energy consumption in the United States by source35
The figure illustrates a turning point in electricity generation in the United States.
As natural gas deposits are developed, the nation’s reliance on coal decreases.
Additionally, the implementation of various renewable energy resources, particularly
hydro and wind, has also curbed the need for large amounts of coal consumption. It is 33 Evans, Allan R. Energy and Environment: Student Manual. Wentworth, NH: COMPress, 1980. Print. 34 United States. Department of Energy. Energy Information Administration. Energy Consumption Estimates by Sector, 1949– 2012. Washington, D.C.: EIA, 2013. Web. 35 United States. Department of Energy. Energy Information Administration. Net Generation by Energy Source: Total (All Sectors), 2003-December 2013. Washington, D.C.: EIA, February 2014. Web.
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important to note that while trends of fuels used for electricity generation tend be
adjusted similarly to overall energy consumption trends, they do not address
transportation, industry, construction, or agriculture specifically.
3.2 Current energy make up in the United States
The United States’ diverse landscape is rich in various energy resources. Recent
advancements in both technology and policymaking have allowed resources other than
coal to be explored as viable options. In 2013, electricity generation by fuel type was as
follows: coal (43%), natural gas (22%) nuclear (22%), hydro (7%), wind (4%), biomass
(1%), and solar (<1%).29
Figure 5: Electricity generation make-up in the United States36
36 United States. Department of Energy. Energy Information Administration. Electricity Net Generation: Electric Power Sector. Washington, D.C.: EIA, February 2014. Web.
Coal 43%
Natural Gas 22%
Petroleum 1%
Nuclear 22%
Solar 0%
Wind 4%
Biomass 1%
Hydro 7% Coal
Natural Gas Petroleum Nuclear Solar Wind Biomass Hydro
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The natural gas industry in particular has advanced at an unprecedented rate since
2005. In 1997, the first large-scale shale gas extraction was achieved. Prices declined
rapidly after this point, and in 2012 hit historic lows at $1.95/MMBtu.37 The price of coal
for electricity generation at this time was $2.35/MMBtu.38 As natural gas prices continue
to decline, distribution has allowed for increased generation by this resource nationwide.
By 2010, 12 states used natural gas as their primary fuel for electricity generation; 26
states continue to support the majority of their electricity consumption with coal, though
only 3 states use coal to generate over half of their electricity demand. Washington D.C.
and Hawaii use petroleum as their dominant energy source. In 10 states- Alaska,
California, Connecticut, Delaware, Florida, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Mississippi,
Nevada, and Rhode Island- natural gas powers over half of the states’ electricity
production.39
3.3 Renewable energy capacities in the United States
The topography and location of the United States provides immense renewable
energy potential. The nation is diverse with respect to solar and wind capacity; in areas
such as Arizona, potential solar capacity is comparable to that of Sub-Saharan Africa.40
Wind potential in the Midwest is at levels comparable to that in Northern China.41 The
37 What is Shale Gas and Why is it so Important? US Energy Information Administration – Independent Statistics & Analysis. Web. 38 United States. Department of Energy. Energy Information Administration. Table 4.10.A. Average Cost of Coal Delivered for Electricity Generation by State, December 2013 and 2012 Washington, D.C.: EIA, February 2014. Web. 39 United States. Department of Energy. Vehicle Technologies Office. Sources of Electricity by State. Department of Energy: Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy, Nov. 2012. Web. 40 United States. Department of Energy. Energy Information Administration. Net Generation by State by Type of Producer by Energy Source. Washington, D.C.: EIA, February 2014. Web. 41 "Global Horizontal Irradiation: World" Map. SolarGIS. GeoModel Solar, 2013. Web.
22
United States can be viewed as encompassing the renewable energy environments of the
world; with the proper policies, it could very well power its entire electricity demand
using renewable resources. The figures in Appendix B describe the magnitude and
spectrum of solar and wind potential in the United States.
Potential wind generation is estimated to be at 10,459GW for onshore wind
projects. This is nine times the energy needed to supply the total electricity demand of the
United States. Likewise, solar has the ability to generate over 100 times the current
electricity demand with a potential of 192,864GW.42 Wind technology, one of the more
mature renewable energy technologies, generated 61,108MW at the end of 2013. It has an
annual growth rate of nearly 50%, compared to the international growth rate of 28.8%. In
the solar industry, PV technologies have been particularly successful, generating over
10GW and putting the United States in the same tier of installed capacity as China, Italy,
and Germany.43 In 2013, the industry installed 900-1000MW of new generating capacity
per quarter.44
3.4 Renewable Energy Trends
Renewable energy currently accounts for roughly 6% of total electricity generated
in the United States. Industry growth, however, did not accelerate until the 1970’s, when
an embargo was placed on petroleum imports from OPEC nations in the Oil Shock of
42 Mapping the Global Wind Power Resource. College of the Earth, Ocean, and Environment. University of Delaware, 2013. 43 Montgomery, James. "US Joins 10-GW Solar PV Club, Prepares For Liftoff." Renewable Energy (2013). 44 Lopez, Anthony, Billy Roberts, Donna Heimiller, Nate Blair, and Gian Poro. U.S. Renewable Energy Technical Potentials: A GIS-Based Analysis. Tech. Golden: National Renewable Energy Laboratory, 2012. Print.
23
1973. This led to a serious consideration of the use of renewable resources for electricity
generation. In 1978 the Public Utilities Regulatory Policy Act (PURPA) was passed.
Aimed to increase an emphasis on domestically generated renewable energy, this
regulation forced electric utilities to contract for power from renewable or energy
efficient users. This allowed for a long-term and stable market for qualified facilities
(QF) to continue power generation, as well as increased wholesale electricity competition
among suppliers. Several state-level policies evolved from this initiative; California, in
particular, began an aggressive campaign for the implementation of renewable energy
technologies. Over the course of a decade, more than 12,000MW of renewable power
was introduced in the United States.45 This trend continued until 1990.
The period between 1990 and 1997 witnessed a temporary pause to the growth of
domestic renewable power. This was due to confusion surrounding the deregulation of
electricity markets at the state level. Deregulation divides the supply of electricity into
production and distribution; in states that have not undergone this decoupling, the utility
controls both of these components. Deregulation allows consumers to choose their
electricity suppliers based on cost. Ultimately, consumers are allowed to choose the
electric generating entity in a competitive market. Currently, 24 states in the U.S. have
some form of deregulated (or partially deregulated) electricity markets.46 In March 1998,
California became the first state to restructure its electricity market. It partially divested
the market from large utilities, and allowed residential consumers to choose independent
45 United States. Department of Energy. Stakeholder Engagement and Outreach. New Wind Resource Maps and Wind Potential Estimates for the United States. Department of Energy: Energy Efficiency and Renewable Energy, Feb. 19, 2012. 46 Slocum, Tyson. "Electric Utility Deregulation and the Myths of the Energy Crisis." Bulletin of Science, Technology & Society 21.6 (2001)
24
suppliers.47 Although this presented an opportunity for lower electricity rates through
market forces, deregulation in California ultimately failed. The state implemented price
controls on retail rates while deregulating the wholesale market. This meant that as
demand for electricity increased, wholesale prices would increase but retail prices would
remain relatively constant. In a deregulated market, wholesale suppliers were able to
withhold generation to manipulate the price.48 This caused dramatic supply shortages that
lead to brownouts. While deregulation ultimately allowed for the entrance of renewable
energy into local energy economies, the learning curve for this policy was long and
significant.
As states underwent their difficult transitions to deregulated markets, federal tax
incentives were also rescinded. The production tax credit (PTC), one of the main
incentives for renewable energy technologies, was established when the Energy Policy
Act was passed in 1992. This tax credit expired in June 1999 and was then extended in
December of the same year; however, in the face of the PTC’s expiration, renewable
energy companies did not plan for the construction of new facilities.49 Instead, they
waited until the PTC was extended to 2001. Since its first expiration, the PTC has been
extended on intervals of 2-3 years as part of several tax relief policies: the Job Creation
and Worker Assistance Act of 2002, Working Families Tax Relief Act of 2004, Energy
47 Ritschel, Alexander, and Greg P. Smestad. "Energy Subsidies in California’s Electricity Market Deregulation." Energy Policy 31 (2003): 1379-391. Web. 48 Martinot, Eric, Jan Hamrin, and Ryan Wiser. Renewable Energy Policies and Markets in the United States. Center for Resource Solutions, 2005. Web. 49 U.S. Wind Industry Fourth Quarter 2013 Market Report. Rep. Washington, D.C.: American Wind Energy Association, 2014. Print.
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Policy At of 2005, Tax Relief an Health Care Act of 2006, Economic Stabilization Act of
2008.50
After about five years, the confusion from electricity market deregulation began
to settle down and renewable energy growth regained momentum. Several policies were
implemented to construct and operate large amounts of renewable power. One of the
most instrumental of these policies was the Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS),
introduced by state governments. The RPS required a certain percentage of a states’
electricity generation to come from renewable energy resources. By 2005, 18 states and
Washington D.C. had adopted an RPS, with requirements ranging from 1% to 30%.
Currently, 37 states have implemented an RPS or similar renewable energy goal.48
Another type of program that has significantly impacted the growth of renewable
energy is the renewable energy credit (REC) program. Under the RPS, a utility is
required to generate a part of its electricity from renewable energy. The REC program
allows these utilities to purchase credits from renewable energy facilities in lieu of their
own generation. The basic structure of the program is similar to that of the carbon cap-
and-trade (CaT) programs. This controversial program has been likened to “someone rich
paying another person to go to jail”;51 in this case, carbon emitting entities can continue
to emit at current rates as long as they purchase credits from a non or lesser-emitting
entity. However, the REC program safeguards against this by incentivising production
and not reduction. While carbon CaT aims to ultimately encourage the exit of carbon
intensive industries from the market, the REC program promotes entrance by renewable
50 "Solar Energy Facts: 2013 in Review." Solar Energy Data. Solar Energy Industries Association. 51 Juma, Calestous. "Green Economy and Climate Change." ESPP 90p: Biotechnology, Sustainability and Public Policy. Harvard University, Cambridge. 26 Feb. 2014. Lecture.
26
energy-based facilities. It is much more difficult to phase an established industry out of
the energy economy than it is to bring a new one in. This is because familiarity breeds
complacency and a mature industry that has had a history of supplying energy will not
exit the economy without opposition. The fossil fuel industries that are grandfathered
socially will also be grandfathered politically.
Figure 6: Consumption (overall) by renewable energy source in the United
States52
52 United States. Department of Energy. Energy Information Administration. Renewable energy consumption by energy-use sector and energy source, 2006 - 2010. Washington, D.C.: EIA, August 2013. Web.
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Figure 7: Consumption for electricity generation by renewable energy source53
The current market share of renewable energy in the United States is a result of a
long history of policy successes and failures. The future of renewable energy market
growth depends on the continuation and enhancement of federal tax incentives and state
level energy programs. In January 2014, the PTC for wind expired along with 55 other
tax credits.54 In the period between 2000-2014, the PTC had driven advancements in wind
technologies and installations. When a similar event occurred in 2013, investment
significantly declined in the one week that a PTC was not present. With no extension on
the table as of yet, further developments in wind power may be stagnated for this fiscal
year.
53 United States. Department of Energy. Energy Information Administration. Table 3. Renewable energy consumption for electricity generation by energy-use sector and energy source, 2006 - 2012. Washington, D.C.: EIA, August 2013. 54 Pulmer, Brad. "From NASCAR to Wind Power: Congress Just Let 55 Tax Breaks Expire." The Washington Post 2 Jan. 2014: Web.
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3.5 The solar energy industry in the United States
The solar PV industry in the United States is the most rapidly growing industry in
the renewable energy market today. Since 2011, solar generation has increased by 2300%
and in 2013 surpassed wind in new generation (36.7GW added versus 35.5GW
added).49,50 The costs of solar installations have decreased at near record rates; the cost of
solar panels in Q3 2013 was 60% lower than the cost in Q1 2011.55 Despite tensions in
international trade from the United States’ use of import tariffs on solar system
components, the National Renewable Energy Laboratory (NREL) estimates that system
prices will continue to decrease through 2014 at a rate of approximately 6-7%.56
Figure 8: Installed system prices for residential and commercial PV systems56
55 U.S. Solar Market Insight: Executive Summary. Rep. N.p.: Solar Energy Industries Association, Greentech Media, 2014. Print. 56 United States. Department of Energy. National Renewable Energy Laboratory. Photovoltaic (PV) Pricing Trends: Historical, Recent, and Near-Term Projections. By David Feldman, Galen Barbose, Robert Margolis, Ryan Wiser, Naim Darghouth, and Alan Goodrich. SunShot, 2012. Print.
29
This continued decrease in prices has been embraced by middle class residential
consumers, and 60% of residential installations in the past decade have been located in
areas with a median income of $40,000-$90,000. Furthermore, neighborhoods with the
most growth have been on the lower end of this spectrum, in areas with a median income
of $30,000-$40,000 in New Jersey and $40,000-$50,000 in both Arizona and
California.57,58 Solar has become attractive for lower middle class customers because of
the potential for even further cost savings through federal and state level grants and
incentives. Through policies like net metering that target smaller scale PV systems,
accessibility to renewable energy technologies has increased.
3.6 Current federal renewable energy policies
Current federal renewable energy policies can be roughly categorized into energy
tax policies, grant programs, and loan programs. The most significant of these three in
galvanizing solar energy growth has been the tax-based incentives. The other two policies
have had an impact on the solar energy industry primarily by attracting investment into
the construction of new solar facilities. The following section describes the policies that
are pertinent to the solar industry in both the residential and commercial sectors.
57 Meza, Edgar. "Study: American Middle Class Embracing Solar Technology." Photovoltaic Markets and Technology 23 Oct. 2013: Web. 58 Harris, Arno. "The Era of Mainstream Clean Energy: Solar Rising." Recurrent Energy Conference. Stanford University, Palo Alto. Jan. 2013.
30
Tax policies
There are currently two major tax-based policies that support solar installation in the
United States: the Qualifying Advanced Manufacturing Investment Tax Credit (ITC) and
the Modified Accelerated Cost-Recovery System (MACRS). The two can be used in
conjunction with each other and significantly reduce the cost of the system.
- The ITC offers a 30% tax reduction on investments in renewable energy
technologies. This incentive was introduced in the American Recovery and
Reinvestment Act. The maximum is $30 million and the total budget in 2013 was
$150 million.59 The incentive is used to support expansions of existing facilities
that are large and able to spur job growth. This incentive is not used for residential
rooftop installations, but rather larger installations from which a number of
households can receive power [61]. It is therefore often used by larger solar
companies to support the construction of new generating facilities.
- MACRS provides annual deductions on depreciated property. Using a set
depreciation table, businesses are able to recover investments on solar energy
installations. Most solar projects fall under the 5-year property class, and owners
can deduct 20% in the first year, 32% in the second year, 19.2% in the third year,
11.52% in the fourth and fifth years, and 5.76% in the sixth year after
construction.60 In addition to MACRS, a bonus depreciation policy was
59 "Investment Tax Credit." Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy, 2014. Web. 60 "Modified Accelerated Cost-Recovery System+ Bonus Depreciation." Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy, 2014. Web.
31
implemented in the Economic Stimulus Act of 2008, allowing businesses to
receive a 50% first-year bonus depreciation.
1603 Federal Grant Program
The 1603 Treasury Program was designed to be used in lieu of the ITC. The
program was established through the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009,
in the wake of the financial recession. It allows businesses to receive a grant equal to the
amount they would have received with an ITC. Residential projects are also eligible if
they are operated by third-party owners (such as a solar leasing company). The program
has allowed for the advancement of the private sector market, and subsequently solar
innovation and efficiencies. In just three years, the 1603 Treasury Program incentivized
$7.17 billion in private sector projects and the creation of 52,000- 75,000 jobs.61
61 "1603 Federal Grant Program." Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy, 2014. Web.
32
CHAPTER 4
Solar Policies in Massachusetts
4.1 Renewable energy trends in Massachusetts
Massachusetts is an unexpected leader in the United States’ clean energy
transition, and the state boasts one of the least energy intensive economies in the nation.
The population density is relatively high at 852.6 residents per square mile, yet per-capita
energy consumption was only 211.8 million Btu in 2011. It is 46th in per-capita energy
consumption rankings by state, followed by Hawaii, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New
York, and California [64,65]. In 2010, Massachusetts became the nation’s most energy
efficient state, as measured by the American Council for an Energy Efficient Economy
(ACEEE). It has maintained this position for three years subsequently.62 Primarily
targeting utility-scale energy efficiency projects, Massachusetts has implemented various
state-level energy rebates and incentives to reduce electricity demand. With regard to
renewable energy advancements, Massachusetts has provided an example for neighboring
states with its expansive network of renewable energy incentives and credit programs.
The reasoning behind this investigation and discussion of Massachusetts-based
energy policies is that the state is likely to be the leader of regional renewable energy
transitions in the future. Along with California, Massachusetts has one of the most
ambitious clean energy goals in the United States. In December 2010, the Executive
62 American Council for an Energy Efficient Economy. Massachusetts Most Energy-Efficient State in 2013 with California Close Behind at #2, Mississippi Is Most Improved. Energy Efficiency Scorecard. N.p., 6 Nov. 2013. Web.
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Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs announced a greenhouse gas emissions
reductions goal of 25% below 1990 levels by 2020.63 This was compliant with the state’s
Global Warming Solutions Act (GWSA) of 2008 which mandated a reduction of 80% by
2050.64 In order to achieve these emissions reductions goals, the state has tapped into its
abundant renewable energy resources while also relying heavily on natural gas for
electricity generation.
Further, in 2007 Governor Deval Patrick proposed a solar energy goal of 250MW
by 2017. This was bolstered by the Commonwealth Solar Rebate Program of 2008, which
allowed for installations to increase from 3.5MW in 2007 to 270MW in 2012.65 The
continuation, enforcement, and enhancement of state and federal-level incentives and
credit trading programs will accelerate the advancement of renewable energy in
Massachusetts into 2030. This report aims to explore the options available to the state
legislature in realizing the full potential of its wind and solar capacity.
4.2 Energy make up in Massachusetts
Natural gas currently dominates Massachusetts’ energy consumption; the recent
discovery of the vast shale deposits in neighboring states, particularly in the Mid-
Atlantic, has allowed for depreciations in energy production costs that make other
resources no longer cost-competitive. Figure 9 describes the trends in energy
63 United States. Department of Energy Resources. Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs. Massachusetts Clean Energy and Climate Plan. Boston: n.p., 2010. Climate Protection and Green Economy Climate Protection and Green Advisory Committee. 29 Dec. 2010. Web. 64 United States. Department of Energy Resources. Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs. Massachusetts’ Progress Towards Reducing Greenhouse Gas. Massachusetts Global Warming Solutions Act. Web. 65 Massachusetts Clean Energy Center. Department of Energy Resources. Second Round of 2013 Massachusetts Solar Incentive Program Opens for Applications. About Solar Electricity. MassCEC, 12 Sept. 2013. Web.
34
consumption in Massachusetts, and illustrates a significant increase in natural gas
consumption as well as the decline in the use of coal and petroleum as energy resources.
Figure 9: Energy consumption for Massachusetts’ electricity generation 66,67,68
On a national level, petroleum has historically been the second most used resource for
electricity generation, after coal. In Massachusetts, petroleum was the primary resource
consumed in the electric power sector from 1965 to 1993. After the oil shock of 1979,
Massachusetts underwent a steady decline in the use of petroleum for electricity
generation. The current level of consumption in this sector is minimal. The
transportation sector, however, has historically been nearly completely reliant on oil,
primarily in the form of gasoline. While a transition in the transportation sector to natural
gas is forecast, until technological advances are made on automobiles, petroleum will
66 United States. Department of Energy Resources. Energy Information Administration. Massachusetts Petroleum Estimates. Vol. F15. Total Petroleum Consumption Estimates, 2011. Web. 67 United States. Department of Energy Resources. Energy Information Administration. Table CT1. Energy Consumption Estimates for Major Energy Sources in Physical Units, 1960-2011. Web. 68 United States. Energy Information Administration. Department of Energy. State Energy Consumption Estimates: 1960 through 2011. Washington D.C.: n.p., 2013. Consumption Estimate in Physical Units. June 2013. Web.
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continue to hold a significant share in the state’s energy market as a whole.69
Coal consumption for electricity increased dramatically in the early 1980s,
correlating with the sudden reduction in petroleum use in the wake of the oil shock of
1979. Since this initial spike, consumption has remained relatively constant at about 120
trillion Btu annually. The trajectory of coal consumption for electricity had a generally
negative correlation with that of petroleum consumption until the 1993 when natural gas
became the dominating resource. In 2011, only 11% of electricity generated came from
coal-fired facilities. Despite this small margin, Massachusetts is currently the largest coal
consuming state in New England.70 As of 2005, there were 12 coal-fired power plants that
comprised roughly 12% of the state’s total electricity generation. Two large power plants,
generating more than 300MW each, comprised 1,454.5MW or roughly 81.4% of
electricity generated from coal.71 Brayton Point in Bristol County has a nameplate
capacity of 1,125MW, and Salem Harbor in Essex County has a nameplate capacity of
330MW.72 In early 2013, through large public protests by various non-profit and
community organization, Dominion- the owner of both large power plants- decided to set
a closing year of 2017 for Brayton Point.73 This will mean a power generation reduction
of about 7% that will likely be filled with generation from natural gas.
In 1991, natural gas surpassed petroleum to become the state’s primary energy 69 Mcrae, Gregory C., and Carolyn Ruppel. The Future of Natural Gas. Rep. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2011. MIT Study on the Future of Natural Gas. MIT, June 2011. Web. 70 U.S. Coal Supply and Demand: 2011 Year in Review. Publication. U.S. Energy Information Administration, 11 June 2012. Web. Nov. 2013. 71 United States. Energy Information Administration. Department of Energy. Net Generation from Coal by State by Operating Facility: 2012. Washington D.C.:2012. November 2013. Web. 72 Dominion Corporate. Brayton Point Power Station. Boston: Dominion Corporate, 2012. Print. 73 Konkel, Lindsey. "Coal-Fired Power Plants Virtually Extinct in New England: Scientific American." Coal-Fired Power Plants Virtually Extinct in New England: Scientific American. Scientific American, 1 July 2013. Web. Nov. 2013.
36
resource. Currently, it constitutes roughly three quarters of the energy market supply with
primary end-use in electricity production and in the residential sector. While most of
Massachusetts’ natural gas is distributed by pipeline, the state hosts three terminals that
provide 20% of New England’s natural gas.69 With the recent extraction of resources
from the vast natural gas deposits in the Marcellus Formation, wholesale gas prices have
decreased in the short-term. In the long-term, increased exports or other domestic uses
may result in at least a marginal rise in domestic prices as demand increases
incrementally to meet supply. Additionally, the need for developing future technology to
extract the resource beyond the currently abundant shale gas deposits is likely to cause
the price of natural gas consumption to increase. Although Massachusetts has become a
hub for interstate natural gas imports, it lacks the reserves to be self-sufficient using this
resource.
Where Massachusetts lacks fossil fuel reserves within its borders, it is abundant in
renewable energy resources. The state’s utilization of these resources began in 2006 with
the installation of 3MW of wind turbines. By 2012, the cumulative installed capacity
reached 100MW.74 Significant solar installations began in 2006, when 2.18MW were
installed cumulatively.75 This represented a 600% increase from 2005, when the installed
capacity was 0.28MW.76 Both energy resources are currently supported by tax subsidies
and energy rebates that allow for the payback period to be markedly decreased. Further,
the residential sector in Massachusetts can currently achieve a payback period of 5-6
years instead of the typical 20 years for solar and 10 years instead of 25 years for small
74 Jordan, Phillip, and Jamie Barrah. 2012 Massachusetts Clean Energy Industry Report. Issue brief. Massachusetts Clean Energy Center, 2013. Web. 75 Sherwood, Larry. U.S. Solar Market Trends 2008. Rep. Interstate Renewable Energy Council, June 2009. Web. 76 Sherwood, Larry. U.S. Solar Market Trends 2009. Rep. Interstate Renewable Energy Council, June 2010. Web.
37
wind turbine installations.
4.3 The Massachusetts electricity distribution network
Massachusetts deregulated its electricity market in 1997 when the Massachusetts
Legislature implemented The Electric Restructuring Act. This law made it possible for
electricity consumers to choose both an electricity supplier and distributer instead of
being assigned a conglomerate public utility based on location.77 Prior to The Electric
Restructuring Act, Massachusetts residents paid some of the highest rates in the United
States. Following in the footsteps of California’s AB1890 that restructured and
deregulated electricity distribution, Massachusetts structured the law differently so that it
would not encounter the same concerns faced by California. The most significant of these
differences was that Massachusetts allowed for maintained price flexibility, while
California placed caps on electricity rates.78 By 1998, Massachusetts residents saved
10% on monthly electricity bills, and by 1999 an additional reduction of 5% was
achieved.79 Furthermore, the law allowed for new generation facilities to be built,
avoiding the electricity shortages that California faced in the wake of the California
Electricity Crisis of 2001.
The Electric Restructuring Act allowed for out of state retail electricity suppliers
to enter the competitive energy supply market, effectively lowering rates for consumers.
77 United States. General Court of Massachusetts. Session Laws: Chapter 164 of the Acts of 1997. November 1997. Web. 78 May, Thomas J. "Deregulation in Massachusetts: It's Working." Transmission & Distribution 1 Dec. 2001: Web. 79 Joskow, Paul L. "Restructuring, Competition and Regulatory Reform in the U.S. Electricity Sector." Journal of Economic Perspectives 11.3 (1997): 119-38. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Summer 1997. Web.
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Local utilities maintained the responsibility of electricity distribution and in some
locations a small share of the supply market. Currently, four larger companies control
residential electricity supply in Massachusetts. Fitchburg Gas and Natural Light
Company, the smallest of this group, provides service to the towns of Ashby, Fitchburg,
Lunenburg, and Townsend.80 National Grid provides service to Worcester, Bristol,
Plymouth, and Essex counties, in addition to surrounding states.81 NSTAR Electric
provides electricity services to areas of Plymouth, Middlesex, and Worcester counties.82
Western Massachusetts Electric Company primarily provides service to the region west
of Worcester County.83
Distribution through the electric grid is essentially a complex web of connections
among public utilities, retail electricity suppliers, generators, and consumers. It is divided
into three key levels at which individual prices are set based on location and
circumstance. At the first stage, generation, power plants produce large amounts of
electricity to be transmitted through the grid. These facilities are typically centrally
located, and are owned by energy production companies based both in and out of state.
The energy production companies then forward the cost of their electricity generation to
the transmission stage, where it concurrently enters the wholesale electricity market.84,85
In Massachusetts, this market is regulated by the New England Independent System
Operator (ISO-NE). At this point, retail electricity suppliers take the output from energy
80 Department of Public Utilities. Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs. Electric Retail Suppliers Directory. 81 "Service Territories." National Grid. National Grid: MA Electric Company, n.d. Web. 82 "Service Area Map.": Map. NSTAR. NSTAR: Massachusetts Area, Web. 83 "Areas Serviced: Directory.": WMECO. Western Massachusetts Electric Company: Massachusetts Service. 84 Pansini, Anthony J. Electrical Distribution Engineering. New York: McGraw-Hill, 2006. Print. 85 "Distributed Generation and Interconnection in Massachusetts." Distributed Generation and Interconnection in Massachusetts. Massachusetts Department of Energy Resources, 10 Nov. 2013. Web. Nov. 2013.
39
production facilities and price it according to the wholesale market price. The
transmission system takes the large amounts of electricity through high voltage wires as
the market sets the price for retail electricity suppliers. Finally, the electricity is sent to
the distribution stage, at which point the voltage is reduced at substations and sent to end-
use consumers.86 The rate that is paid by the consumer is therefore based on two prices,
one from the retail supplier and the other from the public utility distributer.
4.4 Electricity rates in Massachusetts
Electricity rate trends in Massachusetts currently follow the price trajectory of
natural gas, as the state has become dependent on this primary energy resource. The
historical trend in wholesale electricity rates provided by the ISO-NE at the
Massachusetts Hub reveals that the day-ahead electricity price is set by domestic natural
gas prices.87 Figure 10, below, describes the price differential in both state electricity
rates and natural gas prices on a quarterly basis. It shows a correlation between the two
trajectories, implying that the electricity rate is determined by the state’s heavy reliance
on a single fuel source.
86 "How the System Works: Massachusetts." Distribution and Deregulation. Edison Electric Institute, n.d. Web. 87 Independent System Operator (New England). Day-Ahead Demand-Bid Data: 2003-2013. Web. 20 Sept. 2013.
40
Figure 10: Price comparison of weighted electricity rates and wholesale natural
gas prices (2002-2012)88
As Massachusetts transitions away from fossil fuels, it must have a more varied
portfolio of energy resources. The dependence on natural gas will have significant
ramifications in the long term as the price of natural gas extraction increases. With no
fossil fuel reserves within the state’s borders, Massachusetts must tap into its abundant
renewable energy resources with particular emphasis on wind and solar. While interstate
trade of energy resources is an option, is not the optimal choice because it restricts energy
independence and does not utilize intrastate energy trade opportunities.
The Energy Information Administration (EIA) estimates that electricity rates will
continue to increase through 2015, while electricity consumption will remain roughly
constant.89 This is partly based on fuel cost projections, with particular emphasis on the
cost of natural gas extraction. Another important factor in the rising cost of electricity is 88 Energy Information Administration. Natural Gas in New England: Natural Gas Prices: Electric Power Price. Web. 20 Sept. 2013.
-2
-1.5
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-0.5
0
0.5
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Pric
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Price differential for weighted price
Price differential forwholesale price of natural gas
41
the increasing capital cost of building new power plants. The EIA recognizes the role of
the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and its plans to implement more stringent
regulations for new fossil fuel plants, in addition to the not-in-my-backyard public
opposition towards nuclear facilities and an increased awareness of the effects of fossil
fuel combustion on the global climate. These factors have made permitting and grid
interconnection more expensive for energy producers who had relied previously on a
consistently increasing demand for electricity to keep capital costs low. The recent
economic downturn has also softened demand and has caused a nationwide decrease in a
technologically skilled labor force. Coal, nuclear, and renewables generating facilities
typically have higher upfront capital cost than natural gas, which makes electricity rates
additionally dependent on wholesale prices for natural gas.
The EIA’s forecast estimates an average annual increase of 1.6% in electricity
rates through 2040. The following diagram depicts this growth, accounting for
generation, transmission, and distribution costs:
42
Figure 11: Electricity rate projections in the United States (2003-2040)89
The Energy Outlook model that the EIA used assumes that current policies and
regulations will stay the same for the next 30 years. Weight was particularly placed on
the relationship between crude oil and natural gas prices in structuring the model, as these
were deemed as the primary resources consumed in the U.S. energy market.
In Massachusetts, electricity rates are slightly higher than other areas primarily
because the state lacks energy resource reserves within its borders. The following is a
diagram of electricity rates, inclusive of generation, transmission, and distribution costs
for Massachusetts from 1997 to 2012. The trajectory is superimposed on national and
regional (New England) trends, and displays the markedly higher rates that were found
the state. Massachusetts electricity rates are dependent on domestic wholesale natural gas
prices, as these prices have declined in recent years as noted earlier in response to the
increase supply for and subsequent decrease in shale price elasticity.
89 Short-Term Energy Outlook (STEO). Rep. Energy Information Administration, Fall 2013. Web.
0
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8
10
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2000 2010 2020 2030 2040
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Figure 12: Historical retail electricity rates in the United States, New England, and
Massachusetts (1997-2012)90,91
4.5 Renewable energy trends and the Renewable Portfolio Standard
As a leader in the transition to a renewable energy economy, Massachusetts has
implemented numerous state-level financial programs to incentivize the growth of the
wind, solar, and biofuel markets. Massachusetts’ Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS)
was one of the first laws to put a number on its carbon emissions reduction goal. An RPS
mandates that retail energy suppliers fulfill a certain percentage of their supply using
renewable energy resources. In Massachusetts, this percentage is satisfied through the
purchase of RECs, with each REC equivalent to 1MW of renewables-sourced power.92
The Massachusetts RPS ordered a 1% reduction by 2003, increased by half percent
90 2013 Regional Electricity Outlook. Rep. New England Independent System Operator, Summer 2013. Web. 91 United States. Energy Information Administration. Wholesale Market Data. Updated November 2013. NEPOOL Mass Hub New England. Web. 13 Nov. 2013. 92 "RPS and APS Program Executive Summaries." Energy and Utilities. Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs, Summer 2012. Web.
0 2 4 6 8
10 12 14 16 18 20
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e (c
ents
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h)
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Massachusetts New England United States
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annually until there was a 4% reduction in 2009. In 2009, this annual growth in
reductions was raised to 1% and the RPS was divided into two categories- Class I and
Class II- each with different percentages for renewables obligation.93 Class I is primarily
for renewable resources-based generation facilities that began commercial operation after
1997. The current 2013 RPS Class I requirement is 8%, with an annual increase of 1%.94
The Class II RPS requirement was established in order to facilitate the phase out of older
generation facilities built before 1997. The Class II RPS requirement has two parts, both
of which must be satisfied. The first part is the RPS Class II Renewables Requirement
which orders that 3.6% of generation comes from renewable energy resources. The
second is the RPS Class II Waste Energy Requirement, which is currently 3.5% and
based on electricity or steam generation from burning solid waste at high temperatures.95
The RPS is regulated by the Executive Office of Energy and Environmental
Affairs’ Department of Energy Resources. It is facilitated at the wholesale electricity
market by the New England Power Pool (NEPOOL) Generation Information System
(GIS), which tracks and operates the transmission of electricity into the New England
power grid. Through NEPOOL-GIS, retail electricity suppliers purchase RECs from
renewable energy-based generators who then transfer the RECs through the NEPOOL-
GIS REC database.96
93 Massachusetts Department of Energy Resources. Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs. 225 CMR 15.00 Renewable Energy Portfolio Standard- Class II. Boston: 2010. Print 94 Parker, Seth, Ellen Cool, and Diane Rigos. Power Market and System Operating Impacts of Solar Development in Massachusetts. New England Energy and Commerce Association Renewables and Distributed Generation Committee, 28 Mar. 2012. Web. 95 "Massachusetts Excise Tax Deduction for Solar- or Wind-Powered Systems." Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy/ Interstate Renewable Energy Council, n.d. Web. 96 "Excise tax exemption for solar powered systems." Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy/ Interstate Renewable Energy Council, n.d. Web.
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4.6 Why Solar in Massachusetts?
Massachusetts has a foundation of solar policymaking that makes it conducive for
an emerging and advancing solar photovoltaic market. While wind power has been seen
as the more conventional, and in some ways reliable, energy resource in the northeastern
state, solar is quickly catching up with respect to its renewable energy market share. In
the second quarter of 2012, solar industry growth surpassed wind growth and in 2013
fulfilled 2.3% of Massachusetts energy demand (compared to 1.8% for wind).97 The
following diagram depicts the trajectory of market growth for wind and solar industries.
Figure 13: Renewable energy industry growth in Massachusetts (2007-2013)98
Solar installations have a net capacity factor (efficiency) of 12.8% in
Massachusetts, and have the potential to generate 51,568MW (11,723 million kWh) of
photovoltaic energy.98 For wind installations, the potential more than tripled, at 97 Ardani, Kristen, Dan Seif, Robert Margolis, Jesse Morris, and Carolyn Davis. Non-Hardware (“Soft”) Cost- Reduction Roadmap for Residential and Small Commercial Solar Photovoltaics. Publication. Golden: National Renewable Energy Laboratory, 2013. Print. 98 Department of Energy Resources. Renewable Energy Portfolio Standard Guideline on the Forward Schedule of the Solar Carve-Out and Alternative Compliance Payment. Renewable Energy Portfolio Standard Class I Regulation in 225 CMR 14.00. Massachusetts Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs, 28 Dec. 2012. Web.
0.000000
0.005000
0.010000
0.015000
0.020000
0.025000
0.030000
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
Gro
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Year
Solar Wind
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184,075MW (82,205 million kWh) for offshore windfarms.99 This potential is the amount
of power produced if the state utilized all of its renewable resource. Electricity
consumption in Massachusetts was 55,570 million kWh in 2012, of which the residential
sector comprised about 37.1% (20,670 million kWh).67 Solar energy, which is more
popular in residential installations due to its sizing flexibility, has the potential to power
all residential electricity demand in the state. Perhaps realizing solar energy’s
applicability for smaller household properties, the Massachusetts government has
advanced state-level incentives and credit trading programs more for solar than it has for
wind energy.
Small residential sector solar projects have increased in popularity; from 2011-
2012 this market grew by 60%. In 2013 over 35.9GW of new solar photovoltaic
installations were made worldwide. The revenue from the technology is forecast to
surpass $137 billion by 2020, driven by the rising popularity of “solar-as-service”
businesses which lease the installations but retain ownership over the project.98 Factors
influencing this rise in popularity include the increased awareness of the cost-savings
from solar projects and a public concern with respect to the ramifications of global
climate change. Further incentivizing homeowners is the lower capital cost of installing a
solar project as compared to a wind project, as less property is required to install a solar
system. The National Renewable Energy Laboratory projets that capital cost will
continue to decrease through 2020 due to increased efficiency in manufacture and quality
assurance and that the ultimate cost to consumers will also follow this trajectory.97 The
table below presents NREL’s estimations through 2020:
99 Howe, Peter J. "State to Launch $68m Solar Panel Program." The Boston Globe 14 Dec. 2007: Print.
47
Table B: Soft cost and total cost projections for new solar systems99
2010 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020
Total Soft Costs ($/W)
3.32 2.52 2.25 1.99 1.72 1.45 1.18 0.92 0.65
Total System Costs ($/W)
6.60 4.99 4.49 3.99 3.49 3.00 2.50 2.00 1.50
Currently, the most effective and best publicized renewable energy program in the
state is the RPS Solar Carve-Out Program which was established in 2010. The program,
compliant with the 2008 Green Communitites Act which aimed to emphasize residential
renewable energy projects, went through a series of evaluations by private energy
generators, suppliers, and public utilities before it went into effect. It is a market-based
incentive that supports residential and commerical solar installations to achieve the
DOER’s goal of 400MW of solar photovoltaic energy.100 The Solar Carve-Out Program
was a groundbreaking program that perpetuated the rapid growth of the solar industry in
Massachusetts. This, in addition to smaller state-level programs, makes solar an
economicaly viable option in Massachusetts.
100 "Massachusetts Excise Tax Deduction for Solar- or Wind-Powered Systems." Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy/ Interstate Renewable Energy Council, n.d. Web.
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4.7 Current state-level solar energy incentives
In 2002, Massachusetts’ legislature allocated $68 million to incentivize residential
sector solar installations.101 This budget was exhausted in two years. The Renewable
Portfolio Standard (2002) and subsequent Solar Carve-Out program quickly made solar
power close to cost-competitive with conventional fuel sources. Currently, there are over
twenty state-funded programs that support solar energy installations in the residential and
commercial sectors. Each has individual requirements for the generating facility, and
many include a cap on the size of the incentive (or the size of the plant). These programs
can be categorized into three groups: tax credit-based programs, incentive/rebate
programs, and a renewable energy credit trading program, The following is a listing of
the groups with general descriptions of their programs.
Tax credits
The solar energy tax credit is the oldest solar energy incentive in Massachusetts.
The Residential Renewable Energy Income Tax Credit, which allows a 15% against state
income taxes (up to $1000), was implemented in 1979. The Renewable Energy Property
Tax Exemption credits the property tax on the land used for renewable energy
installations, and was enacted in 1975.102 Despite the fiscal incentive that the tax credit
provided, residential solar panels were not installed until 1993. Because fossil fuel costs
were so low at the time, solar energy was not cost-competitive even when the tax
101 "Excise tax exemption for solar powered systems." Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy/ Interstate Renewable Energy Council, n.d. Web. 102 "Residential Renewable Energy Income Tax CreditDatabase of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy/ Interstate Renewable Energy Council, n.d. Web.
49
exemptions were taken into account. Currently there are five state-funded tax programs
that support solar, listed below:
Table C: Solar tax programs in Massachusetts103,104,105
Tax Program Description Amount Start and End Date Excise tax deduction for solar powered systems
Capital expenditures related to solar installations are tax deductible
100% 2008 onwards
Excise tax exemption for solar powered systems
Property rates related to solar installations are deductible
100% 1976 onwards (updated 2008)
Residential Renewable Energy Income Tax Credit
Tax credit against state income tax for solar installation
15%, up to $1000 1979 onwards
Renewable Energy Property Tax Exemption
Property tax exemption 100% for 20 years (operation period)
1984 onwards
Renewable Energy Equipment Sales Tax Exemption
Equipment sales tax exemption
100% for 20 years (operation period)
1997 onwards
Incentives and rebates:
Massachusetts first implemented its solar incentive program in 2001, when it
enacted a renewable energy surcharge on electric utility bills. In April 2007, a goal of
450MW by 2017 was announced; to facilitate this goal the Commonwealth Solar Rebate
Program was established in January 2008. The most important development in
Massachusetts’ solar rebate programs was the Commonwealth Solar Rebate II that began
concurrently in 2008. The incentive is currently in its 16th block, with a budget of $1.5
million. The program includes a base incentive of $0.40/W, with an added incentive of
$0.05/W for Massachusetts company components and $0.40/W for households of
103 "Renewable Energy Property Tax ExemptionDatabase of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy/ Interstate Renewable Energy Council, n.d. Web. 104 "Renewable Energy Equipment Sales Tax Exemption”Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy/ Interstate Renewable Energy Council, n.d. Web. 105 “Commonwealth Solar II Rebate”Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy/ Interstate Renewable Energy Council, n.d. Web.
50
moderate income or moderate home value. The maximum for this incentive is $4,250 for
residential installations and $2,250 for commercial installations.106
Often applicable in conjunction with the Solar Rebate II program is the Green
Communities Grant Program. Enacted in July 2008, this program allocates custom
incentives to communities that implement education and solar installation projects that
reduce energy use by 20% in 5 years and increase renewable projects significantly. This
program accepted its final application in 2013, and has not been planned to continue into
the next block.107
Renewable Energy Credit Program
The Solar Renewable Energy Credit (SREC) Program was implemented to
facilitate the achievement of energy goals outlined in the Massachusetts RPS, which
mandates that energy suppliers include qualifying renewables in 15% of the electricity
they sell by 2021. It facilitates the trade of Class I solar credits described by the Solar
Carve-Out program, which must come from in-state and interconnected solar facilities.
Each SREC is equivalent to 1MWh of solar-based production. Generators enter their
electricity output, in the form of SRECs, into the SREC auction. Various retail energy
suppliers then enter the market and take out credits as needed. Compliance with the RPS
regulations can only be done through the use of SRECs. The price of each credit is based
106 Massachusetts Clean Energy Center. Commonwealth Solar II - Block 16. Commonwealth Solar II Rebates. Massachusetts DOER, Web. 107 “Green Communities Grant”Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy/ Interstate Renewable Energy Council, n.d. Web.
51
on market behavior, very similar to the cap-and-trade systems used in the European
Union and discussed in the U.S.108
In order to combat the price volatility faced by similar auctions used previously,
the DOER implemented a Solar Credit Clearinghouse Auction with set prices. There is
currently a price floor of $285/MWh ($300/MWh minus a 5% administrative fee) and a
ceiling, known as the Solar Alternative Compliance Payment, that follows the annual
schedule noted below:
Table D: Alternative Compliance Payment values planned109
Year SACP ($/MWh)
2012 550
2013 550
2014 523
2015 496
2016 472
2017 448
2018 426
2019 404
2020 384
2021 365
In the summer of 2013, Solar Credit Clearinghouse Auction entered its first
auction using generation from 2012. Due to the implementation of the incentivizing
108 Berwick, Dan. "Understanding Massachusetts’ SREC Auction Program." Greentech Media 22 July 2013: n. pag. Web. 109 “Solar Renewable Energy Credits” Database of State Incentives for Renewables and Efficiency. Department of Energy/ Interstate Renewable Energy Council, n.d. Web.
52
financial instruments discussed previously, as well as various new business models that
attracted solar installations, the auction did not fully clear. There was an unexpected
oversupply of 38,863 SRECs, and ultimately the auction only partially cleared at the third
and final round with 3 SRECs sold. The DOER offered to purchase the remaining unsold
SRECs at a price of $285/SREC, costing the agency $10,384,545.110 Some SREC
depositors requested that their SRECs be returned to bank for future auctions. While the
cost of this auction failure was significant, it also signaled Massachusetts’ readiness to
encourage further solar developments. Days after the auction results were released,
Governor Patrick announced a solar goal of 1600MW for 2020.111
110 Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs. Department of Energy Resources. DOER After-Auction SREC Purchase Results. Solar Credit Clearinghouse Auction. N.p., n.d. Web. 111 Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs. Department of Energy Resources. SREC-II Solar Carve Out Policy Development. Post-400MW Solar Policy Developments, 7 June 2013. Web.
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CHAPTER 5:
The Solar Power Purchase Agreement
5.1 Background on Solar Power Purchase Agreement
The increasing popularity of solar installations in the residential and commercial
sectors is a result of three factors: a transition in public opinion towards climate change,
the implementation of supportive policies by state and federal governments, and the
emergence of business ventures that take advantage of new financial opportunities. While
the first two of these factors have created an environment that is capable of supporting
solar industry growth in the short term, it was the introduction of SPPA business model
that perpetuated rapid growth between 2003 and 2013, particularly the increase after
2010.112 This model, which consolidates the many components of solar power distribution
into one company, allows end-use customers to easily install residential and commercial
solar systems and for the SPPA-based company to take advantage of the financial
opportunities available.113 The financial systems implemented in Massachusetts are
particularly friendly towards this model and its facilitation of end-use solar consumption.
The SPPA-based business model has evolved from its original form, in which
utilities contract for power from the solar companies, to tailor their agreements on an
independent scale in the distributed generation markets. As the middleman between the
utility and the consumer, the SPPA-based company absorbs the high upfront cost that is 112 "Solar Power Purchase Agreement." Green Power Partnership. Environmental Protection Agency. 113 Critchfield, James, Mark Buckley, and Mark Culpepper. "Solar Power Purchase Agreement." EPA Green Power Partnership. 28 July 2009. Webinar.
54
historically associated with solar installations.114 The model begins with a PPA between
the host and the solar service provider, which allows the provider to own and maintain
any solar installations made. Instead of relying on the local utility for electrical power,
the host purchases it from the solar provider at a negotiated rate that is typically lower
than the standard rate. The state-level financial incentives are processed by the provider,
who also often has control over the sale of the renewable energy credits generated by the
PV system. The utility, though it is not used as the primary power provider, remains
interconnected to the host in order to ensure that regular electricity service can be
provided. It also issues net metering credits to the host (where net metering is available),
allowing the system to sell back electricity that it produces but does not use.115
Figure 14: Overview of the SPPA business model112
114 Kollins, Katherine, and Lincoln Pratson. Solar PV Financing: Potential Legal Challenges to the Third Party PPA Model. Nicholas School for the Environment. Duke University, 5 Dec. 2008. Web. 115 Eberhard, Anton. "Independent Power Producers and Power Purchase Agreements: Frontiers of International Experience." University of Capetown, Graduate School of Business, Cape Town. Presentation.
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A solar PPA (SPPA) covers the installation and operation of a solar panel system
typically for 6-20 years (6 years is the minimum amount of time for tax incentives to be
fully realized).116 In general, the SPPA-based company can take better advantage of the
policy mechanisms offered by the state and utility, which operate in large blocks of
power generation. These companies are able to enter the power generation market (net
metering and SREC auctions) with groups of projects that each total upwards of 1MW.117
This in turn allows for these companies to lower their rates of electricity, making them
cost-competitive with the local utility. Consumers are attracted to the promise of a lower
electricity bill, environmental benefits, and the stable rates that an SPPA offers in volatile
electricity markets.
While many states have adopted policy mechanisms to support a solar energy
transition through SPPAs, they have applied them in distinctive ways. The two most
significant market-based instruments used are net metering programs and the SREC
auction. Net metering is not a transaction between the state government and an electricity
consumer, but rather a renewable facility host and the utility. The net metering program
allows the host to sell net excess generation (NEG) back to the grid, at a rate comparable
to that supplied standard utility.118 The electricity was therefore sold at the retail rate,
rather than the wholesale electricity price. Each state has individual regulations for this
transaction, and those with explicit net metering mechanisms have had increased solar
activity.
116 Customer Guide to Solar Power Purchase Agreements. Publication. Pasadena: Rahus Institute, 2008. Print. 117 Power Purchase Agreement Checklist National Renewable for State and Local Governments. Publication. Golden: National Renewable Energy Laboratory, 2010. Print. 118 "Net Metering." Distributed Generation. National Grid, Web.
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Figure 15: Net metering availability by state119
In addition to net metering, the SREC auction plays a great role in facilitating
SPPA competitiveness. In Massachusetts, where the SREC auction requires entries in
1MW intervals, individual solar hosts are not incentivized to enter their projects. Solar
leasing companies, however, can bundle projects into larger packages that can have
market pull in determining the price of each SREC. Similarly to states that regulate net
metering transactions, states that house intrastate SREC auctions tend to have a better
trajectory towards solar cost competitiveness.120
119 "Map: Net Metering Programs by State." Green Power Network. Department of Energy: Energy Efficient and Renewable Energy, 2013. Web. 120 Massachusetts SREC Market Price & Rule Update. Publication. Boston: Karbone Research and Advisory, 2013. Print.
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Figure 16: SREC programs by state121
The SPPA-based business model evolved from this original legislation as
companies began to tailor their agreements on an independent scale in the distributed
generation markets. As SPPA-backed solar installations continue to increase in
popularity, states will need to explore various policy enhancements and market-based
instruments to support and ease a shift towards a less grid-reliant energy economy.
Massachusetts has already begun to examine relevant policies; therefore, the influence
that the business model has on electricity rates will need to be explored to understand the
direction of solar growth in the future.
121 "Market Drivers: SREC Auctions." Map. Sustainable Energy. Map. Pennsylvania State University, 2012. Print.
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5.2 Issues that the SPPA will face in the future
As the solar industry in Massachusetts continues to gain momentum, it is
important to discuss the obstacles that the SPPA will face in the future. While SPPA-
based installations allow for minimized upfront costs and price stability, they are
vulnerable to problems that are inevitable for this investment-backed emerging market. In
Massachusetts these issues are not too significant because the state has built a solar-
friendly policy infrastructure to support the continued increase of SPPA-based
businesses. As the market expands to other states however, it will face heavy legal
scrutiny that may impede its success in entering the local energy economies. Though in
theory the business model can lead to rate-competitiveness of solar against other
generating resources, these issues must be explored to facilitate the transition to a cleaner
energy economy on a national scale.
(1) Competition with natural monopoly of utilities
Massachusetts’ deregulation of the electricity market has allowed for the entry of
independent generators and the subsequent rise of third-party (SPPA-based) solar
companies. In states that regulate their power distribution, a single utility becomes the
natural monopoly and sets the price of electricity. The legal feasibility of using an SPPA
depends on deregulation; in these cases, the end-use consumer is allowed to choose the
electric generating entity in a competitive market. Currently, 24 states in the U.S. have
some form of deregulated (or partially deregulated) electricity markets. Kansas,
Colorado, Utah, and Florida are four states that do not have deregulated markets but are
59
in regions with high solar influx.122 These states do not have deregulated markets due to
strong political positions of their utilities; competition in the market would impose on the
financial success of the utilities’ current business models.
Public utility commissions (PUC) currently have regulatory power over the
wholesale electricity market in order to ensure that end-use consumers are protected from
fraudulent transactions. Entry into the electricity market by SPPA-based companies leads
them to question whether or not these PUCs should have control over SPPA-based
companies as well.123 Although the companies claim that competitive market behavior
will act as a safeguard, the issue still remains a question of legality. In states with
interconnection regulations, such as Massachusetts, utilities are able to maintain some
oversight through net metering credits. These credits, however, also incentivize solar
installations that in turn dissuade consumers from using the utility. With the increase in
demand for residential solar systems, particularly those that are SPPA-backed, many
utilities are now worried that they will soon become obsolete.
In 2013, the Arizona Public Service (APS) proposed to eliminate net metering
programs and institute a $50 monthly surcharge on homeowners who installed a solar
system. It claimed that solar consumers were receiving credits while non-solar consumers
paid additional amounts on their electricity bills to maintain the distribution
infrastructure.124 In November 2013, regulators agreed to allow the net metering program
to continue but for a $5 surcharge to be implemented on solar consumers’ bills. Earlier in
2008, the Arizona Corporate Commission, the regulatory body for power distribution, 122 "Energy Deregulation State By State Breakdown." IConnectEnergy. Verde Energy USA. 123 St. John, Jeff. "Fight Over Battery-Backed Solar in Southern California." Greentech Media 23 Sept. 2013:Web. 124 Cardwell, Diane. "Compromise in Arizona Defers a Solar Power Fight." The New York Times. The New York Times, 15 Nov. 2013.
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had claimed that SPPA-based installations were not legal.125 Citing Article 15 Section 2
of Arizona’s constitution, it defined a public utility as an entity “furnishing electricity or
power” and required the companies to be regulated. However, this was also struck down
as the companies are not “clothed in the public interest” and therefore are not utilities but
private businesses.126 Arizona has the third largest installed solar capacity in the United
States, and its recent history of conflict should be viewed as a harbinger of obstacles to
come.
(2) Solar is unsustainable, needs incentives to thrive
An argument that is raised as a shift towards the SPPA gains momentum in
Massachusetts is that solar industries necessitate generous policies to facilitate growth,
and that the market is not inherently sustainable. The existence and amount of
government support for an emerging market, however, is not uncommon and certainly is
not new. In fact, in the period between 2003 and 2012, the federal government spent
more on the development of almost every other type of energy resource than it did on
renewable energy resources.127
125 Wilder, Clint. "2014: The Maturation of Clean Tech." The Huffington Post. TheHuffingtonPost.com, 09 Jan. 2014. Web. 126 "Public Service Corporations" Defined. Phoenix: Arizona State Legislature. 127 United States. Congressional Research Service. Renewable Energy R&D Funding History: A Comparison with Funding for Nuclear Energy, Fossil Energy, and Energy Efficiency R&D. By Fred Sissine. Washington, D.C.: n.p., 2012. Print.
61
Figure 17: Federal expenditures on energy by source (2003-2012)
In 2009, the federal government spent $3.2 billion to support fossil fuels compared to
$1.5 billion for renewable energy resources.128 The majority of the financial support was
received by these industries in the form of tax subsidies and exemptions. 40% of the cost
of federal energy development came in the form of tax provisions, or the amount of
federal tax revenue reduced. Over the course of 60 years, the United States government
spent $194 billion on tax policies for the oil industry, compared to $44 billion for wind
and solar combined.129
Based on President Obama’s FY2014 budget, the future of tax policies will not
include an increase in tax credits for renewable energy, but rather an extension of what is
already in place. In the period between 2013 and 2017, the cost of tax provisions for
fossil fuels is expected to be $20.6 billion. For renewables, this cost is estimated to be
$39.6 billion. Of this $39.6 billion, however, $17.2 billion is expected to be provided 128 Pew Charitable Trust. Pew Illuminates Federal Energy Spending. Federal Energy Spending Analysis. N.p., 9 Sept. 2010. 129 60 Years of Energy Incentives: Analysis of Federal Expenditures for Energy Development. Publication. Washington, D.C.: Nuclear Energy Institute, 2011.
Renewable Energy
17%
Nuclear Energy 26%
Fossil Fuel Energy
25%
Energy Efficiency and
Systems 32%
Renewable Energy
Nuclear Energy
Fossil Fuel Energy
Energy Efficiency and Systems
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through Section 1603 grants, described earlier in Chapter 3.130 Accounting for this, the
actual cost of tax expenditure and tax incentives for renewables is estimated at $22.4
billion for this period. The budget plans to repeal several significant tax policies from the
fossil fuel industry while supplementing the remaining policies with additional incentives
for electric and alternative fuel vehicles. In total, the budget plans to repeal $48.1 billion
in fossil fuel tax provisions over the course of 10 years and to add $33.6 billion in new
and continuing incentives for alternative resources and electric vehicles.
In Massachusetts, federal tax policies- though significant in reducing the cost of
solar electricity- may not be the greatest factor in achieving cost-competitiveness with
other resources. In conjunction with an SPPA, the SREC market will continue to drive
down costs by encouraging direct investment into the state. The market-based instrument
is not supported by federal funding and does not figure into the calculation of federal
expenditures on energy development outlined above. Although the 2013 Solar
Clearinghouse Auction did not clear, as explained in Chapter 3, the introduction of the
SREC market incentivized over half a billion dollars in direct investment. This direct
investment was reflected in an increased number of out-of-state solar companies planning
projects in Massachusetts.131 The total cost from the first SREC auction was $14 million,
but the market ultimately brought in over $450 million in additional revenue to the
Massachusetts solar industry.132 Using the alternative compliance payment price, the
impact of the SREC market on electricity costs can be calculated as having a 15%
reduction of end cost. Because the ACP is a price floor, it can be assumed that this is the 130 United States. White House. Office of Management and Budget. FY2014 Budget: Department of Energy. 2013. Web. 131 Abe, Jon. "Conversation with Jon Abe, VP of Nexamp Inc.” 132 "Solar Credit Clearinghouse Auction." Department of Energy Resources. Massachusetts Executive Office of Energy and Environmental Affairs, Web.
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minimum impact. In Massachusetts, significant cost reductions are achieved by allowing
for competition amongst solar companies. The experience in 2013 with market-based
instruments (the SREC auction and net metering program) shows that government
support in the form of market regulation has an equally significant and more sustainable
influence on the solar industry.
(3) Investment-backed installations hurt innovation in the long-term
The sustainability of the solar industry relies on some level of government
support, both at the federal and state level. The sustainability of financing for individual
SPPA-backed projects, however, depends on private investment. Whereas stand-alone
projects require individual households to secure funding for the upfront and maintenance
cost of the solar system, SPPA-backed projects require investments from third party firms
before installation can begin. This dependence on investment for securing funding has led
to questions concerning the SPPA-dominated solar industry’s ability to foster innovation
in the long term. Investors for residential scale projects are generally not looking to spend
on new technologies that have little experience.133 SPPA-based companies are essentially
intermediaries in various transactions; they are much more likely to be successful at
securing funding if they use established solar manufacturers. A foreseeable issue with the
increased growth of the SPPA-based solar market is therefore a plateau in solar
technology innovation, something that cannot easily be fixed with government-supported
R&D efforts.
133 Overholm, Harold. New Business Models Help the Take-up of Sustainable Technologies. Rep. Cambridge: Cambridge University Institute for Manufacturing, 2013.
64
This continued use of the same established manufacturers in some ways
resembles the technological “lock-in” that is caused by government-enforced
performance standards. This lock-in occurs when a certain number is set for the amount
of carbon emissions reduction or renewable technology additions; once this number is
reached, firms are not incentivized to carry out further research and development.134
Similarly, because the solar industry has become successful through the use of standard
photovoltaic technology, investors are less interested in increasing efficiency than they
are in minimizing risk. The SPPA-based company must therefore cater to this
technological complacency. This notion of “bankability”- the ability to secure financing
for a solar system- is characteristic to this branch of the solar industry.133
Figure 18: Components of bankability for solar projects133
134 Jaffe, Adam B., and Robert N. Stavins. "The Energy Paradox and the Diffusion of Conservation Technology." Resource and Energy Economics 16.2 (1994): 91-122. Web.
65
Policymakers must address this issue of innovation within the solar industry in
order to ensure that an increasing solar market does not lead to a stagnant technological
trajectory. In Massachusetts, solar policies should aim to be stable and long-term. By
focusing on streamlining regulations for utility interconnection, permitting, and tax
exemptions, the state government can facilitate solar consumers, especially the
intermediary SPPA-based companies, to utilize more advanced technologies. Risk-averse
investors will not opt for a newer technology if the incentives that allow for project
payback are based on a volatile market. Presenting the SREC auction, net metering
program, and tax incentives as long-term and credible will be key in commercially
implementing the results of solar R&D.
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CHAPTER 6
Impacts of Business and Policy on Massachusetts’ Solar Rates
6.1 Methodology
In Massachusetts, the increased market share of SPPA-based companies has
significant impacts on projected trends in electricity rates. Further, depending on the solar
policies in place, the Massachusetts-based solar industry has the potential to achieve rate
competitiveness with other sources of electricity. The following are projections of
electricity rates, given various policy factors. Together, the five projections demonstrate
the viability of solar-based electricity for Massachusetts. These projections estimate (1)
electricity rates for an independent system that is not operated by a solar leasing company
through an SPPA, (2) electricity rates for an SPPA-backed system without entrance into
the Massachusetts SREC Auction, (3) electricity rates for an SPPA-backed system with
entrance into the Massachusetts SREC Auction, (4) electricity rates for an SPPA-backed
system if “solar-unfriendly” policies are implemented, and (5) electricity rates for an
SPPA-backed system if “solar-friendly” policies are implemented. For the purposes of
this thesis, four financial instruments were used to model electricity rates over the course
of 25 years: federal tax policy, state tax policy, capacity-based incentives, and utility
facilitated incentives. The following is a description of each instrument with the policies
that are covered by the variable:
a. Federal tax policies: For the calculations in this model, the Federal Investment
Tax Credit (ITC) for solar was addressed. This credit allows for a 30% deduction
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for solar systems installed after 2008 that generate over 0.5kW. The ITC is set to
expire in 2016, with a 10% ITC to be enacted in its place. This change is also
reflected in the calculations for the electricity rate projections. Other policies,
such as the Modified Accelerated Cost-Recovery System (MACRS), which
allows for investments in solar installations to be recovered through depreciation
deductions, are not applicable because the model is focused on the residential
sector.59,60
b. State tax policies: State-level tax policies in Massachusetts tend to focus on
residential consumers as the target audience. The Residential Renewable Energy
Income Tax Credit allows for a 15% deduction of up to $1000.102 The Renewable
Energy Property Tax Exemption allows for a 100% tax exemption for the
operational period of the solar system. The Renewable Energy Equipment Tax
Exemption allows for a complete exemption of sales tax on solar components for
the operational period. All three of these policies were accounted for in the
calculation.104
c. Capacity-based incentives: A Massachusetts-based capacity incentive of
$0.40/W, up to $4250, was applied in the calculation. This incentive is funded by
the Commonwealth Solar Rebate II, and a similar incentive of a smaller size is
provided for commercial installations.105
d. Utility facilitated incentives: The net metering program in Massachusetts is a
utility-facilitated program that has a significant impact on solar electricity rates.
Because of the location of the project, the rate schedule for National Grid was
68
used. For the projections in this thesis, a flat net metering tariff of $0.143/kWh
was assumed.118
The following projections use the System Advisor Model (SAM), an input-output
software developed by the National Renewable Energy Laboratory based on a network of
weather stations in the U.S. The software calculates PV solar array and performance
information, PV system costs, financing instruments, incentives, net-metering, and
electric load. The projections in this thesis were formulated by using the results from
SAM as factors in estimating the annual energy value and cost of solar electricity.
For purposes of this thesis, the projections of electricity rates are based on a
hypothetical solar project constructed in 2014. Because the circumstance of financial
incentives undergoes major changes over the lifetime of a solar project, projections were
divided into three phases. During the first phase, from year n=1 to n=3, the federal
investment tax incentive provides a 30% reduction in expenditures. During the second
phase, from year n=4 to n=17, the federal incentive tax credit is reduced to 10% to reflect
the policy change planned for 2017. Finally, during the third phase, from n=18 to n=25,
the capacity-based incentive is removed as it reaches the maximum incentive amount
within the first 17 years of the project’s lifetime.
In order to address a solar installation specifically located in Massachusetts, a
hypothetical system was created. This system was a 4kW installation on a residential
home in Boston, Massachusetts. At this location, the average annual solar irradiance is
1386.6 kWh/m2, the global horizontal insolation is 1431.6 kWh/m2, the wind speed is 5.4
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m/s, and the dry-bulb temperature is 10.3 C. The solar module used was the SunPower
SPR-E20-327, a low-cost product series marketed by the largest module manufacturer in
the world. The module has an efficiency of 20.06% and is mounted on the roof. There are
9 modules per string, and 2 strings in each parallel, connected to one inverter (SMA
America, SB5000TL). More information on the components of a solar system can be
found in Appendix A. The calculation used in SAM was a “worst case calculation”,
addressing the maximum amount of shading from the local weather stations; the annual
output, therefore, declines by 0.5% per year. Addressing shade in this way minimizes the
annual output, thereby giving a lower power calculation. Table E, below, presents the
costs related to this project:
Table E: Costs of a Boston residential solar installation
Direct Cost $19066.05
BOS and Equipment $0.49/Wdc
Installation Labor $0.77/Wdc
Installer margin and overhead $0.91/Wdc
Indirect Capital Cost $3019.68
Permitting $0.12/Wdc
Engineering $0.18/Wdc
Grid Interconnection $300 fixed
Land preparation $300 fixed
Land $0 (assume host owns property)
Operation and Maintenance $20/kWyr
Total Installed Cost $22085.73
Total Installed Cost per Capacity $3.75/Wdc
70
Based on these inputs, the annual generation amount and the total value of tax incentives
were found.
Unlike electricity that is distributed by utilities and private power corporations,
solar installations do not involve the distribution grid and the conventional electric power
market in its electricity pricing method. Therefore, the rates that are presented in this
thesis are the price at the production point, but are also the prices paid by the end-use
consumer.
6.2 Electricity rates for stand-alone solar system
The electricity rate projection for an independent solar installation that was not
facilitated through an SPPA demonstrated an average rate that was higher than the
conventional utility average. These rates showed a significant increase in price, and while
the rate was initially lower than the rates seen throughout the state, it increased much
more quickly than the standard rate. The standard rate was adapted from the trajectory
found by NEPOOL-GIS and NE-ISO. Projection 1, below, presents the stand-alone solar
rate trend alongside the conventional rate trend:
71
Projection 1: Stand-alone solar installation rates versus conventional rates in Massachusetts91,92
This projection is based on a 25-year standard loan. This loan addresses the amortization
of the total installation cost ($22085.73), dividing the total amount into a series of
principal payments and interest payments. These payments are fixed at $1399.33/year,
and include the effects of the discount rate (set at 8%). The total annual energy value is
calculated by adding the effects of incentives to this amortization amount; the total
incentive amounts follow the phases described earlier in this chapter. The following
formula was manipulated for each phase to calculate the annual energy value:
[1]
where Cn is the total annual cost to the consumer, A is the amortized rate (the sum of
principal and interest payments per year), K is the total installed cost, N is the lifetime of
the loan, and Wn is the total power produced by the project in watts for year n. The first
term that is subtracted from A is the federal incentive amount for year n. The second term
is the state incentive amount and the third term is the capacity-based incentive for the
0 0.02 0.04 0.06 0.08 0.1
0.12 0.14 0.16 0.18 0.2
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25
Stand-alone solar electricity rate Massachusetts Standard Electricity Rate
72
same year. The calculations illustrate the value of the total cost in year n. The following
three formulas help to illustrate the price trend for each phase described earlier.
n=1 to n=3:
[2]
n=4 to n=17
[3]
n=18 to n=25
[4]
This projection illustrates the impacts of reduced solar incentives in
Massachusetts. In years n=4 and n=18, the rate for electricity increases significantly,
ultimately stabilizing at about $0.16/kWh. Given this trajectory of prices, this project
would likely attract consumers who are looking for projects with a shorter lifespan. The
electricity rates are based on production (output), and not consumption of electricity;
rates do not necessarily decrease when demand increases because the project is not
entered into the electricity market. Therefore, if the consumer reduces consumption, the
total annual electricity bill can remain relatively low and stable. In the projection above,
the term addressing the incentives from net metering was omitted because the assumed
consumption of electricity (5kW) exceeded electricity production. However, if
consumption were to be reduced, this term would likely have an impact on rates.
Therefore, a consumer may increase electricity use during the first 3 years of the solar
installation and then decrease use at n=4 and n=18. If the consumer reduces use by a
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sufficient amount at these two points- either by changing daily routines or by investing in
energy efficient products- the total bill for this project could remain stable and attractive
for 25 years. However, increasing price is a deterrent for consumers and solar promotion
is limited by the assumption that rates will increase with time. Stand-alone installations
are therefore not the most effective method for advancing further solar energy
developments in Massachusetts.
6.3 Electricity rates for SPPA-backed solar project without SREC
Due to the 1MW entry interval, the SREC auction program is catered towards
large-scale solar installers such as solar leasing companies. In order to assess the impact
of the SREC auction on SPPA rates, however, this analysis first examines the electricity
rates that result from a facilitation by the SPPA without entry into the auction. The
electricity rate trend was placed alongside the trend from the first projection to highlight
the influence of the PPA business model alone. The SPPA-backed project trends were
found using an IRR (internal rate of return) of 15% and a PPA escalation rate of 1%.
Although some firms argue that an 8% IRR is still sustainable, this projection aims to
depict the “worst-case scenario”, and therefore a higher IRR was used. The cash flow
model for the SPPA-backed solar project can be found in Appendix C.
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Projection 2: SPPA-backed solar rates versus stand-alone solar rates in Massachusetts
The annual energy cost per kWh incurred by the SPPA-based company is found
by manipulating Formula 1; in this new formula, the amortization rate is exchanged with
a term that does not include the effect of the 5% interest rate incurred by the standard
loan. This term, X, is the total installation cost divided by the lifetime of the project and
includes the effect of the annual discount rate. Similar to Formulas 2 through 4, the
effects of the various incentives are addressed and their expirations are reflected in the
use of three different formulas. The SPPA fixed rate is set based on the IRR (15%) and
escalation rate (1%), and in this projection falls at $0.158/kWh, which is $0.02/kWh
higher than the average of the annual energy costs to the solar company.
The fixed rate for the SPPA-backed project is the higher than the average rate of
the stand-alone project, and is subsequently higher than the average standard rate in
Massachusetts ($0.158/kWh compared to $0.12/kWh). However, price stability is highly
effective in encouraging consumers to invest in solar through an SPPA. Because the
stand-alone project is vulnerable to the output decrease and consequent rate increases,
0 0.02 0.04 0.06 0.08 0.1
0.12 0.14 0.16 0.18 0.2
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25
Elec
tric
ity r
ate
($/k
Wh)
Year (n)
Stand-alone electricity rate
SPPA fixed rate
75
and because the Massachusetts standard rate is so highly dependent on the wholesale
price of natural gas, the SPPA provides the most stable trajectory for rates in the long-
term. Furthermore, when the additional opportunity cost of the administrative overhead is
addressed, the SPPA option becomes more attractive. If the SPPA-backed rates are
decreased such that its intersection with the stand-alone rate is at a lower n, consumers
will be further incentivized to choose the SPPA option.
6.4 Electricity rates for SPPA-backed solar project with SREC
The impact of the Massachusetts SREC auction on electricity rates is significant.
The lower rate advantage that SPPA-based business models boast is one that is heavily
dependent on the continuation of the SREC program. The following projection
incorporates the influence of the SREC auction by subtracting an additional variable from
the Cn presented earlier. Further, the formula for estimating the annual energy value is
manipulated, such that:
[5]
where S is the ACP from the SREC auction for year n, as outlined in Chapter 4 of this
thesis. The ACP figures, which are presented in units of $/MWh, are converted to $/kWh
and inserted into the formula. The new cost in year n is then calculated into the present
value. Projection 3, below, presents the resulting electricity rate trend alongside the
projections for an SPPA-backed system that is not entered in the SREC auction.
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Projection 3: SPPA-backed, SREC-producing solar rates in Massachusetts
As in the second projection, the fixed contract rate for consumers is calculated using the
assumptions that the IRR=15% with an escalation of 1%. The rates of SREC-entered
projects are roughly $0.04 lower ($0.12/kWh) for consumers than the rates produced
without entry into the auction. The SREC auction clearly gives PPA-based businesses a
significant advantage by allowing them to have a lower electricity rate trajectory, from
which they offer a roughly constant price to their consumers. The slopes of the
trajectories are the same. Yet compared to the graphic presented in Projection 2, the
SREC-entered project achieves a more cost-effective rate trajectory after year n=3. Rate
details for the SPPA-backed, SREC-entered project can be found in Appendix C.
What is even more attractive about the SPPA-based business for end-use
consumers is the cost that is not described in the projections above. Households are often
reluctant to invest the required and significant time into the installation, operation, and
maintenance of a solar installation. Consumers are willing to pay a few cents more if they
0 0.02 0.04 0.06 0.08 0.1
0.12 0.14 0.16 0.18 0.2
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25
Elec
tric
ity r
ate
($/k
Wh)
Year (n)
SPPA-backed electricity with SREC entry
SPPA-backed electricity rate without SREC entry
Electricity rate from stand-alone project
77
are given the option to lease the solar installation. SPPA-based businesses will continue
to thrive as long as utility regulations are supportive and SPPA fixed rates become
comparable to the costs of other sources of energy.
6.5 Electricity rates for “solar friendly” policies and “solar unfriendly” policies
In order to assess the likelihood of this cost competitiveness in the near future,
rates were calculated based on hypothetical “friendly” and “unfriendly” solar policies.
These policies either incentivized or disincentivized the growth of the solar industry in
Massachusetts through changes in tax exemptions and per kWh capacity-based rebates.
Table F outlines the changes that were used in formulating the projections, using the
policies described in Chapter 3 as a foundation. While this table only presents four
discrete policies, it is worth noting that each acts as an umbrella for other more minor
policies.
Table F: Comparison of solar “friendly” and “unfriendly” policies
Current Solar Policies Unfriendly Solar Policies Friendly Solar Policies Federal Investment Tax Credit: 30%
Federal Investment Tax Credit: 10%
Federal Investment Tax Credit: 35%
State Investment Tax Credit: 15%
State Investment Tax Credit: 15%
State Investment Tax Credit: 15%
Capacity Based Incentive (State): $0.40/W up to $4250
Capacity Based Incentive (State): $0.30/W up to $3000
Capacity Based Incentive (State): $0.50/W up to $3000
Net Metering (Flat Buy Rate): $0.14294/kWh
Net Metering (Flat Buy Rate): $0.12/kWh
Net Metering (Flat Buy Rate): $0.15/kWh
Solar Renewable Energy Credit: ACP Table (Chapter 2)
Solar Renewable Energy Credit: None
Solar Renewable Energy Credit: ACP is 5% higher/year
There is currently uncertainty regarding the continuation of the Federal ITC for
solar technologies, which is due for renewal in 2016. In the wake of the Emergency
78
Economic Stabilization Act of 2008, the ITC was allotted an 8-year extension.59 Since its
implementation in 2006, the ITC has facilitated a 1600% growth in the solar industry,
with 625 solar manufacturing facilities across 48 states.50 The policy options in 2016
would be to (1) continue the 30% credit, thereby maintaining the trajectory from
Projection 2, (2) decrease the ITC, and (3) increase the ITC. Currently, the federal
government plants to reduce the credit to 10%; 35% was chosen as the value for the
“friendly” ITC because it indicates the significance of a change in the credit amount.
The capacity-based incentive is currently in its 17th block and while there is not
much debate as to whether or not it will continue, the funding allocation for this program
varies from year to year. For purposes of this thesis, rates were changed by $0.10/W for
each policy option. The State Investment Credit is also a relatively stable policy
mechanism that allows for generous tax returns; since Massachusetts has one of the
friendliest tax policies for solar technologies, and because this policy is planned to
continue beyond 2016, the 15% value was maintained for the three policy options. Net
metering rates are facilitated by the local utility, which buys electricity back at a rate that
is competitive with the price determined by the power distribution market. In this
projection, the rate schedule for National Grid in the Boston area was used to make
reasonable predictions for both friendly and unfriendly policies.118
The trajectories that resulted from these changes in inputs forecast a divergence in
Massachusetts’ path toward a renewable energy transition. 2016 will be a crucial year for
furthering solar industry growth on a federal level, which will subsequently influence the
sway of state-level legislation. Electricity rates (SPPA-backed, SREC entered) based on
changes in current solar policies are described in the projection below:
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Projection 4: Solar rates for “friendly” and “unfriendly” policies
On average, the rates under “friendly policies” ($0.08/kWh) are approximately
$0.04/kWh less than rates under current policies. Rates under “unfriendly policies”
($0.25/kWh) are roughly $0.13/kWh more than those under current policies. Further
details of each project can be found in the cash flow analysis in Appendix C.
The significance of evolving solar policies in the United States is demonstrated by
these projections, which present both best-case and worst-case scenarios. Furthermore,
these figures should be viewed as the range of possibilities for solar electricity rates in
Massachusetts after 2016, and not an exact forecast of rates. While solar energy has the
potential to be more cost-effective than conventional resources, this requires the leverage
provided by the continuation and enhancement of current solar policies. The best-case
scenario is significantly lower than the standard Massachusetts rates. However, this
should be viewed as an extreme, and likely unachievable, given current political
limitations.
0
0.05
0.1
0.15
0.2
0.25
0.3
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25
Elec
tric
ity r
ate
($/k
Wh)
Year (n)
Rate under current policies Rate under "friendly" policies Rate under "unfriendly" policies
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CHAPTER 7
Discussion of Policy Recommendations
7.1 Goals
The overarching goals in future energy policies should be to increase the use of
solar for electricity generation and to sustain solar energy markets. The solar industry is
largely bolstered by direct government incentives such as tax credits. However, in order
to maintain growth in both consumption and investment, the policy emphasis must be
shifted towards the support and regulation of the solar market. Policies must address
consumer rationale and the problems of maximizing profit in electricity markets. They
should also aggressively incentivize solar installation, but then transition to a role that is
more supportive of natural behavior of the market.
Consumption of solar energy for electricity generation has grown by an average
of 71% per year in the period between 2010 and 2014 (see Chapter 3). The coal industry
underwent a similar trajectory in the first 4 years of its dramatic rise, and over 25 years
maintained an average growth rate of 32% (see Chapter 4). In order for solar energy to be
successful in the long term, as coal has been in the past, it must continue its rapid growth
in the short term and look to transition to accommodate to longer term policies. This
transition, if growth continues at the current rate, should happen in 2050. This year was
chosen for two reasons: it reflects the timescale for most federal and state tax incentives
and it is when solar energy is projected to reach its critical capacity in NREL’s 80%
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Renewable Energy Plan. This plan outlines the energy make up required to have 80% of
total electricity generation in the United States come from renewable energy. The study
was used because it represents an aggressive but practical goal. The installed solar
electricity generation estimated by NREL in this scenario is roughly 20%, with the
contribution from Concentrating Solar Power (CSP) slightly greater than that from PV. In
order to achieve this threshold of solar generated electricity, new and aggressive policies
must be implemented starting in 2016, when current federal solar incentives are planned
to expire.54
Figure 19: Generation mix in 2050 for NREL projections135
135 Mai, T.; Wiser, R.; Sandor, D.; Brinkman, G.; Heath, G.; Denholm, P.; Hostick, D.J.; Darghouth, N.; Schlosser, A.; Strzepek, K. (2012). Exploration of High-Penetration Renewable Electricity Futures. Vol. 1 of Renewable Electricity Futures Study. NREL/TP-6A20-52409-1. Golden, CO: National Renewable Energy Laboratory.
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The recommendations below are outlined first for Massachusetts-based policies
and then for federal policies. Because Massachusetts has conditions that are unique, the
policies recommended here are not necessarily the policies that should be implemented in
other states. Additionally while the federal policy recommendations follow the
overarching goals described above, they should be seen as facilitating interstate policies,
not overwriting them.
7.2 Policy Recommendations for Massachusetts
The primary goal for Massachusetts should be to continue the growth that it has
already spurred. The solar electricity rate projections detailed in Chapter 6 show that
facilitating the expansion of the SPPA industry would have a significant and depreciating
impact on rates. The three primary recommendations for both short-term and long-term
Massachusetts-based policies are:
Implement revised capacity-based incentives and production-based incentives
Currently, the capacity-based incentive for solar is rated at $0.40/W for up to
$4250. This incentive is in its 16th block, and has been at relatively the same level since it
was first implemented. The production-based incentive is given in the form of SRECs
with an ACP of $520/MWh.110 The SREC market has a significant impact on electricity
rates, as seen in the projections, and can singlehandedly lower rates by $0.04/kWh. In
order to decrease electricity rates and consequently stimulate increased solar industry
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growth, a capacity-based incentive of $0.50/W is recommended for up to $5000.
Additionally, the continuation of the SREC auction is recommended with a 5% increase
for ACP rates.
Implement FIT in short-term, net metering in long-term
The financial ramifications of the FIT in Germany and Spain demonstrate the
impact that this policy instrument can have on national economies. For Massachusetts,
the FIT is recommended for the period up to 2050; after this point, the state should
transition to a net metering policy. The FIT is recommended for its ability to stimulate
short-term growth. The structure of the policy encourages the maximization of installed
capacity both on an independent and grid-wide scale. In Germany, this maximization
imposed a burden on the power grid, which then made retail electricity prices go
negative. This was due in large part to the fact that Germany deregulated the wholesale
electricity markets while maintaining heavy moderation of retail prices. To reduce the
risk of overgeneration into the Massachusetts grid, it is recommended that the FIT
mechanism have a VOST regulated by a price floor. This will prevent electricity
suppliers in the wholesale market from holding back generation when prices decrease due
to overproduction. The German FIT did not protect against discrepancies between high
retail electricity prices and low wholesale prices. The recommended policies do not
completely relinquish control over the wholesale electricity markets, and thereby
combine to bring wholesale and retail prices closer together.
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The FIT should be used until 2050 to increase solar industry growth. After 2050
Massachusetts should transition net metering, a longer-term policy instrument. Net
metering policies have traditionally meant that utilities purchase electricity from
renewables-based generating facilities at the full retail rate. However, in order to protect
against the retail/wholesale price discrepancy, it is recommended that the policy base the
tariff rate on wholesale market behavior. Suppliers enter the market, and depending on
the results of electricity supply and demand, a price is set. To combat the potential price
volatility in the wholesale market, constraints should be placed in the form of a price
floor and ceiling.
Transitioning from the FIT to net metering is a viable option to both perpetuate rapid
growth and to sustain incentives after the critical capacity is reached. Further, because the
wholesale electricity rate is used for net metering instead of the retail rate, the second
stage of this policy slows the momentum of growth but does not reduce solar-based
capacity already in place. It incentivizes facilities that were originally attracted to grid
interconnection by the FIT to remain interconnected.
Target residential solar by streamlining installation process
One of the most important obstacles for consumers looking to install a solar
system is the complicated system of administration that is required. In Germany, solar
installations must undergo three administrative steps. The first is to submit a grid
connection application with an installation design and circuit diagram. Next, the
application is reviewed by the utility to determine a connection point. Then the
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installation is commissioned and the system is installed.136 The administrative network is
simple and streamlined.
In the United States, 64% of residential solar installation cost is in soft costs.
Once consumers express an interest in installing a system, they must undergo a series of
bureaucratic steps in order to finally receive approval. Households must pay an additional
cost for “customer acquisition” before they can even begin to apply for approval; this cost
includes contract negotiation, system design, pro-forma preparation, and lead generation.
The system of paperwork, permitting, and interconnection that a project must go through
is complicated and immense. This, in itself, dissuades many households from installing
solar systems on their roofs.137
136 Miller, Ian R. Barriers to Tax Equity Syndication for Solar Development. Rep. Washington, D.C.: American Council on Renewable Energy, 2013. Print. 137 Friedman, Barry, Kristen Ardani, David Feldman, Ryan Citron, and Robert Margolis. Benchmarking Non-Hardware Balance-of-System (Soft) Costs for U.S. Photovoltaic Systems, Using a Bottom-Up Approach and Installer Survey. Tech. no. 6A20-60412. 2nd ed. Golden: National Renewable Energy Laboratory, 2013. Print.
86
Figure 20: Administrative scheme to solar installation in the United States137
By streamlining this network to a much simpler process, similar to Germany,
Massachusetts’ residential sector can more efficiently install solar systems. This can be
accomplished by streamlining the agencies involved in approving sites for installation.
Another significant factor would be to use one application for permitting,
interconnection, and financial incentive eligibility. New York has already begun to
explore this option just for financial incentive eligibility; the New York State Energy
Research and Development Authority (NYSERDA) currently uses the Consolidated
Funding Application (CFA) to allow a project to submit applications to multiple
Customer Acquisition • Marketing and Sales • Sales calls • Site visits • Contract Negotiation • Bid/pro-forma preparation
System Design
Permitting • Permitting preparation • Permit package submital
Inspection • Permitting inspection
Interconnection • Interconnection paperwork • Interconnection approval • Physical interconnection
Financial Incentive Approval Process • Determination of eligibility • Application paperwork • Site inspection • Approval
System installation
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incentives through one intermediary.138 If this kind of software and system can be
expanded to encompass customer acquisition, permitting, inspection, interconnection, and
financial incentive applications, the soft cost of solar in Massachusetts would decrease
substantially.
7.3 Policy recommendations for the United States
The tax incentives that drove solar growth in the United States are set to expire in
2016. This means that the federal government is approaching a deadline for the decision
to extend, enhance, or allow current solar policies. The recommendations that follow are
based on the impact of various policies on electricity rates, as illustrated in Chapter 4.
The purpose of these recommendations is not to impose federal power onto state-level
market activities, but rather to facilitate state policies in supporting the growth of solar
for the long-term.
Maintain or enhance current tax incentives
This is perhaps the simplest strategy, but is also one of the most significant. The
federal solar tax incentive is the driving force lowering solar electricity rates. In order to
continue to support the growth of clean energy, the federal government should enhance,
or at the least extend, current tax policies. Additionally, the tax incentives both
established and planned should focus not on the upfront cost of solar installations;
138 "NYSERDA Consolidated Funding Application Information." Consolidated Funding Application. New York State Energy Research and Development Authority, 17 June 2013. Web.
88
instead, they should emphasize and encourage the reduction in the marginal operating
cost of installations by incentivising production.
Upfront costs are currently the greatest barrier for many households interested in
installing a solar system. An incentive that targets these costs, however, only encourages
installation- not the continued use of the solar system. Production-based incentives
maintain the interest of consumers in generating electricity from their solar systems.
Furthermore, the majority of the upfront cost falls under soft costs. As outlined earlier in
this chapter, the reduction of solar soft costs should fall primarily under the jurisdiction
of the state and not the federal government. This is because the bureaucratic steps that a
system must undergo are fixed at the state and municipality level. Permitting is regulated
by the state (or town), interconnection to the utility is facilitated on a state-regional scale,
and financial incentive applications are approved by state agencies. Federal decisions to
minimize upfront costs can therefore only address capital costs, and not the soft costs that
are currently a greater barrier for large-scale solar entry. By implementing federal upfront
cost incentives, the government therefore not only infringes on state jurisdiction, but also
neglects to address the core issue of administrative overhead.
Restructure electricity market and allow for deregulation of the market
The deregulation of electricity markets has allowed for the entry of independent
solar-based generators into the grid. In states that have deregulated markets, consumers
have a choice in selecting their suppliers and distributers thereby attracting significant
amounts of direct investment into the renewables industry in the state. A recommendation
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for a federal policy, therefore, is to deregulate electricity markets in all states. This would
decrease the control that the utilities currently have over retail electricity rates, effectively
shifting this from a monopoly controlled market to one that is competitive. The retail
electricity rate should be a reflection of wholesale electricity market behavior, and should
not be plastically controlled by the government. Certainly, price constraints (such as a
price floor and ceiling) in the wholesale electricity markets could and should be used.
However, by strictly moderating retail rates to consumers, such as in Germany, the
government creates artificial market behaviors that do not reflect realistic conditions in
the state.
Many utilities are opposed to the deregulation of markets. They claim that while
electricity rates would decrease, grid volatility would increase.139 Additionally, since the
utilities would still be responsible for distribution and maintenance of the grid, they
require additional funding. This funding, in the past, was acquired through higher rate
charges.23 However, by allocating government funding to the maintenance of the grid, the
primary reason for regulating the wholesale electricity market is eliminated.
Set a VOST on tiered rate schedule
The policy recommendation on a FIT-net metering transition (under
“Massachusetts policy recommendations”) requires significant review of the conventional
FIT mechanism. In the recommendation for Massachusetts, it was noted that a VOST
should be based on the wholesale market, its price ceiling, and its price floor. Unless 139 A Primer on Electric Utilities, Deregulation, and Restructuring of U.S. Electricity Markets. Tech. 2nd ed. Washington, D.C.: Department of Energy, 2002. Print.
90
coupled with other pricing regulations, the VOST can become variable depending on the
political stance of the utility that controls it. The conventional FIT used in Germany and
Spain employed the retail electricity rate as the VOST to catalyze renewables-based
generation. However, there is a likelihood that utilities would undervalue the VOST in
order to maximize the financial performance of the utility. Additionally they could only
allow a certain capacity of solar to enter the wholesale electricity market based on the
number of facilities- nearly all fossil fuels based- already supplying generation.
In order to protect against the volatility of setting a VOST, and to make the VOST
truly a “fair compensation” for the production of solar power, the federal government
should set regional VOST rate schedules based on solar potential. The following map
divides the United States into five regions of VOST standardization. The division of the
states is based on horizontal irradiance, illustrated in Appendix B. The following table is
the resulting categorization, with Region 1 representing states with greatest solar influx.
Table G: Categorization of states based on solar irradiance
Region 1 Region 2 Region 3 Region 4 Region 5 California Idaho Minnesota Kentucky Ohio Arizona Wyoming Iowa Tennessee Pennsylvania Texas Oregon Missouri Virginia West Virginia
New Mexico Nebraska Arkansas North Carolina Vermont Nevada Montana Louisiana South Carolina Connecticut
Utah Washington Mississippi Georgia New Hampshire Colorado North Dakota Illinois Alabama Massachusetts Kansas South Dakota Wisconsin Florida Rhode Island
Oklahoma Maine New York Michigan New Jersey Indiana Maryland Delaware
91
Each region would have a VOST schedule, from which utilities are assigned an
average VOST that must be maintained in the wholesale electricity market. This average,
used with a price floor and ceiling, would help stabilize and moderate the FIT as it is used
to rapidly increase installed solar capacity. This policy would not require that all states
undergo a FIT-net metering transition, however. It should primarily be used as an
indicator and mediator of the wholesale market; whether renewables-based generation is
incentivized through net metering or a FIT, the pricing would be stable.
Focus on utility scale in west, residential scale in east
While solar is the most rapidly growing renewable energy resource in the United
States as a whole, the rates of growth differ throughout the nation. In areas with less
direct solar input, such as the Midwest, wind is the renewable resource with the greatest
prospect for growth. In areas with high solar potential, such as the Southwest, different
policy mechanisms are being looked at to further enhance the growth of the industry. In
order to address the varying landscape that makes the United States rich in renewable
resources, the federal government should avoid streamlining solar goals for the entire
nation.
The policy recommendation to implement utility-scale solar in the west and
residential scale (rooftop) solar installations in the east is based on three factors: property
value, population density, and solar potential. Utility scale solar in this case means a solar
system with a nameplate value of at least 1MW. These systems can either use PV
technology or CSP technology, in which sunlight is concentrated through the use of
92
mirrors. In areas with less expensive property and low population density, large solar
systems can be installed more easily than in expensive urban areas. These locations are
illustrated in Figures 21 and 22. Solar potential also influences the ability of a location to
host a utility-scale installation; it is much more cost effective to maximize solar output
when constructing a large generating facility. This is shown on the solar irradiance map
from Appendix B. In addressing these factors, it is clear that the states on the western half
of the United States are more suitable for large installations. Locations on the eastern half
tend to be denser in terms of population, making them less viable as locations for utility
scale solar developments.
Figure 21: Property values based on property tax as a proportion of income140
140 "Map: The United States of Ratios." IDV Solutions. 28 Jan. 2013.
93
Figure 22: Population density in the United States141
Based on the figures above, the optimal locations for utility scale solar systems
are in the Southwestern region (Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, Utah, Nevada,
Wyoming, and Idaho) and northwest Texas. On the other hand, North Atlantic states and
California should focus more on residential scale solar systems, as both property values
and population density in these regions are high.
141 "Map of United States Population Density." Map. Encyclopedia Britannica. 2011. Web.
94
CHAPTER 8
Conclusion
The solar energy industry is on the tipping point of the clean energy transition in
the United States. The historically high costs of solar have been declining at record rates,
and the capital cost of solar is no longer the greatest obstacle for its installation. Policies
that target solar energy have been effective in galvanizing direct investment into solar
projects, and even states with limited solar potential have become leaders in clean energy
developments. Furthermore, residential electricity rate projections illustrate that solar cost
competitiveness with fossil fuels is within reach. Now, the policy focus must be turned to
mitigate upfront soft costs and the administrative burden of solar projects. By making
solar energy financially and systematically more accessible, the federal and state
governments can catalyze the expansion of renewable energy on a much larger scale.
Once solar becomes an attractive energy option based on low cost, renewable energy
competitiveness will be achieved.
There are several methods to encourage a decrease in the price of solar electricity
generation. Germany and Spain adopted a regulatory approach in which the government
set stringent standards and regulated generation centrally. The United States, however,
has already established a market-based approach that relies on consumer and firm
behavior. The government takes an approach that is more supportive than regulatory.
Incentives comprise the majority of renewable energy policies. Future policymaking must
therefore be discussed from a market-based approach as well, aiming to decrease solar-
95
generated electricity rates in a realistic and sustainable way. To the individual consumer,
moral persuasion will only go so far; maximized profit and minimized cost will be the
true catalysts in behavioral change.
Projections show that an independently installed solar project in Massachusetts
could produce electricity at an average cost of $0.13/kWh. This rate, however, increases
by 5% annually due to decreased power output. The SPPA-based company, which installs
and operates solar projects, acts as an intermediary between the consumer and utility.
Projects that are facilitated by an SPPA-based company can achieve rates that are not
only comparable to the standard rate but also more stable. The projected electricity rate
for a solar project entered into the Massachusetts SREC auction is $0.118/kWh.
Currently, the average electricity rate in Massachusetts is $0.116/kWh; 68% of the
electricity is generated from natural gas. The SPPA industry has clearly had a significant
impact on the financial viability of solar, and is largely responsible for the increase in
direct investment.
The solar electricity prices that are facilitated by SPPA contracts tend to be lower
and less volatile than the prices from stand-alone solar projects. The SPPA-based
company accepts the administrative burden of the solar installation process. Ultimately,
the company reduces not only electricity rates, but the opportunity cost of time spent on
paperwork as well. However, whether or not the SPPA is necessary for the continued
adoption of solar technologies is questionable. The policy recommendation for
Massachusetts that streamlines the administrative process for solar installations implies
that upfront soft costs can be minimized. The federal policy recommendation that
encourages the Northeast to emphasize residential solar development creates
96
opportunities for states and municipalities to forego the SPPA intermediary and directly
eliminate the soft costs that currently make SPPA-based installations more attractive.
The future of the SPPA business model will be dictated by federal solar energy
policies. The long-term viability of the SPPA business model relies on high upfront costs
and a complex administrative system. Consumers turn to SPPAs for solar installations so
that they can avoid these costs. The policy recommendations proposed here target the
same costs that have made SPPAs attractive to consumers in the past, and in the long
term may make this method of solar financing obsolete. Price stability, which is
addressed in SPPAs through set contract rates, could also soon be achieved by the stand-
alone projects, as the net metering policy recommendation would attenuate price
volatility. While the SPPA has helped to spur important solar industry growth, it may
soon be as antiquated as the utilities they are currently pushing out.
The solar energy industry is dynamic; it relies upon the fluidity of market
behavior for growth. Future energy policies may dictate a separation from SPPA-based
solar projects, incentivizing independent solar projects in their place. When individual
households are able to install and finance their own solar installations, the United States
will be able to realize the potential of this powerful resource. The phasing out of the
SPPA business model does not necessarily imply the devolution of renewable energy
advancements, but could rather indicate a sociopolitical readiness for a clean energy
transition. Decades in the making, the energy tipping point may finally be a reality.
97
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107
Appendix A
Explanation of photovoltaic technology and solar installations
Photovoltaic technology
Silicon-based photovoltaic technology is currently the most commonly used solar
technology, and comprises 85% of the solar energy market in the United States. Silicon
solar systems fall under one of three categories, based on the primary material used.
Single crystal silicon, thought it is the most efficient material, is also the most expensive
to manufacture as high purity silicon must be melted and then reformed slowly.
Multicrystalline silicon is less efficient and less expensive because it can be directly
molded. Amorphous silicon absorbs solar radiation 40 times more efficiently than single
crystal silicon. The majority of silicon-based solar cells used in residential installations
use multicrystalline silicon.142
All three crystalline technologies are based on a lattice structure that forms a solid
semiconductor. Silicon (Si) has 14 electrons and 4 valence electrons. In a crystalline
solid, each Si atom shares one valence electron in a covalent bond with each of four
neighboring Si atoms. Units of 5 Si atoms in series form the crystal lattice semiconductor.
The amount of energy that is required to dissociate an electron from a covalent bond is
the semiconductor’s band gap energy, and is crucial to photovoltaic technology. This
energy is provided by photons of light, and the amount is very specific to the
semiconductor’s material. Generally, photovoltaic cells require a band gap energy of 1.0
142 "Crystalline Silicon Photovoltaic Cells." Energy Basics:. U.S. Department of Energy, n.d. Web. 15 Dec. 2012.
108
to 1.6eV.143 Photons that provide less energy will have no effect on the semiconductor,
while photons that provide more energy will transfer the extra energy as heat. This
necessary specificity in photovoltaic cells is the one of the greatest limiting factors for
this technology, as most cells cannot use up to 55% of incident solar energy because it
falls above or below their band gap energies.144
In Si-based PV cells, two semiconductors are put in direct contact. These
semiconductors are “doped”, meaning that a foreign element is introduced into the crystal
lattice structure. In this case, a Group 15 element (ex. phosphorus) and a Group 13
element (ex. boron) are used; the Group 15 element contains one fewer electron than Si
while the Group 13 element contains one additional electron. The semiconductor that
contains the Group 15 element is therefore “p-type”, as the missing electrons form
positively charged holes in the structure. “N-type” doping describes the introduction of
the Group 13 element and subsequent distribution of delocalized electrons, known as
“free carriers”.
When the energy of a photon exceeds the Si band gap energy, an electron-hole
pair is formed in the semiconductors. The electron that is typically bound to the valence
band (filled molecular orbital) is sent to the conduction band (unfilled molecular orbital).
This transfer leaves the valence band with a positively charged hole that is filled with an
electron from the neighboring hole; this transfer allows the electron continues to
“migrate” throughout the crystal structure. When n-type and p-type semiconductors are
put into contact, this transfer occurs between the semiconductors, forming a charge 143 Liao, Bolin, and Wei-Chun Hsu. "An Investigation of Shockley-Queisser Limit of Single P-n Junction Solar Cells." MIT.edu. Massachusetts Institute of Technology, n.d. Web.
144 Crandall, R., and W. Luft. The Future of Amorphous Silicon Photovoltaic Technology. Tech. N.p.: Online.
109
imbalance in the junction. This junction acts as a diode and directs the electric field from
the n-side to the p-side. When the energy levels are aligned, the valence and conductor
bands “bend” downward toward the lower level n-type material. Finally, an external
circuit is attached to the junction and a voltage equal to the energy of the electron in the
conduction band (or the hold in the valence band) is generated. All of these processes
take place in a solar cell.145
Solar Installation Systems
PV systems are fairly simple, and have four primary components: PV modules,
inverters, a racking system, and interconnection wiring. While the number of modules in
a system determines the amount of power (voltage) output that can be achieved, the
inverter limits the AC watts that can be distributed to end-use customers.146 The ultimate
power output of a solar installation is therefore dictated by the inverter used. In the
Northern Hemisphere, installations are usually mounted to face the south to maximize the
amount of incident sunlight.
Each PV cell in a solar system is framed into a solar module with other identical
cells. Typically, 36 cells are configured in series to form a solar module. This is done to
maximize voltage. The modules are then installed in series and in parallel. Configuring
solar modules in series allows the system to achieve a higher output voltage while
maintaining the same current. This is done by connecting the negative terminal of one
145 Anderson, Jim. Physics and Chemistry: In the Context of Energy and Climate at the Global and Molecular Level. N.p.: Harvard University, n.d. Print. 146 "How a PV System Works." Florida Solar Energy Center. University of Central Florida.
110
panel to the positive terminal of the neighboring panel; the total voltage would then be
the sum of the modules’ individual voltages. This method streamlines power production
and limits distribution to one end use. Solar panels are put in parallel by connecting the
positive terminal of one panel to the positive terminal of another. This is done in order to
increase the flexibility of the panels’ end use options. In many instances, solar systems
are configured in series and then in parallel to maximize both voltage and current. The
modules are configured in series on a “string”, according to the voltage limit set by the
inverter. Modules in parallel are then added until the voltage maximum is reached; the
voltage can also be moderated by applying capacitors on to the inverter.147
Once the modules are put in series, the system is either roof-mounted or ground-
mounted. In areas with a high population density, roof-mounted systems are necessary.
Ground-mounted systems tend to be used for utility scale solar installations. After the
mounting method is determined, an inverter is installed. The inverter is used to convert
direct current (DC) to alternating current (AC), as grid-distribution is designed to deliver
AC current only. Once the inverter is installed and connected to the solar modules, the
system is interconnected to the utility to take advantage of financial incentives.148
147 Honsborg, Christiana, and Stuart Bowden. "Module Circuit Design." PVEducation.
111
Appendix B
Maps of renewable energy potential in the United States
Annual average wind speed at 80m148
Average horizontal solar irradiance149
148 "Annual Average Wind Speed." Map. National Renewable Energy Laboratory. Golden: 2012.
112
Appendix C
Data for projections in Chapter 6
Project conditions and assumptions
The solar project used to model the projections in Chapter 6 is hypothetical, based on databases of weather conditions gathered from weather stations in Massachusetts.
Location Boston, MA Direct Normal 1386.6 kWh/m2 Global Horizontal 1431.6 kWh/m2 Wind Speed 5.4 m/s Dry-bulb Temp 10.3 C Solar Module SunPower SPR-E20-327 Efficiency 20.06% Ground mounted
Inverter SMA America: SB5000TL-US-22 (208V) Nominal AC Voltage 208V Modules per string 9 Strings in parallel 2 Number of inverters 1 DC to AC Ratio 1.1.8 NAMEPLATE CAPACITY 5.88791 kWdc Area 29.4 m2 Worst case calculation
Year to year decline in output 0.50% Direct Cost $19,066.05
BOS, equipment .49$/Wdc Installation Labor .77$/Wdc
Installaer margin/overhead .91$/Wdc Indirect Capital Cost $3,019.68
Permitting .12$/Wdc Engineering .18$/Wdc
149 "Average Horizontal Solar Irradiance." Map. SolarGIS. N.p.: n.p., 2013. N. pag. Print.
113
Grid interconnection (National Grid) $300 fixed Land preparation $300 fixed
Land $0 fixed
Sales Tax 5%, later taken out by rebate TOTAL INSTALLED COST $22,085.73
Total installed Cost per Capacity (per Wdc) $3.75
Operation and Maintenance $20 kW/yr 25 year standard loan Federal income tax rate 28%/yr State income tax rate 4%/ yr INCENTIVES
Federal Investment Tax Credit 30% State Investment Tax Credit 15%
Capacity Based Incentive (State) .4 $/W up to $4250-
Net metering Flat Buy Rate, 0.14294 $/kWh
114
Cash flow models for projections in Chapter 6
Projection 1: Stand-alone solar project
Year 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Energy (kWh) 7,669 7,630 7,592 7,554 7,517 7,479 7,442 7,404 7,367 7,331 7,294 7,257 Energy Value 1,001.10 1,024.94 1,048.98 1,073.41 1,097.76 1,122.75 1,147.21 1,171.85 1,197.08 1,222.92 1,249.31 1,275.25 Operating Expenses Total operating expense ($) 117.76 120.7 123.72 126.81 129.98 133.23 136.56 139.98 143.48 147.06 150.74 154.51 Financing Debt balance ($)
-19,000.06
-18,601.97
-18,183.96
-17,745.06
-17,284.21
-16,800.32
-16,292.24
-15,758.75
-15,198.58
-14,610.41
-13,992.83
-13,344.37
Total P&I debt payment ($)
See below
Federal CBI 2,355.16 Total CBI 2,355.16 State PTC 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Federal ITC 5,500 State ITC 1,000 Tax effect on equity After tax net equity cost flow ($) 4,026.87 -1,468.80 -1,471.82 -1,474.91 -1,478.08 -1,481.33 -1,484.66 -1,488.08 -1,491.58 -1,495.17 -1,498.84 -1,502.61 After tax cash flow ($) 5,027.97 -443.86 -422.84 -401.51 -380.33 -358.58 -337.45 -316.23 -294.49 -272.25 -249.53 -227.36
Year 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
Total P&I ($) 1,399.93 1,399.93 1,399.93 1,399.93 1,399.93 1,399.93 1,399.93 1,399.93 1,399.93 1,399.93
Tax incentives 301.2616 301.2616 301.2616 124.5716 124.5716 124.5716 124.5716 124.5716 124.5716 124.5716 Payment before CBI ($/kWh) 1098.67 1098.67 1098.67 1275.36 1275.36 1275.36 1275.36 1275.36 1275.36 1275.36
Output (kWh) 7,952 7,912 7,872 7,833 7,794 7,755 7,716 7,677 7,639 7,601
Output (W) 907.1608899 902.59770
63 898.03452
28 893.58541
88 889.13631
48 884.68721
09 880.23810
69 875.78900
3 871.45397
86 867.11895
42 Energy Value before CBI ($/kWh) 0.138162525
0.138861021
0.139566616
0.162818639
0.163633359
0.164456273
0.165287506
0.166127185
0.16695358
0.167788238
CBI ($) 362.8643559 361.03908
25 359.21380
91 357.43416
75 355.65452
59 353.87488
44 352.09524
28 350.31560
12 348.58159
14 346.84758
17 Energy Value after total incentives ($) 735.80 737.63 739.45 917.92 919.70 921.48 923.26 925.04 926.78 928.51
Rate ($/kWh) 0.09253069 0.0932291
86 0.0939347
8 0.1171868
04 0.1180015
23 0.1188244
38 0.1196556
71 0.1204953
5 0.1213217
45 0.1221564
03
115
Projection 2: SPPA-backed project without SREC entry
Year 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Energy (kWh) 0 7,669 7,630 7,592 7,554 7,517 7,479 7,442 7,404 7,367 7,331 7,294 7,257 Energy Price ($/kWh) 0 0.158 0.16 0.161 0.163 0.164 0.166 0.168 0.169 0.171 0.173 0.175 0.176 Energy Value ($) 0 1,211.51 1,217.50 1,223.53 1,229.59 1,235.67 1,241.79 1,247.94 1,254.11 1,260.32 1,266.56 1,272.83 1,279.13 Operating Expenses Total operating expense ($) 0 117.76 120.7 123.72 126.81 129.98 133.23 136.56 139.98 143.48 147.06 150.74 154.51 Total operating income ($) 0 1,093.75 1,096.80 1,099.81 1,102.77 1,105.69 1,108.56 1,111.37 1,114.14 1,116.84 1,119.50 1,122.09 1,124.62 Financing
Debt balance ($) 0 -
9,713.58 -
9,476.64 -
9,223.11 -
8,951.84 -
8,661.57 -
8,350.99 -
8,018.66 -
7,663.08 -
7,282.60 -
6,875.49 -
6,439.88 -
5,973.78 Interest payment ($) 0 679.95 663.36 645.62 626.63 606.31 584.57 561.31 536.42 509.78 481.28 450.79 418.16 Principal payment ($) 0 236.94 253.53 271.28 290.27 310.58 332.32 355.59 380.48 407.11 435.61 466.1 498.73 Total P&I debt payment ($) 0 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 Total CBI 2,355.16 Total PBI 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 State PTC 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Federal ITC 5,500 State ITC 1,000 Tax Effect on Equity (State) State depreciation schedule (%) 0 20 32 19.2 11.52 11.52 5.76 0 0 0 0 0 0 State depreciation ($) 0 4,356.47 6,970.35 4,182.21 2,509.32 2,509.32 1,254.66 0 0 0 0 0 0 State Income Taxes ($) 0 -63.5 -261.48 -149.12 -81.33 -80.4 -29.23 22 23.11 24.28 25.53 26.85 28.26 State tax savings ($) 0 1,063.50 261.48 149.12 81.33 80.4 29.23 -22 -23.11 -24.28 -25.53 -26.85 -28.26 Tax Effect on Equity (Federal) Federal depreciation schedule (%) 0 20 32 19.2 11.52 11.52 5.76 0 0 0 0 0 0 Federal depreciation ($) 0 4,356.47 6,970.35 4,182.21 2,509.32 2,509.32 1,254.66 0 0 0 0 0 0 Federal Income Taxes ($) 0 -146.72
-1,757.12
-1,002.09 -546.52 -540.27 -196.41 147.86 155.29 163.18 171.55 180.44 189.9
Federal tax savings ($) 0 5,646.72 1,757.12 1,002.09 546.52 540.27 196.41 -147.86 -155.29 -163.18 -171.55 -180.44 -189.9
Annual Energy 7,669 kWh PPA Price $0.1580/kWh
Nominal LCOE $0.1690/kWh Real LCOE $0.1376/kWh
116
Projection 3: SPPA-backed project with SREC entry
Year 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Energy (kWh) 7,669 7,630 7,592 7,554 7,517 7,479 7,442 7,404 7,367 7,331 7,294 7,257 Energy Price ($/kWh) 0.116 0.117 0.118 0.119 0.12 0.122 0.123 0.124 0.125 0.127 0.128 0.129 Energy Value ($) 887.48 891.87 896.28 900.72 905.18 909.66 914.16 918.69 923.24 927.81 932.4 937.01 Operating Expenses Total operating expense ($) 117.76 120.7 123.72 126.81 129.98 133.23 136.56 139.98 143.48 147.06 150.74 154.51 Total operating income ($) 769.72 771.17 772.57 773.91 775.2 776.43 777.6 778.71 779.76 780.74 781.66 782.51
Financing
Debt balance ($) -
9,713.58 -
9,476.64 -
9,223.11 -
8,951.84 -
8,661.57 -
8,350.99 -
8,018.66 -
7,663.08 -
7,282.60 -
6,875.49 -
6,439.88 -
5,973.78 Interest payment ($) 679.95 663.36 645.62 626.63 606.31 584.57 561.31 536.42 509.78 481.28 450.79 418.16 Principal payment ($) 236.94 253.53 271.28 290.27 310.58 332.32 355.59 380.48 407.11 435.61 466.1 498.73 Total P&I debt payment ($) 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89 916.89
Total IBI
Total CBI 2,355.16
Total PBI 437.12 434.94 432.76 430.6 428.45 426.3 424.17 422.05 419.94 417.84 0 0
Federal PTC 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
State PTC 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
Federal ITC 5,500
State ITC 1,000 Tax Effect on Equity (State) State depreciation schedule (%) 20 32 19.2 11.52 11.52 5.76 0 0 0 0 0 0 State depreciation ($) 4,356.47 6,970.35 4,182.21 2,509.32 2,509.32 1,254.66 0 0 0 0 0 0 State Income Taxes ($) -58.98 -257.1 -144.9 -77.26 -76.48 -25.46 25.62 26.57 27.6 28.69 13.23 14.57 State tax savings ($) 1,058.98 257.1 144.9 77.26 76.48 25.46 -25.62 -26.57 -27.6 -28.69 -13.23 -14.57 Tax Effect on Equity (Federal) Federal depreciation schedule (%) 20 32 19.2 11.52 11.52 5.76 0 0 0 0 0 0 Federal depreciation ($) 4,356.47 6,970.35 4,182.21 2,509.32 2,509.32 1,254.66 0 0 0 0 0 0 Federal Income Taxes ($) -116.32
-1,727.74 -973.73 -519.17 -513.94 -171.09 172.16 178.58 185.45 192.81 88.94 97.93
Federal tax savings ($) 5,616.32 1,727.74 973.73 519.17 513.94 171.09 -172.16 -178.58 -185.45 -192.81 -88.94 -97.93
Annual Energy 7,669 kWh PPA Price $0.1157/kWh
Nominal LCOE $0.1243/kWh Real LCOE $0.1008/kWh
117
Projection 4: Project under “unfriendly” solar policies
Year 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
Energy (kWh) 7,669 7,630 7,592 7,554 7,517 7,479 7,442 7,404 7,367 7,331 7,294 7,257 Energy Price ($/kWh) 0.252 0.255 0.257 0.26 0.262 0.265 0.268 0.27 0.273 0.276 0.278 0.281 Energy Value ($) 1,933.27 1,942.84 1,952.45 1,962.12 1,971.83 1,981.59 1,991.40 2,001.26 2,011.16 2,021.12 2,031.12 2,041.18 Operating Expenses Total operating expense ($) 117.76 120.7 123.72 126.81 129.98 133.23 136.56 139.98 143.48 147.06 150.74 154.51 Total operating income ($) 1,815.51 1,822.13 1,828.73 1,835.31 1,841.85 1,848.36 1,854.84 1,861.28 1,867.69 1,874.05 1,880.38 1,886.67
Financing
Debt balance ($) -
10,007.98 -
9,763.86 -
9,502.64 -
9,223.15 -
8,924.08 -
8,604.09 -
8,261.69 -
7,895.33 -
7,503.32 -
7,083.87 -
6,635.05 -6,154.83 Interest payment ($) 700.56 683.47 665.19 645.62 624.69 602.29 578.32 552.67 525.23 495.87 464.45 430.84 Principal payment ($) 244.12 261.21 279.5 299.06 320 342.4 366.36 392.01 419.45 448.81 480.23 513.84 Total P&I debt payment ($) 944.68 944.68 944.68 944.68 944.68 944.68 944.68 944.68 944.68 944.68 944.68 944.68
Total CBI 1,766.37
Total PBI 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Tax Effect on Equity (State) State depreciation schedule (%) 20 32 19.2 11.52 11.52 5.76 0 0 0 0 0 0 State depreciation ($) 4,356.47 6,970.35 4,182.21 2,509.32 2,509.32 1,254.66 0 0 0 0 0 0 State Income Taxes ($) -59.01 -233.27 -120.75 -52.79 -51.69 -0.34 51.06 52.34 53.7 55.13 56.64 58.23 State tax savings ($) 1,059.01 233.27 120.75 52.79 51.69 0.34 -51.06 -52.34 -53.7 -55.13 -56.64 -58.23 Tax Effect on Equity (Federal) Federal depreciation schedule (%) 20 32 19.2 11.52 11.52 5.76 0 0 0 0 0 0 Federal depreciation ($) 4,356.47 6,970.35 4,182.21 2,509.32 2,509.32 1,254.66 0 0 0 0 0 0 Federal Income Taxes ($) -116.52
-1,567.56 -811.42 -354.72 -347.33 -2.31 343.13 351.75 360.85 370.46 380.6 391.33
Federal tax savings ($) 2,116.52 1,567.56 811.42 354.72 347.33 2.31 -343.13 -351.75 -360.85 -370.46 -380.6 -391.33
Annual Energy 7,669 kWh PPA Price $0.2521/kWh
Nominal LCOE $0.2708/kWh Real LCOE $0.2195/kWh
118
Projection 4: Project under “friendly” solar policies
Year 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Energy (kWh) 7,669 7,630 7,592 7,554 7,517 7,479 7,442 7,404 7,367 7,331 7,294 7,257 Energy Price ($/kWh) 0.082 0.083 0.084 0.084 0.085 0.086 0.087 0.088 0.089 0.09 0.091 0.091 Energy Value ($) 628.88 631.99 635.12 638.26 641.42 644.6 647.79 650.99 654.22 657.45 660.71 663.98 Operating Expenses Total operating expense ($) 117.76 120.7 123.72 126.81 129.98 133.23 136.56 139.98 143.48 147.06 150.74 154.51 Total operating income ($) 511.12 511.29 511.4 511.45 511.44 511.36 511.22 511.02 510.74 510.39 509.97 509.47 Financing
Debt balance ($) -
9,271.99 -
9,045.82 -
8,803.82 -
8,544.88 -
8,267.81 -
7,971.34 -
7,654.12 -
7,314.70 -
6,951.52 -
6,562.92 -
6,147.11 -
5,702.20 Interest payment ($) 649.04 633.21 616.27 598.14 578.75 557.99 535.79 512.03 486.61 459.4 430.3 399.15 Principal payment ($) 226.17 242 258.94 277.07 296.46 317.22 339.42 363.18 388.6 415.81 444.91 476.06 Total P&I debt payment ($) 875.21 875.21 875.21 875.21 875.21 875.21 875.21 875.21 875.21 875.21 875.21 875.21 Total CBI 3,238.35 Total PBI 383.44 381.52 379.62 377.72 375.83 373.95 372.08 370.22 368.37 366.53 0 0 Tax Effect on Equity (State) State depreciation schedule (%) 20 32 19.2 11.52 11.52 5.76 0 0 0 0 0 0 State depreciation ($) 4,356.47 6,970.35 4,182.21 2,509.32 2,509.32 1,254.66 0 0 0 0 0 0 State Income Taxes ($) -34.9 -268.43 -156.3 -88.73 -88.03 -37.09 13.9 14.77 15.7 16.7 3.19 4.41 State tax savings ($) 1,034.90 268.43 156.3 88.73 88.03 37.09 -13.9 -14.77 -15.7 -16.7 -3.19 -4.41 Tax Effect on Equity (Federal) Federal depreciation schedule (%) 20 32 19.2 11.52 11.52 5.76 0 0 0 0 0 0 Federal depreciation ($) 4,356.47 6,970.35 4,182.21 2,509.32 2,509.32 1,254.66 0 0 0 0 0 0 Federal Income Taxes ($) 45.45
-1,803.85
-1,050.33 -596.28 -591.58 -249.27 93.41 99.24 105.5 112.23 21.42 29.65
Federal tax savings ($) 6,554.55 1,803.85 1,050.33 596.28 591.58 249.27 -93.41 -99.24 -105.5 -112.23 -21.42 -29.65
Annual Energy 7,669 kWh PPA Price $0.0785/kWh
Nominal LCOE $0.0843/kWh Real LCOE $0.0684/kWh