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The Humphries Wildlife Management Area:
History of Title and History of the Tierra Amarilla Land Grant
Malcolm Ebright President, Center for Land Grant Studies
Submitted to the Commission for Public Records
pursuant to Contract #09-36099-008720 2/4/2009
Table of Contents 1. Introduction – Scope of the Project ............................................................................4 2. Early Settlement........................................................................................................4 3. Early History of the Rio Arriba North of Abiquiú ........................................................9 4. Relations with the Jicarilla Apache..........................................................................11 5. Relations with the Ute and Navajo ...........................................................................14 6. The Old Spanish Trail..............................................................................................15 7. The Tierra Amarilla Grant........................................................................................18 8. Emmet Wirt.............................................................................................................22 9. Tierra Amarilla Land Grant Activism .......................................................................24 10. Humphries Wildlife Area Abstract..........................................................................29 11. Operation of the Humphries Wildlife Management Area.........................................33 12. Conclusion ............................................................................................................41 Appendices..................................................................................................................42 Appendix A - Chain of Title of Bill Humphries Wildlife Management Area ...................42 Appendix B – Tierra Amarilla Hijuelas by Community..................................................53 Appendix C – Catron Exclusions..................................................................................60 Appendix D – 1920 Chama Census .............................................................................61 Appendix E – Lumberton Census.................................................................................75 Appendix F – Chronology.............................................................................................76 Appendix G – Bibliography ..........................................................................................80 Appendix H – Color Coded Map of Humphries Wildlife Area.........................................81
Cover photo: Interpreter, left; Emmet Wirt, center, Chief of the Olleros, right.
2
Table of Figures Figure 1. Jicarilla delegation to Washington in 1885. ..............................................13 Figure 2. Emmet Wirt’s trading post in Dulce, New Mexico......................................23 Figure 3. Emmet Wirt in the 1920s. ........................................................................24 Figure 4. Notice posted in September, 1964. ...........................................................25 Figure 5. The first paragraph of the eviction notice..................................................26 Figure 6. Article was printed in the Farmington Daily Times on October 11, 1964...27 Figure 7. Color-coded map locates the several tracts that are now included in the
Humphries Wildlife Management Area (see Appendix H for color version). .............30 Figure 8. A portion of Kenneth A. Heron’s 1920 map of Central Rio Arriba County. .31 Figure 9. William Humphreys..................................................................................33
3
1. Introduction – Scope of the Project
This report on the Humphries Wildlife Management Area1 (WMA) is rendered
pursuant to a contract between the Center for Land Grant Studies and the Commission
of Public Records (the Agency) dated September 9, 2008. Paragraph 1 of the contract
provides for a review by the Center for Land Grant Studies of each of seven abstracts to
be provided by the Agency. After making a detailed review of the abstract the contractor
shall provide, “a synopsis of the chain of title, identification of any discrepancies or
breaks in the chain of title, and a brief history of the land grant in which the State Park
is located.” This report covers the findings concerning the Humphries Wildlife
Management Area (deliverable 1A2) within the Tierra Amarilla Land Grant and was
written by Malcolm Ebright.
While the abstract provided for the Humphries WMA was more complete than
other abstracts, there were some gaps that required additional research to fill in. The
files of probates, partition suits and other litigation were not included in the abstract.
In some cases I was able to obtain copies of some of these extensive court files from the
Department of Game and Fish, with the help of Melinda Benavidez. In addition, the
first two deeds in the chain of title were missing but have been added to the summary
of the chain of title in Section 10 and Appendix A.
I was assisted by research assistant Carisa Williams Joseph, Corinna Lazlo-
Henry, a law student at UNM School of Law, former State Archivist Richard Salazar,
and community members. Special thanks to Melinda Benavidez, Property Specialist,
Department of Game and Fish for making their extensive files available. Her assistance
went beyond the call of duty.
2. Early Settlement
The settlement of Tierra Amarilla, New Mexico was the culmination of a 150-year
pattern of settlement of what is now Rio Arriba County, starting in Abiquiú in about
1750. The Jicarilla Apaches, various bands of Utes, Navajos, and to some extent the
Comanches, considered the Rio Arriba their homeland before the Spanish arrived, and
the story of Hispanic occupation of the Rio Arriba is the story of the relations between
Hispanos, Anglos, and the Native Americans, especially the Utes and the Jicarilla
1. I have used Humphries Wildlife Area, because other references including: the Bill Humphries WMA, and the W. A. “Bill” Humphries WMA have not been used consistently.
4
Apaches. Until the Jicarilla Apaches were resettled onto a reservation at Amargo near
present-day Dulce in 1881, and the Ute Agency was moved from Tierra Amarilla to Los
Pinos, Colorado, in 1878, all Hispanic settlements were subject to raids by these tribes
(see chronology). Raiding was accompanied by trading, and the most successful
Hispanic settlements often included Genízaros with some Indian blood, who could
negotiate with the Utes and Jicarillas.2
The communities of Los Ojos, Los Brazos, Tierra Amarilla (formerly Nutritas),
Ensenada, and La Puente were all settled and their irrigation ditches dug by 1861
(Barranco, Cañones, and Upper Town were also settled at that time as well, but are now
abandoned), and the outlying communities of Rio Nutrias, Canjilon, and Cebolla were
settled in 1867, 1871, and 1875, respectively. Since the Utes and the Jicarilla Apaches
had not been settled on their reservations until 1878 and 1881, respectively, and were
still raiding Hispanic settlements up until that time, all of the Tierra Amarilla
settlements were settled by a substantial number of interrelated Hispanic extended
families who moved to the communities about the same time. Smaller settlements were
not sustainable in the face of Indian attacks.3
Because of the lack of due process in the proceedings before the Surveyor
General, the Tierra Amarilla grant was confirmed as a private grant to Manuel Martínez
rather than the community grant it was intended to be. As the petitioner for
confirmation of the grant and one of Manuel Martínez'es sons, Francisco Martínez
claimed ownership of almost the entire grant. Due process of law requires a hearing
and notice of the hearing to those whose property rights may be affected.4
In 1861, Francisco Martínez, as spokesman for the family, began giving deeds or
hijuelas5 confirming individual holdings to settlers in the seven communities in the
Tierra Amarilla area. A list of these hijuelas is attached as Appendix B. By their terms,
they gave to each family-head parcels of land for house and garden plots, the right to
use the unallotted land on the grant for pastures, waters, firewood, and timber with free
2. Hispanic settlement of the Rio Arriba, a “spontaneous folk migration” is succinctly described in Robert J. Rosenbaum and Robert W. Larson, “Mexicano Resistance to the Expropriation of Grant Lands in New Mexico,” in Charles L. Briggs and John R. Van Ness, Land, Water, and Culture: New Perspectives on Hispanic Land Grants (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987) p. 275. See also James Brooks, Captives and Cousins: Slavery, Kinship, and Community in the Southwest Borderlands (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2002), 304-06. 3. Malcolm Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant: A History of Chicanery (Santa Fe: Center for Land Grant Studies, 1980), passim. 4. Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, p. 20. 5. An hijuela, as the term is used in Spain, is a document given to one who is entitled to a share of the estate of a deceased person, which gives an account of the share. Payne Livestock, 654. It is used here in the sense of a deed for a share in a land grant, including a tract of land which was private and conveyance of rights to use the unalloted land which was owned communally.
5
access to all roads.6 Not only were these deeds notarized; but 113 of them were
recorded shortly after they were signed in the Rio Arriba County deed books.
Catron started buying the interests of the Martínez family to the Tierra Amarilla
grant in 1874 and is said to have paid about $200,000 for approximately forty-two
deeds purportedly conveying all the grant interests to him. In 1883 Catron had
consolidated his title sufficiently to file a quiet title suit, which resulted in his
acquisition of title to the entire Tierra Amarilla Grant. In order to do this, Catron
proceeded on the theory that the Tierra Amarilla Grant was made to Manuel Martinez,
individually, and his family, ignoring the fact that hundreds of Hispanic families were
living on the grant in the communities of Los Brazos, Barranco, Cañones, Ensenada,
Nutritas, Los Ojos, and La Puente. Manuel Martinez’s son, Francisco, had given deeds
called hijuelas to over 100 individuals living in those communities and those deeds were
recorded; nevertheless, in his quiet title suit, Catron named only the heirs of Manuel
Martinez and other members of the Martinez family. Catron claimed to own the entire
grant, which had been surveyed in 1876 and found to contain almost 600,000 acres,
except for about 50 acres in Chama. Catron alluded to the hijuelas as “conditional
donations of small strips of cultivable land,” which he estimated at less than 6,000
acres and agreed to recognize such conveyances “on presentation of the deed and proof
of compliance with its condition.”7
When Charles Catron finally sold the Tierra Amarilla Grant on June 12, 1909,
he excluded from the deed some surveyed tracts of land that became known as the
Catron exclusions, totaling 14,515 acres.8 Thus the area of the Catron exclusions
increased over time from 6,050 in 1883 to 14,515 in 1909.
Not all the occupied and irrigated land on the Tierra Amarilla Grant was
included within the boundaries of these “exclusions,” because Catron was not
motivated to make the Catron exclusions any larger than necessary. The greater the
area of the exclusions, the less Catron would receive by way of the purchase price for
the grant. He placed the burden on the owners of cultivated land represented by
hijuelas to prove their ownership by presenting those documents to him together with
proof of compliance with any conditions in those deeds. This is just the reverse of what
6. See Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 42-3 for the Spanish text and a translation of one of the hijuelas. For background on the hijuelas and a different conclusion as to their effect, see David J. Alderete and Gilbert Baca, “El Uso de la Hijuela en Tierra Amarilla,” a paper presented at the 20th annual meeting of the Western Social Science Association, Denver, Colorado (April, 1970). 7. Michael Rock, “Catron’s Quiet Title Suit,” unpublished manuscript in the author’s possession. 8. Deed from Charles C. Catron to Chama Valley Land Company, June 12, 1909, recorded June 22, 1909, Rio Arriba County Mortgage Record, Book 4, pp. 119-150.
6
the law required.9 At the time he filed his quiet title suit, Catron was not required to
name and serve all those individuals occupying land within the grant. That
requirement was not imposed until two cases in 1911 and 1912, the cases of Priest v.
Town of Las Vegas and Rodriguez v. La Cueva Ranch Co.,10 dealing with quiet title and
partition suits, were decided, partly as a reaction to the abuses and unfairness of
proceedings like Catron’s quiet title suit. As the court in Rodríguez v. La Cueva Ranch
Co. stated, no longer may the plaintiff in a quiet title suit: “sit in his office, refrain from
all inquiry as to the persons claiming any part of the estate sought to be partitioned . . .
proceed against them as unknown owners, and thereby deprive them effectually of all
their rights and property.”11
This is exactly what Catron did when he quieted title to the entire Tierra
Amarilla Grant. He named only the unknown heirs of Manuel Martinez as defendants
and served all the defendants by publication. Thomas B. Catron sat in his office and
prepared the Bill of Complaint on August 17, 1883, and 42 days later on September 28,
1883, Judge Samuel B. Axtell signed the Final Decree declaring him to be the owner of
the entire Tierra Amarilla Grant. The only other individuals named were two of Manuel
Martínez’s six sons, both deceased, Eusebio Martinez and Sixto Martinez. Notice of the
lawsuit was published in a newspaper somewhere in the territory of New Mexico, but
since the court file is missing, we do not know which one. Catron was doing his best to
be sure that none of those people who had a claim to the Tierra Amarilla Grant would
receive notice of his quiet title suit. In fact, the suit was uncontested.12
Catron was required to name the holders of recorded deeds (a list of these deeds
is included as Appendix A) and all those who had purchased interests in the Tierra
Amarilla Grant from the other heirs of Manuel Martinez. It was not until 46 claimants
of interest in the grant sued Catron in 1889 to partition the grant that Catron entered
into stipulations with many of these claimants that the Final Decree in the quiet title
suit would not affect their holdings in the grant. In a sense, it was only when Catron
was forced to recognize individual occupants of or claimants to the Tierra Amarilla
Grant that he carved out exceptions to his ownership that became known as the Catron
9. Rock, “Catron’s Quiet Title Suit.” 10. Priest v. Town of Las Vegas, 16 N.M. 692 (1911); Rodriguez v. La Cueva Ranch Co., 17 N.M. 246 (1912). 11. Rodriguez v. La Cueva Ranch Co., 17 N.M. 246, 254 (1912). 12. Besides Eusebio and Sixto, Manuel Martínez had four other sons, Julian, Vicente, Antonio, and Francisco, none of whom were named in the quiet title suit. Francisco is the one who had the grant confirmed in his name by the Surveyor General of New Mexico after Manuel Martínez died and is the one granting hijuelas to the settlers living on the grant. Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 8-22.
7
exclusions. These exclusions were not a good faith attempt to have the occupied lands
of the grant surveyed and excluded; rather, they represented Catron’s attempt to keep
the occupied land that he did not own at a minimum. Based on similar situations in
other land grants such as the Las Trampas Grant, if all the occupied land had been
surveyed, the Catron exclusions would be ten times larger. In fact when Charles Catron
sold the entire Tierra Amarilla grant in 1909, the Catron Exclusions comprised about
14,500 acres (see Appendix C). As early as 1881, he began receiving royalties from the
grant. In that year he sold a right-of-way to the Denver and Rio Grande Railroad Co.
across the northern part of the grant, plus house lots for employees and land for a
depot in Chama. His income from the grant reached as high as $50,000 a year. After
numerous attempts to sell the grant, beginning around 1883, he finally sold it in 1909
for an estimated price of $850,000, of which $495,000 was in cash.13
There is evidence that Catron was aware of the fact that there were others who
claimed to own the grant besides those from whom he obtained deeds. New Mexico's
representative in Congress, Antonio Joseph, filed a memorial before that body on behalf
of a large number of persons, “who report themselves to be descendants of those who
originally went on said grant with Martínez and complain that they are being deprived
of the right of free pasturage and wood and water by the present owners.”14 And in
1889 a lawsuit was filed against Catron by forty-six plaintiffs, who claimed that he was
making profits by leasing portions of the grant for grazing and timber-cutting, and that
they had a right to share in those profits since they had an interest in the commons by
virtue of conveyances from Francisco Martínez. Presumably these plaintiffs had not
conveyed to Catron. Apparently, the suit was dismissed.15
In 1883, Catron filed a quiet title suit that named only the unknown heirs of
Manuel Martínez as defendants, despite the fact that at least 113 hijuelas had been
recorded from Francisco Martínez to settlers living on the grant, most of whom were not
Martínez heirs. These settlers were not named because they were not listed on the
abstract of title to the grant which was filed in the case. This document, which
purported to be a complete listing of all recorded deeds to the Tierra Amarilla grant,
prepared by the County Recorder of Rio Arriba County, Francisco Salazar, does not list
the hijuelas. It does mention them but they are dismissed from serious consideration,
being referred to as “some informal conveyances of some very small piece of land.” This
13. Westphall, Thomas Benton Catron and his Era (Tucson, 1973), 46-60. 14. Frankie McCarty, Land Grant Problems in New Mexico, 13. Reprint of a series of articles appearing in The Albuquerque Journal, September 28 through October 10, 1969. 15. Seth v. Catron, SC-UNM, Catron Collection, PC 29:202; Box 1, folder 5.
8
was simply not true since the hijuelas granted use rights on what became quasi-
common lands. This lays the entire quiet deed suit open to question.
For the second time, the settlers were not given notice of a proceeding which
challenged their ownership of the land. So Catron's title became final and most of the
grant, except for the villages, came into the hands of large-scale ranchers.
3. Early History of the Rio Arriba North of Abiquiú
The individuals who attempted to settle Tierra Amarilla and other communities
north of Abiquiú were forced back to more secure settlements where there was plentiful
irrigation water and a substantial body of pobladores. This pattern of moving from one
settlement to another throughout the Rio Arriba area was repeated over and over as
population increases in one settlement exacerbated shortages in land and irrigation
water during times of drought. Periods of drought also brought about an increase in
raiding activities by the Navajos, Utes, and Comanches who had difficulty in foraging for
and growing food during these drought periods. Thus, the times when establishment of
new communities was most needed by settlers from overcrowded communities because
of scarce water were often the times when such expansion was most difficult because of
Indian raids. In the 1870s, Indian raids began to subside as Utes and Jicarilla Apaches
were finally settled on their reservations, but claims settlers in the Tierra Amarilla area
made for livestock killed by Indians in the 1870s demonstrate the continuation of these
raids. Thus when a new settlement was made at a place like Tierra Amarilla, it was
necessary for a substantial group of families to move to the new settlement at one time
for defense against Indian raids.
The population of the Abiquiú area increased dramatically in the latter part of
the eighteenth century, from fewer than four hundred when Father Domínguez made
his census in 1776,16 to more than a thousand in 1790 when a census ordered by
Governor Chacón counted the individuals in eight Hispanic plazas and the Genízaro
Pueblo of Santo Tomás de Abqiuiú.17 By 1793 the population of the Abiquiú
settlements had increased to 1,558, which included the surrounding settlements of
Barranca, La Puente, and Tierra Azul. This rise in population was limited to individuals
designated as Spaniards, indicating that any population increase among Genízaros
from the Pueblo of Santo Tomás was offset by their assimilation into other plazas and
16. The 1776 census listed 46 families of 136 persons at the genízaro pueblo and 49 families of 254 persons at the surrounding Spanish settlements. Adams and Chávez, Missions of New Mexico, 126. 17. Pinart Collection, PE 55:3, Bancroft Library, Berkeley; Van Ness, Hispanos in Northern New Mexico, 150-54; Virginia Langham Olmsted, compiler, Spanish and Mexican Censuses of New Mexico, 1750-1830 (Albuquerque: New Mexico Genealogical Society, 1981), 111-24.
9
their acquisition of vecino status. The plaza to which most Genízaros moved was the
Plaza de San Antonio del Vallecito in the mountains south of Abiquiú, which was
reached by an old Tewa trail. Of the nineteen families listed in the 1790 census, one
was characterized as Genízaro, one Indian, and four coyote, and one of the coyote
families was further classified as vecinos del Moqui (Hopis from the Plaza del Moqui with
vecino status).18
In 1790 the Pueblo of Santo Tomás included both Genízaros and Hopis in
separate plazas, but by the 1800s the separate Hopi settlement had become
assimilated, and the Hopi designation had mostly disappeared from sacramental
records. Occasionally the term "Moqui" appeared in the baptismal records, but these
likely referred to recent captives brought back to Abiquiú after militia expeditions into
Hopiland.19 Another outlying settlement listed in the 1790 census was the Plaza de
Guadalupe near the mouth of the Cañón del Cobre near the farmlands now called Los
Silvestres.20
The settlers in these plazas were a hardy group that included many of the
families who subsequently settled El Rito, Canjilón, Rio Nutrias, Cebolla, and the
settlements around Tierra Amarilla. Hispanos often took on the customs and
characteristics of the Genízaro and other nomadic Indians. Many Abiquiú vecinos were
fluent in Ute and other Indian languages and often engaged in a pattern of illegal trade
with the Utes and other tribes. They also raided surrounding Indian groups such as
the Navajos, Hopis, Utes, Apaches, and Comanches for war booty, particularly
captives.21 Several families in the 1870 El Rito census and the 1870 Tierra Amarilla
census included Indian servants.
As the population increased in the plazas around Abiquiú, new land grants were
made and old ones were revalidated (because of abandonment and failure) to secure
land on which new settlements could be established. The pressure to settle new areas
and find new water sources for irrigated farming increased during the early nineteenth-
century drought years from 1801 to 1803 and 1805 to 1813. The settlers in and around
the Abiquiú area were encouraged to attempt new settlements during the first decade
and a half of the 1800s because of a decrease in nomadic Indian raiding. Except for the
18. Pinart Collection, PE 55:3; Swadesh, Primeros Pobladores, 43-4; Poling-Kempes, Story of Abiquiú, 57-8. 19. The Pueblo of Santo Tomás included fifty-five families in the 1790 census, including one headed by an individual named simply "Jose, el Apache." Pinart Collection, PE 55:3; Poling-Kempes, Story of Abiquiú, 58. 20. The Plaza of Guadalupe contained twenty-four households in the 1790 census, six of which were headed by women. Pinart Collection, PE 55:3. 21. Van Ness, Hispanos in Northern New Mexico, 151-54; Poling Kempes, Story of Abiquiú, 44.
10
years 1801 to 1804, the period was relatively free from Indian raids on Spanish
settlements.
By 1806, as Plains Indians and other nomadic tribes fought each other over
territory, requests for farmland north and west of Abiquiú began coming in to Santa Fe,
although clearing the land, breaking the soil, and irrigation appear to have started a few
years earlier. In 1806 the Piedra Lumbre Grant was revalidated22 and the San Joaquin
del Río Chama Grant was made to Francisco Salazar, his two brothers, and twenty-
eight companions.23 Then in 1807 the Juan Bautista Valdez Grant was made south of
the Piedra Lumbre Grant in the Cañón de los Pedernales, where the community of
Cañones was established.24
4. Relations with the Jicarilla Apache
The Jicarilla Apache were a semi-nomadic tribe living in New Mexico at the time
of Juan de Oñate's arrival in 1598. A band of Jicarilla lived between Taos and Picuris
Pueblos at that time, and others were living to the north of Taos Pueblo and east of
Picuris Pueblo. In 1733 a Franciscan mission was established at or near Taos Pueblo,
but was short lived.25 A band of Jicarillas were still settled near Picuris Pueblo in the
late 1790s and early 1800s when they tried to obtain land from the Spanish
government at the Cieneguilla grant not to be confused with the Cieneguilla south of
Santa Fe. The Cieneguilla grantees objected telling the governor they would rather
abandon their grant than live with the Jicarillas. By the 1850s a group of the Jicarilla
Apache were still in the Taos/Picuris area.26
In March of 1854 a group of Jicarillas met with Kit Carson at Ft. Burgwin and
denied responsibility for recent raids in the area.27 Contrary to their assertions of
22. Piedra Lumbre Grant, PLC 30, Roll 35, fr. 1303 et seq. 23. San Joaquín (Cañón de Chama Grant), SG 71, Roll 20, fr. 575 et seq. 24. Juan Bautista Valdez Grant, PLC 179, Roll 50, fr. 369 et seq.; John R. Van Ness, "The Juan Bautista Valdez Grant:. Was it a Community Grant,?" in Van Ness and Van Ness, Spanish and Mexican Land Grants in New Mexico and Colorado (Manhattan, Kansas: Sunflower University Press, 1980), 107-16. 25. Declaration of fray Miguel de Melcher, Santa Barbara, 10 May 1744. Hackett, Historical Documents, 3: 403. 26. Town of Cieneguilla Grant, SG 62, Roll 19, fr. 668-72. 27. Carson recommended that a Special Agent be appointed to live with the Jicarillas to help them get provisions as they were starving. If no agent were appointed, since there was no game
11
peaceful intentions, nine days later a combined force of up to 500 Utes and Jicarilla
Apaches attacked a company of sixty (60) U.S. military dragoons killing forty (40) of
them. As a result of the heavy U.S. defeat at what was called the Battle of Cieneguilla,
Brigadier General John Garland called the Jicarilla Apache the "most warlike of all the
Indians in New Mexico."28
The Jicarillas began receiving allotments of subsistence rations under the
program established by the U.S. government at Cimarron until 1871 when those
allotments were discontinued. The band of Jicarilla led by the chief known as Chacón
also received allotments "at a farm in the vicinity of Abiquiú, during the spring and
summer of 1853, but the farm yielded but little produce [and] when the produce of the
farm was consumed these Indians resorted to theft and robbery for sustenance."29 In
September of 1854 Governor Meriwether met with Chacón who "professed a strong
desire for peace [and] said that he and his people were poor and destitute." Meriwether
had Indian Agent Lafayette Head purchase forty (40) fanegas of corn and deliver it to the
Jicarillas who were camped near Abiquiú. Head reported that there were 100 lodges at
Chacón's camp and that after delivering the corn "the Indians treated him in a very
insolent manner and threatened to kill him."30
Many of the Jicarilla settled around Tierra Amarilla and received annuity goods
at the Ute Agency there. They intermingled and intermarried with the Capote Utes who
were officially receiving their subsistence allotments at Tierra Amarilla. In late 1873 the
Jicarilla chief Ignacio negotiated a treaty with the U.S. government that would provide
the Jicarillas with a reservation east of the Navajo reservation. On 25 March 1874
President Ulysses S. Grant signed an executive order establishing a 900 square mile
in the region, they would be forced to commit thefts and robberies according to Carson. Christopher "Kit" Carson to Acting Governor Messeveny, 21 March 1854, National Archives Records, Roll 547, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881, New Mexico Superintendency, 1854-1855, NMSRCA. 28. Brig. General Garland to Lt. Col. Thomas, 1 April 1854, National Archives Records, Roll 497, Letters Received by the Office of the Adjutant General, 1822-1860, G-341, 1854, NMSRCA. 29. Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1854, p. 378, cited in Albert H. Schroeder, "A Study of the Apache Indians, Part II, The Jicarilla Apaches," a report submitted to the Indian Claims Commission, Docket no. 22A. 30. Governor and Superintendent of Indian Affairs Meriwether to Commissioner of Indian Affairs Manypenny, 29 September 1854. National Archives Records, Roll 547, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881, New Mexico Superintendency, 1854-1874, NMSRC; Schroeder, "The Jicarilla Apaches," 114-16.
12
reservation for the Jicarilla Apaches. But the Jicarillas, then camped near Tierra
Amarilla, did not want to move there.31
Figure 1. Jicarilla delegation to Washington in 1885.
Since the Jicarillas did not want to move to their reservation, the boundaries of
which were not clearly delineated but which included the Cañon Largo/San Juan area,
Indian Agent W. F. M. Arny recommended that the San Juan region be opened to
settlement by non-Indians to support the miners, "opening the resources of the San
Juan mining region. Arny argued that the Jicarilla should be separated from the Utes
and other tribes and moved to the Mescalero Apache reservation and the area of their
reservation "be open for settlement by citizens . . . as homesteads."32 Another
document also recommended the opening of the area because "if the land were opened
for settlement it would become immensely valuable for purposes of agriculture."33
While Arny was encouraging settlement of the Cañon Largo/San Juan area, two
descendants, Syrus Arny and W. E. Arny, acquired land for themselves in the Tierra
Amarilla area.34 The Jicarilla Apache were finally moved from the Tierra Amarilla area
to their reservation at Amargo (near present-day Dulce) in 1881.
31. Interior Department, Executive Order signed by Ulysses S. Grant, 26 March 1874. National Archives Records, Roll 562, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881, New Mexico Superintendency, 1854-1855, NMSRCA. 32. S. A. Russell to Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Tierra Amarilla, 25 January 1876. National Archives Records, Roll 567, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881, New Mexico Superintendency, 1854-1876, NMSRCA. 33. W. F. Arny to A. D. Higgens. National Archives Records, Roll 566, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-1881, New Mexico Superintendency, 1854-1876, NMSRCA. 34. See map of survey Appendix I.
13
5. Relations with the Ute and Navajo
The period from 1806 to 1818 was one of relative peace from Indian raids owing
in large part to the success of an 1805 expedition into Navajo country led by Lieutenant
Colonel Antonio Narbona, who also later became governor of New Mexico (1825-27).
Narbona led his troops, together with Opata and Pueblo Indian allies, into the heart of
Navajo country at the Canyon de Chelly. After a two-day battle the Navajos, who had
fortified themselves on a high point of rocks, were defeated. Narbona reported that
ninety warriors and twenty-five women and children were killed, and three warriors and
thirty women and children were taken captive. Among the captives was the leader,
Segundo, with his wife and two children. Eleven of the prisoners were distributed as
servants to the Spaniards.35 The campaign induced the Navajos to seek peace. On 12
May 1805, Governor Alencaster signed a peace treaty at Jemez Pueblo with the Navajos,
under which the Navajo agreed to relinquish their claims to lands at Cebolleta and the
Spaniards agreed to release seventeen Navajo captives, including Segundo. Such a
captive release was "perhaps unparalleled in Navajo-Spanish relations," according to
Frank McNitt, and helped establish peace with the Navajos for more than a decade.36
During the period, from 1806 to 1818, of relative peace with the Navajos and the
Utes, Spanish settlers traveled north far into Ute country as they continued to trade
with the Utes, regain property such as horses and livestock stolen by the Utes, and
bring back Genízaros to be sold as household servants. For example, in 1805 seventy-
year-old Manuel Mestas pursued a group of Utes who had stolen his horses and tracked
them as far as Utah Lake.37 Six years later Rafael Sarracino traveled across the same
region in search of a rumored Spanish settlement.38 In 1813 Mauricio Arce and Lago
García led a group of traders from Abiquiú into and beyond the Utah Lake area on a
trading expedition.39 Men like Manuel Mestas became intermediaries between the
35. Frank McNitt, Navajo Wars: Military Campaigns, Slave Raids, and Reprisals (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1972), 41. Narbona's report of the 17-18 January 1805 engagement at Canyon de Chelly is reproduced in Appendix A, 431-33. Narbona praised the bravery of militia captains Lorenzo Gutiérrez and Bartolomé Baca. The latter became governor (1823-25). 36. McNitt, Navajo Wars, 45-6. In addition to the captives Narbona brought back "eighty-four pairs of ears of as many [Navajo] warriors." Narbona had promised the governor ninety sets of ears so was lacking six "because the subject I encharged with them lost them." Report of Narbona's engagement with the Navajos at Canyon de Chelly, 1805, McNitt, Navajo Wars, 433. 37. SANM II: 1881, and Schroeder, "History of the Southern Ute." Mestas, a genízaro, received pay from the Spanish government for his services as a Ute interpreter. 38. H. Bailey Carroll and J. Villasana Haggard, Three New Mexico Chronicles (Albuquerque: The Quivira Society, 1942), 134. Sarracino did not find the rumored settlement but was able to trade for beautifully tanned pelts on very good terms. 39. SANM II: 1881.
14
Spaniards and the Utes, serving not only as interpreters but also as go-betweens who
brought peace proposals back and forth between the two groups. In 1808, for example,
Mestas reported to the alcalde of Santa Cruz de la Canãda that he had met with the
Utes about certain peace proposals. He reported that the Utes were divided, some
wanting to avenge a recent atrocity, others, including four captains, wanting peace.40
Later, men such as José María Chávez and Pedro León Luján, who alternatively fought
with or traded with the Utes, filled this same role.41
During this period of 1806 to 1818 of decreased raids by the Utes and the
Navajos, several petitions were filed for large community grants. Francisco Salazar
requested the San Joaquín Grant for himself, his brothers, and twenty-eight associates
in 1806, and the first petition for the Tierra Amarilla Grant was filed in 1814. The
Tierra Amarilla Grant was not made until 1832, but Governor Alencaster made the San
Joaquín Grant in 1806, just one month after the petition was filed. Both grants
included substantial areas of common land, but these ejidos were lost to the settlers on
the Tierra Amarilla grant when it was privatized. The common lands on the San
Joaquín grant were rejected by the courts and became U. S. public domain. Many
settlers were able to obtain title to small tracts of this land as homesteaders or small
holding claimants.42
6. The Old Spanish Trail
The first official attempt at opening a trial from New Mexico to California was the
Domínguez-Escalante expedition in 1776, which failed to reach its destination of
Monterey, California. Some members of that expedition, such as Andrés Muñiz of Ojo
Caliente and his brother, Antonio Lucrecio Muñiz, were familiar with the country
northwest of Abiquiú into Ute country because of their trading expeditions with the
Utes.43 They were helpful in guiding the Dominguez/Escalante expedition particularly
when it reached the Colorado River. Settlers in the communities around Abiquiú
continued their trading expeditions to Ute country learning more about the trails that
would become the several branches of the Old Spanish Trail. They often traded for
40. Manuel Mestas to the Alcalde of La Cañada, Abiquiu, 4 September 1808, SANM II: 1886. 41. For more on Pedro León Luján, see Sondra Jones, The Trial of Don Pedro León Luján: The Attack Against Indian Slavery and Mexican Traders in Utah (Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press, 2000), passim. 42. For a discussion of the privatization of the Tierra Amarilla Grant see, Ebright, Tierra Amarilla Grant, passim. For the San Joaquín Grant see Chapter Five, "The San Joaquín Grant: Who Owned the Common Lands," in Ebright, Land Grants and Lawsuits, 105-42. 43. Joseph J. Hill, "Spanish and Mexican Exploration and Trade Northwest from New Mexico into the Great Basin, 1765-1853," Utah Historical Quarter;y, 3 (January 1930): 5-8.
15
Indian captives who were sought after by Spanish settlers.44 In 1829 many of these
individuals familiar with the country northwest of Santa Fe joined Antonio Armijo's
expedition that blazed the first complete route between Abiquiú and the San Gabriel
mission near Los Angeles. The journey took eighty-six days and opened one of the
routes that became the favored way to California for the next twenty years. Numerous
expeditions followed this route to California, where settlers looking for farmland and
grazing pastures found better locations than were available in New Mexico. Those who
could afford the trip, such as members of the Chávez family, settled permanently in
California or stayed there temporarily until Indian-raiding on the northern New Mexican
settlements subsided.45 Julián and Mariano Chávez, two of José María Chávez's
brothers, traveled the Old Spanish Trail to Los Angeles in the early years of the trail.
José María Chávez soon joined his brothers in Los Angeles under rather unusual
circumstances.
Unlike many New Mexicans, José María Chávez was a supporter of the
controversial governor, Albino Pérez, whose centralist policies sparked the 1837 Revolt
that cost him his life. Chávez served under Pérez as alcalde constitucional of Abiquiú in
the 1830s. When Pérez was killed, and his body mangled and beheaded in the early
days of the revolt, other Pérez supporters were also marked for execution. Chávez, along
with Jesús María Alarid, Santiago Abreu, Ramón Abreu, and Miguel Sena, were all on
the rebel's death list as former supporters of Governor Pérez. Chávez's uncle, Pablo
Montoya, was one of the leaders of the rebellion. He knew José María was a marked
man and told him so. Chávez hurriedly packed his baggage and set out on the Old
Spanish Trail for California. He probably followed the route Armijo opened in 1829
arriving in Los Angles in November 1837. Chávez brought serapes with him to trade and
presented himself to authorities in Los Angeles as a trader from New Mexico. He met his
brothers, Julián and Mariano, and probably settled near them. In March 1838 José
María and others who had fled New Mexico with him were involved in another rebellion
in California. They fought a gun battle on the side of the California rebels against
Mexican forces under the command of General José Castro. When an armistice was
declared José María quickly returned to New Mexico. He may have traveled back and
forth several times between Abiquiú and Los Angles on the Old Spanish Trial, but by
44. Jones, Trial of Don Pedro León Luján, 26-31. 45. Joseph P. Sánchez, Explorers, Traders, and Slavers: Forging the Old Spanish Trail, 1678-1850 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah, 1997), see Appendix for a map of the route of the Old Spanish Trail.
16
1840 he had returned permanently to New Mexico to continue his career as an Indian
fighter and trader.46
José María Chávez led numerous campaigns against the Utes and Navajos
before and after his trips to Los Angeles in the 1830s. By the time he was twenty-two,
he had served in the positions of Lieutenant of Militia, Captain of Battalion, and
Adjutant of the Army. Chávez established himself at Abiquiú on his return from
California and in 1841 and 1843 led campaigns against the Utes in northern New
Mexico and southern Colorado and against the Navajos in northwestern New Mexico.
The Navajos and the Capote Utes had been enemies for some time, but in the late 1820s
Navajo-Ute relations improved so instead of attacking each other, they increased their
raids on Hispanic settlements. The Navajos hit the Abiquiú region in 1827 and 1829,
San Miguel in 1835, and Barranca and Ojo Caliente in 1844. An unfortunate incident
set back Spanish-Ute relations in 1844 when Governor Martínez de Lejanza killed a Ute
with a chair in the Governor's Palace. The Utes had come to parley with the governor,
but Martínez had set a trap with soldiers hidden behind curtains. At the first defiant
word from the Ute chiefs the governor and his men attacked the unsuspecting Indians.
Feeling betrayed the Capote Utes attacked Abiquiú and Ojo Caliente, and Utes raids
increased throughout New Mexican settlements. Chávez, now a brigadier general in
charge, ordered a massive retaliatory raid.47
The three districts into which New Mexico was divided were ordered to provide a
thousand men, and one hundred regular soldiers were added to the campaign. The lists
of plazas around Abiquiú that were supplying fighters provide a fairly complete listing of
the Abiquiú area settlements that provided militiamen. General Chávez led this large
army against the Utes in Colorado driving them to the Arkansas River, which was the
boundary between Northern Mexico and the United States. He was not allowed to
pursue the Utes beyond the Arkansas; this would constitute an invasion of the U.S. His
army was turned loose on the remaining Ute encampments south of the Arkansas, and
all property left behind was either divided among the troops as spoils or destroyed. The
campaign was considered successful, although it did not stop Ute and Navajo raiding.
For his leadership of the campaign the Mexican government rewarded General Chávez
with a handsome sword, which he proudly displayed over his fireplace in his Abiquiú
home.48
46. Sánchez, Forging the Old Spanish Trail, 108-14. 47. Ibid., 114-15; Schroeder, "Brief History of Southern Utes," 64; "New Mexican [is] 101 Years Old," clipping from the Santa Fe New Mexican, L. Bradford Prince papers, Personal Papers, José Maria Chávez, Folder 24, Box 14019, NM State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. 48. "New Mexican [is] 101 Years Old," Sánchez, Forging the Old Spanish Trail, 114.
17
Despite the disruptions and uncertainties that Indian raids caused in the 1830s,
1840s, and 1850s, the Old Spanish Trail remained open. The Mexican policy of
providing gifts to the Utes, Jicarillas, and Navajos to maintain their friendship did not
guarantee peace but helped insure safe passage over the trail.49 "Mule trains leaving
Abiquiú moved up the Chama River and down the San Juan through Capote Ute
territory unmolested before looping through Utah to the coast."50 This safe passage
lured numerous settlers, to establish settlements in Southern Colorado and the Los
Angeles area well before the Tierra Amarilla area was considered safe for settlement.
7. The Tierra Amarilla Grant
In the early fall of 1824, Pablo Romero and Manuel Martínez, joined by seventy-
six other mostly poor, landless individuals, asked Governor Bartolomé Baca for a tract
of land thirteen or fourteen leagues (about 35 miles, an underestimation), from Abiquiú
that later became known as the Tierra Amarilla Grant. Romero and Martínez had
requested the same land on behalf of sixty proposed settlers in 1820, and six years
earlier in 1814 Marcial Montoya and Pedro Romero had sought the same land for
themselves and seventy others.51 People from Abiquiú were familiar with Tierra
Amarilla since before the Domínguez-Escalante expedition passed through the area.
The 1776 entry dated "3 Augusto" in the Domínguez-Escalante journal describes a
region along the Río Chama near El Bado that could support a farming community: “the
river's meadow is about a league long from north to south, good land for farming with
the help of irrigation; it produces a great deal of good flax and abundant pasturage.
There are also the other prospects which a settlement requires for its founding and
maintenance.”52 The 1824 petition used similar language to describe the land available
for the establishment of a large settlement: “fertile land, having pastures, wood, and
49 Schroeder, "Brief History of the Southern Utes," 63. 50. Le Roy R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen, The Old Spanish Trail: Santa Fe to Los Angeles (Glendale: The Arthus H. Clark Company, 1954). 51. Petition of Marcial Montoya and Pablo Antonio Romero for land on the Brazos del Río de Chama, Abiquiú 1814, SANM I: 613; Petition of Manuel Martín and Pablo Romero for lands at Tierra Amarilla, 1820, SANM I: 615. 52. “La vega del río tiene de norte a sur como una legua, buen terreno para siembras con proporción de riego; produce mucho lino y bueno y abundante pasto. Hay también las demás proporciones que una población necesita para su establecimiento y subsistencia.” Fray Angelico Chávez, trans., and Ted J. Warner, ed., The Domínguez-Escalante Journal: Their Expedition Through Colorado, Utah, Arizona, and New Mexico in 1776 (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1976), journal entry for 3 August 1776, 6-7 (English), 136 (Spanish).
18
water for a useful advantageous farming settlement on which to support our large
families.”53
The 1824 petition was approved by local officials at Abiquiú and passed on to
Governor Bartolomé Baca (1823-1825) for action. Baca failed to rule on the request,
perhaps because he was aware of an investigation of the 1820 petition, which revealed
that not all the petitioners were as poor as they had represented. Alcalde García de la
Mora had reported that Manuel Martínez “has enough farmland.”54 The requirement
that petitioners for both private and community land grants not own other land was
frequently overlooked, but officials such as Governor Baca, who encouraged the
privatization of common lands rather than the making of new community grants,
tended to overlook such requirements.55 The boundaries of the tract requested in the
1824 petition were substantially the same boundaries awarded to the successful
petitioner for the Tierra Amarilla Grant in 1832, Manuel Martínez. The boundaries
requested by Martínez were: north, the Navajo River; south, the Nutrias River; east, the
ridge of the mountain range; and west, the line from the mountain pass to Horse
Lake.56 Martínez asked for the land for himself, his eight sons, and “some others who
voluntarily desire to accompany me.”57 Since no list was attached to the petition and
there was no act of possession listing the names of proposed settlers, the petition alone
was somewhat ambiguous as to whether Martínez was asking for a private or a
community grant. But the subsequent reports and the granting decree make it clear
that the Tierra Amarilla grant was intended to be a community grant. 58
53. Petition of Pablo Romero and Manuel Martínez for themselves and seventy-six others for land at Tierra Amarilla, Abiquiú, 21 September 1824, SANM I: 805. 54. For a brief discussion of the early petitions for the Tierra Amarilla Grant, see Malcolm Ebright, Tierra Amarilla Grant, 9-10. 55. Bartolomé Baca's policy of privatizing communal lands is discussed in Malcolm Ebright and Rick Hendricks, “The Pueblo League and Pueblo Indian Land in New Mexico, 1692-1846,” in Ysleta del Sur Pueblo Archives, El Paso: Book Publishers of El Paso, 2001), 4: 144-48. 56. “Norte, el Rio de Navajó; sur, el Rio de las Nutrias; oriente, la cordillera de la sierra; poniente, la línea del Puerto a la Laguna de los Caballos.” Petition of Manuel Martínez, Abiquiú, 23 April 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 32. 57. “Algunos otros voluntariamente me quieren acompañar.” Petition of Manuel Martínez, Abiquiú, 23 April 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 32-3. 58. At the time Manuel Martínez submitted his petition, he had six sons (José Julián, José Vicente, José Eusebio, José Sixto, José Antonio and José Francisco) and two sons-in-law (the husbands of his daughters, María Dolores Martínez de Chávez and María de Jesús Martínez de Chávez). 1843 will of Manuel Martínez, New Mexico Documents, 1770-1876, SC-UNM. Of these, the only ones for whom there is evidence of settlement on the grant are Francisco and José Antonio. Francisco is said to have built a large fuerte, with four corner turrets enclosed by a wall, in Los Ojos. Robert J. Torrez, “A History of the Tierra Amarilla to 1880,” unpublished manuscript, December 1, 1975. José Antonio received an hijuela from Francisco for land in Barranco in 1863.
19
The size of the grant was not mentioned, but from the boundaries requested it
was clear to Martínez'es contemporaries that the Tierra Amarilla grant, as it would be
called, was huge (almost 500,000 acres). This was more land than was usually granted
to one individual, but Martínez made it sound as if he was asking for the land himself,
when he said that one of the motives was to leave his family “a means of providing for
their subsistence” when he died. Manuel Martínez admitted he had other lands but
said they were “so old, worn out, and exhausted” they were not sufficient to provide for
his family's needs.59
When Governor Santiago Abreu received the petition as head of the territorial
deputation (New Mexico's legislative body), he referred it to the Abiquiú ayuntamiento
for its report. The Ayuntamiento of Abiquiú was the town council that performed all the
functions of local government, one of which was to report on petitions for grants of land.
Although the senior regidor, José María Chávez, was married to one of Manuel's
daughters, there does not appear to have been any favoritism exercised on his behalf.60
On the contrary, the main concern of the ayuntamiento was to retain the use of the
common lands of the new grant for the residents of Abiquiú, which could most easily be
done if the new grant was a community grant with common lands. The statement in
the ayuntamiento's report that the land “was capable of supporting five hundred
families without property . . . leaving the pastures and watering places free to all
inhabitants of this jurisdiction of Abiquiú,” certainly shows that a community grant was
intended at this point in the proceedings.61
Manuel Martínez did not want it to be a community grant, however. It was
unusual for the petitioner to intervene at this point since the ayuntamiento's report was
directed to the governor, but Martínez was apparently aware of its content and sent a
protest to Governor Abreu. At first glance, the protest, which could be viewed as a new
petition, seems to object only to sharing the common lands of the new grant with the
Abiquiú settlers. On closer scrutiny, however, Martínez appears to be objecting to any
provision for common lands asserting that, “what is reduced to private property cannot
be common,” and “what is common to everyone is owned by no one.” By the end of his
59. “Un recurso para subvenir a su subsistencia,” “tan demeritados, vejecidos, y cansados.” Petition of Manuel Martínez, Abiquiú, 23 April 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 32-3. 60. Frances Leon Swadesh, Los Primeros Pobladores: Hispanic Americans of the Ute Frontier (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press, 1974), 57. 61. “Capaz de mantener quienientas familias sin propiedad . . . que dando libres los pastos y abrevaderos comunes para todos los habitantes de esta jurisdición de Abiquiú.” Report of the Ayuntamiento of Abiquiú, 15 May 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 34.
20
protest it was clear that Manuel Martínez wanted the entire Tierra Amarilla grant to be
his property as a private grant.62
The next document in the administrative sequence does not appear in the
Surveyor General's file and was apparently not submitted with the petition for
confirmation. It is the report, found in the Spanish Archives of New Mexico, of a special
three-man commission in Santa Fe, appointed by the governor to make
recommendations regarding the petition and the protest. The use of such commissions
testifies to a thoroughness of administrative procedure during the period of the Mexican
administration. The commission was even more explicit than was the ayuntamiento
that this was to be a community grant when it stated, “ . . . [it] has deemed it just and
proper that it [the land] be granted to the related petitioners and the rest which may join
together” [emphasis added].63
The provisions recommended by the commission were adopted almost word for
word in the grant itself, made by the territorial deputation. Article three in particular
points directly to a community grant, clearly overruling Martínez's protest but leaving
the question of sharing the commons open, stating “that the pastures, watering places,
and roads shall be free according to custom prevailing in all settlements.”64
The process of settlement of the Tierra Amarilla area, as in the other river valleys
of Northern New Mexico, has been termed a budding process, whereby the buds of new
villages would form out of the stock of older villages, such as Abiquiú.65 The new
community was often named after the older one from which the bulk of the settlers were
recruited. The villages of Barranco, Cañones, and La Puente were all named after
communities near Abiquiú.66
The pattern of a large group settling in an area after repeated small scale
settlements were driven off by the Utes, Navajos, and other Indians occurred on the
Tierra Amarilla grant during the 1860s and 1870s. In the Tierra Amarilla region the
62. “Respecto de que no puede ser comun lo que se distina a propiedad particular” and “lo que es de todos en comun no es de nadie en propiedad.” Martínez to Governor Abreu, Abiquiú, 16 July 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 36-7. 63. SANM I: 1103. It is not clear why Francisco Martínez did not file this document with his petition for confirmation of the grant. 64. Grant by the Territorial Deputation, Santa Fe, 20 July 1832, transcription and translation in Ebright, The Tierra Amarilla Grant, 40-41. 65. Paul Kutsche, John R. Van Ness and Andrew T. Smith, “A Unified Approach to the Anthropology of Hispanic Northern New Mexico: Historical Archaeology, Ethnohistory and Ethnography,” Historical Archaelogy, 10 (1976): 1. 66. It was not always the case that the majority of settlers in the new community came from the named-after community. La Puente was settled by people from Abiquiú and El Barranco de Abiquiú. Interview with Samuel and Bernardo Sánchez, Los Brazos, New Mexico, September 21, 1971, cited in Torrez, “A Brief History of the Tierra Amarilla to 1880.”
21
Jicarilla Apaches claimed much of the land encompassed by the Tierra Amarilla land
grant. In April 1855 the Commissioner of Indian Affairs asked New Mexico governor
David Meriwether to negotiate a treaty to provide the Jicarillas with a reservation. It
was thought that such a reservation might cover part of the Tierra Amarilla Grant.
Thus when Francisco Martínez tried to take possession of the grant with a group of
settlers in 1856, he was asked by the Indian agent at Abiquiú to postpone settlement.
In the meantime, Francisco Martínez pursued his petition for confirmation of the
Tierra Amarilla Grant with Surveyor General of New Mexico, William Pelham. Pelham
championed Martínez's cause over the efforts of Governor Meriwether to provide land for
the Jicarillas. In June 1860 Congress confirmed the Tierra Amarilla grant based on
Pelham's recommendation, and Martínez began to recruit settlers to populate the grant.
The Capote Utes and other tribes continued to resist Hispanic attempts to form
settlements on the Tierra Amarilla grant, but between 1860 and 1864 eight
communities had been formed in the Tierra Amarilla area consisting of more than one
hundred thirty heads of families.67
8. Emmet Wirt
The story of the life of Emmet Wirt is important to the history of the Humphries
Wildlife Management Area (WMA) because the largest part of the Humphries WMA tract
of 10,950.95 acres was owned by Emmet Wirt from the time he acquired it in 1917 to
the time the estate of his daughter Cecilia Wirt Simms transferred a portion of the tract
to the New Mexico State Game Commission in 1968. Known as the Simms tract
containing 4903.8 acres it is colored green on the map of the Humphries WMA attached
as Appendix H.
Emmet Wirt was born on a farm near Harrisonville, Missouri in 1865. He came
to the Southwest around 1883. He first worked at Sullenberger’s sawmill near Azotea,
and then worked as a cowboy for the Bar U Ranch, in the four corners area. When he
heard that the Jicarilla Apache Indians had been settled on the reservation near Dulce
established by Grover Cleveland’s 1887 executive order he decided to go into the
mercantile business. After gaining some experience in a store run by Gomez, Wirt
opened his first trading post at Monero, between Amargo and Lumberton. A few years
67. The settlements on the Tierra Amarilla established during this period and the approximate number of settlers are: Brazos (12), Barranco (15), Cañones (15), Ensenada (22), Nutritas (18), Los Ojos (33), La Puente (14), and Upper Town (3), Ebright, Tierra Amarilla Grant, xv-xvii, 45-48; Robert Torrez, “The Tierra Amarilla Grant: A Case Study in the Editing of Land Grant Documents,” Southwest Heritage 13 (Fall 1983-Winter 1984): 2.
22
later he opened a store in Dulce, the headquarters of the Jicarilla agency, which he ran
until his death in 1938.
Figure 2. Emmet Wirt’s trading post in Dulce, New Mexico.
While he ran his trading post, most Jicarillas liked and trusted Emmet Wirt. He
would often provide them with needed supplies on credit using coupon books “selling”
them $10 worth of books on credit. When the Jicarillas’ government subsistence
checks came in Wirt would cash their checks, after first deducting for the outstanding
coupons. Often when a Jicarilla died owing Wirt money he would cancel the debt
saying God had settled the account.68
Wirt worked with the Jicarilla Indian agent for the benefit of the Jicarilla. When
the Jicarillas attempted to expand their reservation with much-needed grazing lands
Wirt traveled to Washington with their representatives and spoke on their behalf. He
also provided the Jicarilla with hay, meal, and cottonseed cake when their sheep and
cattle were suffering because of lack of forage due to heavy snow. Wirt helped the
Indians make paths through the snow by cutting down large pine trees and hauling
them behind teams of horses. When the government tried to enforce a new regulation,
the Jicarillas would come to Emmet for his advice.69 Thus the Indian Agent learned to
cultivate a good relationship with him.
In 1912 Wirt married Christina Shirmer, a nurse at the Ochsner Hospital in
Durango, Colorado. They had a daughter Cecilia who later married Richard Simms, son
68. Daniel T. Kelly, Buffalo Head: A Century of Mercantile Pioneering in the Southwest (Santa Fe: The Vergara Publishing Company, 1972). 69 Kelly, Buffalo Head, 154-55.
23
of Emmet’s friend Denton Simms, a missionary of the Dutch Reformed Church. Emmet
and Denton had long worked together helping the Jicarilla Apaches. In the 1920s Wirt
and the Indian agent at Dulce worked with the local lumber mills to assure that the
Jicarillas were paid well for their timber rights and found them employment in the
mills. They encouraged the Jicarilla to put their money in livestock. Emmet Wirt was
considered a friend and advocate for the Jicarilla Apaches to such an extent that
Veronica Tiller stated in her the Jicarilla Apache Tribe: A History, “the story of the
Jicarillas cannot be divorced from Emmitt (sic) Wirt.”70
Figure 3. Emmet Wirt in the 1920s.
During the 1920s Emmet Wirt took the advice of his attorney Will Barker and
made a will “naming his Apache children and leaving each a substantial sum, while
reserving a goodly inheritance for his daughter Cecilia Wirt Simms.”71 This will is
mentioned in the abstract of the Humphries Wildlife Management Area, but is not
included. The will provided that the land known as the Simms tract (color-coded green
on Appendix H) would go to his daughter Cecilia Wirt Simms.
9. Tierra Amarilla Land Grant Activism
This section will deal with the land grant activism in the early 1960s and the
response of the State of New Mexico to that activism. The famous Courthouse Raid on
June 5, 1967 was one result of this activism, but this report will deal primarily with
events occurring before and after the Courthouse Raid since that event has been
70. Citing Memorandum Faris to Collier, October 13, 1936, RG75, Jicarilla Agency, CF 1907-39, NA, from Veronica E. Velarde Tiller, The Jicarilla Apache Tribe: A History (Albuquerque: Bow Arrow Publishing Co., 2000), pp?; Kelly, Buffalo Head, 161. 71. Kelly, Buffalo Head, 161-62.
24
discussed fully in numerous books and articles.72 This is relevant to the El Vado Lake
State Park because correspondence from the New Mexico Game and Fish Department
during this time period specifically mentions, “the El Vado property.”73
Sometime in September 1964 officials of the Tierra Amarilla Grant and its
representative the Corporation of Abiquiú, advised the public and in particular the
residents of the grant that were not heirs, that the grant heirs owned the entire grant
and intended to evict all non-heirs by October 20, 1964. The notice came in the form of
a sign on the grant giving notice that anyone “caught destroying any part or product of
this grant will be punished under the law,” and a formal notice of eviction signed by five
members of the Corporation of Abiquiú.74
Figure 4. Notice posted in September, 1964.
72. The following books deal with the courthouse raid and Reies Lopez Tijerina, the best known land grant activist: Patricia Bell Blawis, Tijerina and the Land Grants (New York: International Publishers, 1971); Richard Gardner, Grito: Reies Tijerina and the New Mexico Land Grant War of 1967 (Indianapolis and New York: The Bobbs-Merrill Company, Inc., 1970); Peter Nabokov, Tijerina and the Courthouse Raid (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1969); and "Reflections on the Alianza," New Mexico Quarterly, 37, (Winter 1968), pp. 343-356; Clark S. Knowlton, "Land-Grant Problems Among the State's Spanish-Americans," New Mexico Business, June 1967; "Reies Lopez Tijerina and the Alianza: Some Considerations," unpublished manuscript, and "Reies L. Tijerina and the Alianza Federal de Mercedes: Seekers after Justice," unpublished manuscript. 73. Memo from William A. Humphries, September 29, 1964, re T.A. Grant. NM State Game and Fish Miscellaneous #115 (folder) T.A. Grant Dispute, 1964, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. 74. Photo of sign on the Tierra Amarilla Grant, NM State Game and Fish Miscellaneous #115 (folder) T.A. Grant Dispute, 1964, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe.
25
The eviction order was signed by Amarante Serrano, Ubaldo Martinez, Samuel
Benavidez, Cruz Aguilar, and Juan Y. Valdez, and – claiming the authority of the Treaty
of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the U.S. Constitution and international law – ordered the
evacuation of all non-heirs from the grant by October 20, 1964.75
Figure 5. The first paragraph of the eviction notice.
In response, state officials, the courts, and federal officials took action.
Newspaper articles, both published and in draft form described the situation in
alarming terms.76
75. First page of eviction order NM State Game and Fish Miscellaneous #115 (folder) T.A. Grant Dispute, 1964, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. 76. “Tierra Amarilla Land Grant Dispute Nears Boiling Point,” The Farmington Daily Times, Sunday, October 11, 1964, p. A7.
26
Figure 6. Article was printed in the Farmington Daily Times on October 11, 1964.
As the newspaper described the challenge by the activists “The Corporation of Abiquiú
says no one may hunt or fish upon the huge grant without possessing a special license
purchased from the grant. A number of hunters intend to go into the area with regular
New Mexico big game licenses. The corporation has set up a headquarters on the
highway leading into the small town of Chama. It has posted signs all over the area.
Persistent reports from local papers say the corporation will have approximately 70
armed men ready to enforce its eviction notices as of the 20th.”77 The threat of privately
issued hunting licenses soon caught the attention of state authorities. As one of the
newspaper articles noted: “The area is well-known for its recreational facilities - - the
Chama and Brazos Rivers providing excellent trout fishing and the mountains of the
area abounding in deer, elk, bear and turkey. It is a favorite area for both New Mexico
and non-resident sportsmen. This, say Game and Fish Department officers, also
complicates matters since the Game Department owns and operates a huge state trout
fish hatchery at Parkview and, in addition owns and maintains an additional 12,000-
plus acres of recreational land in the grant. Game Department officers say they will
take no action as law enforcement officers but will simply act as conservation officers in
case of trouble - - reporting violations to the State Attorney General’s office.”78 The New
Mexico Game and Fish Department considered deputizing their conservation officers
with deputy sheriff commissions with authority to arrest land grant activists, but
decided against it. The department issued a memorandum regarding “procedures to
follow on T. A. Land Grant During the Big Game Season.” It provided for hunting
licenses to be issued as usual, and for poachers without a license to be “cited to court
77. Draft of newspaper article NM State Game and Fish Miscellaneous #115 (folder) T.A. Grant Dispute, 1964, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. 78 Draft of newspaper article NM State Game and Fish Miscellaneous #115 (folder) T.A. Grant Dispute, 1964, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe.
27
in the usual manner.” In cases of potential conflict the Department advised among
other things:
1. If gates or right-of-ways to Game Department property are obstructed or
interfered with to prohibit hunters entering without purchasing the Grant
permit by the so-called armed guards of the Grant, you should contact
Director Ladd Gordon or Jim Peckumn who in turn will contact the Attorney
General’s Office and the District Attorney who will advise the next step to be
taken.
2. We should not attempt to interfere in cases where the special fee is
requested on such private lands.
3. We will not cut fences or saw off locks on any land for the purpose of
permitting hunters to enter.
4. All State Game Department property will be open to the public without
additional restriction to anyone.
5. Where questions are asked in regard to any restrictions on other lands, you
should inform the sportsmen that these private lands are no different than
other private lands outside the Grant.
6. We should refrain from encouraging or agitating any conflict, either between
the Grant people and the sportsmen, or between the Grant people and the
Game Department.
7. Do not encourage sportsmen to forceably enter any land and advise hunters
to contact the individual landowner for entry permission.
The non-confrontational stance of the Department of Game and Fish together
with a restraining order issued in Rio Arriba County District Court helped avoid any
confrontations for the time being. The restraining order, signed by district court judge
Paul Tackett ordered the named defendants – which included the five signers of the
Corporation of Abiquiú eviction order to refrain:
1. From issuing or causing to be issued any future or further eviction orders or
notices;
2. From in any way carrying out or attempting or threatening to carry out any
eviction of any person whatsoever without legal process of the Courts of the
United States or the State of New Mexico;
3. From issuing or collecting any fees in any form for hunting or fishing
licenses;
4. From in any way interfering, molesting, stopping or threatening any hunter
or fisherman with a valid New Mexico hunting or fishing license;
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5. From unlawfully carrying any loaded firearms or other deadly weapons
except as provided by law, and this portion of the Injunction is to apply to all
citizens of Rio Arriba County, New Mexico, and the Sheriff, State Police
Officers, and all peace officers are forthwith ordered and directed to arrest
and file criminal charges against any person violating the order herein.
6. From patrolling or trespassing on any private land or interfering with the
possessor of said land in the peaceful enjoyment of said land in any way
whatsoever.
The court further ordered “the individuals who installed and posted signs on the
Tierra Amarilla Land Grant [to] remove said signs within five days from October 16,
1964, the date of the hearing herein.” This episode in the long-standing land grant
struggle demonstrates the concern by local residents or regarding usage and indeed
ownership of lands that had been the common lands of the Tierra Amarilla Land Grant.
It also shows the reaction of state and federal government to the perceived threat. As
one press release noted “The federal government, however, does not appear to be taking
the matter too lightly. Armed guards have been placed around all federal construction
sites on the grant - - such as the multi-million-dollar San Juan-Chama Diversion
project, designed to divert water into the Rio Grande Valley.” This would presumably
include El Vado Dam and El Vado Lake.
10. Humphries Wildlife Area Abstract
The Bill Humphries Wildlife Area was established through the consolidation of
five tracts of land acquired by the N. M. State Game Commission at different times as
discussed more fully in this portion of this report dealing with the chain of title to the
Wildlife Area.
29
Figure 7. Color-coded map locates the several tracts that are now included in the
Humphries Wildlife Management Area (see Appendix H for color version). Tract 1, containing 4903.8 acres was conveyed to the N. M. State Game
Commission by Cecelia Wirt Simms in 1968. It is known as the Simms tract and is
colored green on the above map. Tract 2 consisting of 839.29 acres is a portion of the
Sanchez Tract conveyed to the N. M. State Game Commission by Miguelita S. Maestas
in 1978 (105.5454 acres), Oriola S. Garcia in 1978 (105.5454 acres), Joe and Juanita
Pino in 1977 (522.607 acres) and Matias Sanchez (signed by Joe Pino as attorney in
fact) in 1978 (105.5454 acres). Tract 3, known as the Tomás Gonzales or Consuelo
Gonzales tract, was conveyed to the N. M. State Game Commission by a deed from
Consuelo Gonzales, a widow in 1966 (4227.08 acres) and is colored purple on the above
map. Tract 4, known as the Gonzalo Gonzales tract, was conveyed to the N. M. State
Game Commission by Gonzalo Gonzales in 1977 (980.87 acres) and is colored yellow on
the above map.
A. Hernandez Abstract The first part of the Humphries Wildlife Area abstract is the so-called Hernandez
abstract prepared in 1904 by Benigno C. Hernandez for Thomas B. Catron who was
seeking a loan at the time. It covers the history of the Tierra Amarilla grant from 1832
to 1904. This historical material is covered in sections 6 and 7 of this report.
B. Tract 1 – Nolan or Wirt and Garcia Tract (Simms Tract) This tract is colored green on the color-coded map. It is approximately half of
the larger Nolan Tract that was severed from the common lands (all the land within the
30
grant other than the Catron Exclusions) by the 1913 deed from Arlington Land
Company to Laurence Nolan, a large landowner in Archuleta County, Colorado.79. That
tract is shown on the 1920 Heron map as the Wirt/Garcia Tract.
Figure 8. A portion of Kenneth A. Heron’s 1920 map of Central Rio Arriba County.
In July of 1917 Emmet Wirt acquired the Nolan (Wirt/Garcia) tract from John
Walker who had acquired it from the Nolan Cattle Co. in June of 1917. When Emmet
Wirt went into partnership with Felix Garcia, they each agreed to each take a half
interest in the Nolan tract, so when Garcia died around 1927 Emmet Wirt conveyed a
half interest in the 11,191 acre Nolan tract to his estate. That deed is the beginning of
the chain of title for tract 2 to be discussed in subsection C of this section.
In 1938 eleven years after the Nolan (Wirt/Garcia) tract was divided in half,
Emmet Wirt died and during the probate of his estate and related litigation the property
was surveyed at 4903.8 acres. It was not until 1948 that Wirt’s daughter Cecilia Wirt
Simms and her husband Richard Simms received a deed from the trustee of the estate
of Emmet Wirt for the 4903.8-acre tract. In 1968 Cecelia Wirt Simms, joined by her
husband Richard Simms, transferred this tract, known as the Simms tract and colored
green on Appendix H, to the New Mexico State Game Commission.
C. Tract 2 – Sanchez Tract (Sanchez, Maestas, Garcia tract 316.6 ac/ Pino Tract 522.6 ac)
The first deed in the chain of title for tract 2 (which is actually two tracts on the
color-coded map: Pino/ brown and Sanchez/Maestas/Garcia/ brown with red border) is
79. 1905 Tax Roll for Archuleta County, Colorado, http://files.usgwarchives.net/co/archuleta/taxes/tax1905.txt.
31
the 1927 deed from Emmet Wirt to the estate of Felix Garcia. Thus the abstract for
tract 2 deals with the east half of the Nolan tract. In 1929 Samuel and Alfredo Sanchez
received a deed for half (5,959.5 acres) of the 1,1919 acre Nolan tract from the Estate of
Felix Garcia. Thereafter the property became fractionalized during the probates of the
Estates of Alfredo Sanchez and of Bernardo Sanchez.
Alfredo Sanchez died in 1955 leaving twelve (12) heirs, and before the land could
be divided, one of the heirs, Bernardo Sanchez, died in 1973. Juanita Pino was
appointed executrix under the will of Bernardo Sanchez, but the administration of the
estate was highly contentious, with several lawyers involved and one faction of the
family contesting the actions of the executrix, Juanita Pino. Finally the heirs took part
in a lawsuit to partition the land and in 1977 a partition deed was filed providing for the
portions of the land going to Joe and Juanita Pino (522.6 acres), Oriola Garcia (103.4
acres), Miguelita Maestas (103.4 acres) and Matias Sanchez (103.4 acres) (see Appendix
A, p. 48, shaded). This partition deed is shaded in Appendix A. Then in 1978 Joe and
Juanita Pino conveyed 522.6 acres to the N. M. State Game Commission and Oriola
Garcia, Miguelita Maestas, and Matias Sanchez each conveyed 105.5454 acres, a little
larger than the tracts they received from the partition deed. The Pino deed is shown in
brown on Appendix H and the Sanchez, Maestas and Garcia deeds are combined into
one 316.6-acre tract color-coded brown with a red border on Appendix H.
D. Tract 3 – Tomás Gonzales Tract This is a straightforward chain of title starting with a hand written deed from the
Arlington Land Company for 4227.8 acres to Tomas Gonzales in 1914. When Tomas
Gonzales died around 1945, his heirs conveyed the land to Miguel Gonzales. In 1951
Miguel Gonzales conveyed to Consuelo Gonzales who in turn deeded the 4227.8 acres
tract to the N. M. State Game Commission in 1966.
The final tract completing the Humphries WMA is a 980.87-acre tract (colored
yellow on color-coded map) conveyed by Gonzalo Gonzales to the N. M. State Game
Commission in 1997. This is the one tract without an unbroken chain of title. The only
deed into Gonzalo Gonzales which might provide some color of title is a deed from
Kathryn Gonzales for 18,146 acres. However, there is no deed into Kathryn Gonzales
and it is not clear where the 18,146 acres is located; but it is probably part of the
19,361.2 acre M. Gonzales tract shown on the 1920 Heron map north of the
Wirt/Garcia tract (Figure 8, p. 31).
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11. Operation of the Humphries Wildlife Management Area
The Humphries Wildlife Management Area began with acquisition of parcels of
land in 1966, 1967 and 1968 totaling about 10,950 acres as described in the previous
section. Initially referred to as the Roque Wildlife Area it was renamed the Bill
Humphries Wildlife Area and dedicated on June 27, 1976 to the memory of W. A. Bill
Humphries, Assistant Director of the Department of Game and Fish, who died
December 28, 1973.80
Figure 9. William Humphreys.
The Humphries WMA is managed by the Department of Game and Fish. The
Department operates under a seven-member State Game Commission appointed by the
governor. The Commission employs a director responsible for administration of the
Department. The Department protects wildlife within the state, provides hunting and
fishing opportunities and manages Commission owned lands and facilities for wildlife
habitat and public use. To this end, the agency operates fish hatcheries; provides
80. Dedication program for the W. A. Humphries Wildlife Area, June 27, 1976, Deparment of Game and Fish, Santa Fe.
33
public information on wildlife, recreational opportunities and Department programs;
conducts research on game and non-game species of wildlife and wildlife habitat in
order to perpetuate species; stocks New Mexico waters; acquires, manages and disposes
of Department-owned property; promulgates and enforces hunting, trapping and fishing
rules and regulations; monitors wildlife populations; assists private landowners in
improving wildlife habitat; and develops wildlife education programs.
The Humphries WMA was acquired to provide habitat primarily for elk and deer,
as well as black bear, turkey, squirrels, small wildlife and birds such as band-tailed
pigeons and mourning doves. The population of elk was as high as 1000 animals with
a “resident” population of around 300 elk and a migratory population of between 600 to
800 head. The Humphries WMA straddles the Continental Divide and is bounded on
the west by an escarpment called the Tecolote Rim. It contains mountainous wooded
areas with a mixture of piñon, juniper, and mixed conifers and meadows with alfalfa
and grasses such as orchard grass, smooth brome, and different wheat grasses such as
western wheat grass.81
The management objective for the Humphries Wildlife Area is primarily wildlife
habitat protection, which involves erosion control, limited grazing, and reseeding certain
areas to provide vegetative cover with plants favored by elk. In the early 1970s about
2350 acres of the mountain valleys were reseeded with various legumes and grasses,
including alfalfa, orchard grass, smooth brome, and various wheat grasses. The project
was considered highly successful with a good stand of these plants and in some areas
the western wheat grass spread and extended “out of the mountain meadows and up
the slopes of the side hills.” However, in some places the species of plants was
changing because of light use by the elk, with “undesirable species such as [Kentucky]
bluegrass, starting to invade the reseeded areas.” In 1975 a program of limited
livestock grazing was considered to control this problem.82
When Game and Fish “advertised the area for leasing for grazing by 500 steers
for 60 days during the spring” of 1975, no one submitted a bid. Apparently the limited
time period and other restrictions –cattle owners would have to haul water for their
animals because the department did not want livestock mixing with the elk – were too
restrictive. Accordingly it was decided not to allow grazing in 1975 and to handle the
problem of invading Kentucky bluegrass with controlled burns “to remove unused
81 Department of Game and Fish Memorandum from Walt Snyder to Jeb Stuart, May 20, 1975 re: management of Forage in the Roque [Humphries] Wildlife Area, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe. 82 Department of Game and Fish Memorandum from Walt Snyder to Jeb Stuart, May 20, 1975 re: management of Forage in the Roque [Humphries] Wildlife Area, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe.
34
grass.” Another suggested treatment “would be mowing, raking and then bailing [sic] or
stacking [unused forage] for elk use.83
Limitation of grazing on the Humphries Wildlife Area has helped erosion control
but it has been controversial, especially since the Department has suggested that some
grazing would be beneficial. There is more forage on the Humphries Wildlife Area then
the elk can eat and this has resulted in the invasion of the reseeded areas by
undesirable species.84
Management of the Humphries Wildlife Area has been primarily for the benefit of
the elk population. The reseeding program was designed to increase the number of
plants the elk like to graze on with a close examination of elk’s grazing preferences. In
a 1971 memo Samuel H. Lamb noted the result of his inspection on April 7:
“There seems to have been very little utilization of the tall wheat grass but we did notice in one or two areas where the new shoots were coming the elk had pawed off the old growth of tall wheat grass. The orchard grass is chewed clear to the crown all over the area. We checked one small patch of burnet and found that it had been utilized to the crown and new shoots were now beginning to appear but apparently have not yet been grazed.”85
As the erosion and forage problems continued to improve on the Humphries
Wildlife Area, with less erosion and more forage, pressure from livestock owners began
to increase to provide some private grazing leases. Prior to September 30, 1980 several
livestock owners had contacted the Department of Game and Fish asking about grazing
leases. On that date, a livestock owner in Abiquiú was notified by the Department that
“grazing may be considered on the Humphries area,” but that “It is important to leave
forage on the ground available for deer and elk winter use. We must set up a system for
analyzing the effect of grazing on the forage and determine exactly what our
management objectives are, prior to establishing grazing leases on the area.”86
83 Department of Game and Fish Memorandum from Walt Snyder to Jeb Stuart, May 20, 1975 re: management of Forage in the Roque [Humphries] Wildlife Area, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe. 84 In 1975 Walt Snyder pointed out that “deferrment of domestic livestock grazing demonstrates that on an area without treatment for erosion control, they can stabilize themselves with non-use [by livestock].” Department of Game and Fish Memorandum from Walt Snyder to Jeb Stuart, May 20, 1975 re: management of Forage in the Roque [Humphries] Wildlife Area, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe. 85 Memorandum from Samuel H. Lamb to Walt Snyder. April 7, 1971 re: grazing on the Roque [Humphries] Area. Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe. 86 Letter from George W. Merrill, Assistant Chief, Game and Fish, to Juan Lopez, Abiquiú, N.M. September 30, 1980. Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe.
35
On January 27, 1984 a management plan was established for the Humphries
Wildlife Area, which included a plan for habitat rehabilitation.” Referring to the earlier
project the report noted:
“The last habitat enhancement project involves meadow maintenance. Vegetation within meadows seeded in the late 60’s have now become over mature and unpalatable for elk. Treatment of these plots will depend on the vegetative composition and condition. Areas of desirable plant communities will be treated with a prescriptive burn to remove coarse or woody plant material. Areas containing mostly unpalatable species will be plowed and reseeded to those that are palatable to elk.
It seems that the elk no longer favored the plants that were seeded in the habitat
rehabilitation program of the 1960s and a new program was proposed including a 50
acre test plot of conversion from coniferous trees to primarily aspen trees because they
provide “forest diversity and high yield.” In addition conifer encroachment into
meadows used by elk for foraging areas would be “identified and seedlings will be
removed by the most efficient technique available. Removal technique to be evaluated
includes cutting of seedlings, burning, plowing, and chemical treatment.” It was
determined that “livestock grazing on the Humphries Wildlife Area will not be permitted
during the period of habitat rehabilitation.”87
In 1983 the Department of Game and Fish entered into negotiations with
Ganados del Valle, a community non-profit organization in Tierra Amarilla regarding a
proposed cooperative grazing program allowing owners of small flocks of sheep to graze
on state wildlife areas (at that time it was the Sargent Wildlife Management Area that
was being considered). Ganados del Valle proposed “responsible management
measures to insure that there will be no overgrazing or undue disturbance of game.”
The proposal stalled in 1985 over the state requirement that such grazing leases would
be subject to competitive bidding procedures. On June 7, 1985 Ganados del Valle
asked the state to reconsider this policy because “other state agencies [were] leasing
their property to non-profits for nominal consideration without going to bid,” provided
the need, and effectiveness of the grazing lease was documented. At this point the issue
was becoming mired in red tape, but there was no suggestion at this time that grazing
would not be allowed on Wildlife Areas.88
Soon, however, as negotiations continued the Department of Game and Fish
raised the argument, as described in an extensive Smithsonian magazine article, that
87. Bill Humphries Wildlife Area Management Plan, January 27, 1984, Deparment of Game and Fish, Santa Fe. 88 David W. King, Secretary General Services Department to Harold Olson, Department of Game and Fish, march 21, 1985 and Ganados del Valle/ Tierra Wools to Clarence Lithgow, General Services Administration, June 7, 1985, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe.
36
“sheep and elk were incompatible; the sheep would compete with the elk for forage. ‘It’s
like your kinfolk opening your refrigerator door,’ explains Game and Fish director Bill
Montoya. ‘They eat the good stuff first. That’s what the sheep do.’ Montoya’s view
reflects a widely held belief that sheep destroy grasslands, and in fact there have been
many cases of such overgrazing. The Game and Fish Commission’s mandate, moreover,
was wildlife, not livestock, Montoya adds. If they allowed sheep on the preserves, they
risked the loss of federal subsidies channeled through the U.S. Fish and Wildlife
Service.”
Soon the conflict escalated, as further narrated in the Smithsonian article: “Late
on the night of August 17 [1989] they [Ganados del Valle] moved roughly 1,000 ewes
and their lambs across ten miles of rugged country onto the W. H. Humphries Wildlife
Management Area. Maria [Varela] publicly announced the move at a meeting of the
Commission. ‘What we now undertake, we do not take lightly,’ her statement said. ‘We
have nowhere to turn . . . It is in our long-term interests for these wildlife areas to
flourish. But you cannot tear these wilderness areas out of the fabric of the
communities which surround them.’ Officers from the Department of Game and Fish in
a state airplane spotted the trespassers two days later. ‘We were pretty much waiting to
be found,’ Antonio [Manzanares] recalls. ‘It was hard to hide that many sheep. But we
kept changing hats, turning our jackets inside out and moving around, so they’d think
there were more of us.’ Montoya, directing the state response, kept the gloves on. A
half-dozen mounted officers dispatched by Montoya found Antonio, Molly [Manzanares]
and the then 78-year-old herder Martín Romero the next day. After a few minutes of
affable small talk the officers explained that they were trespassing and warned Antonio
to move out of the wildlife area . . . The officers kept saying they didn’t want to arrest
anybody. Finding Antonio and the sheep still there the next day, the rangers cited him
for criminal trespass. Gov. Garrey Carruthers and Commissioner of Public Lands Bill
Humphries89 scrambled up a short-term solution - the sheep could graze on a nearby
state park for a few weeks.” Meanwhile, “The governor appointed a ten-member task
force representing various viewpoints, chaired by agricultural economist John Fowler of
New Mexico State University, to conduct a study to find out whether livestock could
enhance habitat for wildlife. The scientific wisdom on the question, such as it was, was
inconclusive and contradictory. Fowler found scholarly treatises on both sides, though
none zeroed in specifically on the semiarid high-country ecosystem of northern New
Mexico. Fowler hypothesized that if timing and grazing intensity were carefully
89. William R. Humphries, the former Commissioner for Public Land (completed his term in 1990) is not to be confused with William A. Humphries, after whom the WMA is named, who died in 1973.
37
controlled, sheep might enhance the elk’s habitat. But he never got the chance to prove
or disprove it. The task force degenerated into polarized wrangling so intense that the
research plan dissolved in the heat of combat. Some members considered the study’s
2.9 million price tag too high, but the main problem was whether sheep would be
allowed on the wildlife lands for purposes of research. The state land managers,
supported by the environmentalists on the panel, said no. Ganados and Fowler,
arguing that any other plan made no sense, said yes.”90
The issue was never resolved through a scientific but pragmatic study, partly
because some environmental groups like the Sierra Club objected categorically to
grazing on wildlife management areas. In 1989 after reading about the standoff
between Ganados del Valle and the Department of Game and Fish, the Tennessee
chapter of the Sierra Club argued in a letter to the Chairman of the Commission for
Game and Fish, that:
“Ganados is now attempting to legalize their trespass of lands purchased for wildlife with taxpayers’ money. Their present tactic is to convince authorities to allow the grazing of sheep on WMA’s [Wildlife Management Areas] under the guise of research. Stripping the grass on semi-arid WMA’s by sheep is alleged to improve pasturage for native elk and deer. We urge you and your colleagues to disallow all permits for such illegal grazing operations, whether under the pretext of “research,” “experimental grazing,” “environment enhancement,” “habitat management,” or other spurious representation of the facts. Our wildlife management areas must be preserved for game use, only.”91
After the grazing controversy calmed down, there was little activity for the next
two decades on the Humphries Wildlife Management Area. In 2006 a draft 5-year plan
for the Humphries WMA was promulgated suggesting many of he same management
programs put forth in the 1984 management plan. The three highest priorities
addressed were water availability, erosion, and forage problems. Water availability is a
problem particularly on the southern and central portion of the Humphries property.
Several ponds have silted over and there is reduced water runoff due to the improved
vegetation coverage. The 2006 draft plan suggests constructing ten additional ponds
and developing several natural springs on the Tecolote rim with “spring boxes and water
troughs appropriate for wildlife use.” Regarding gully and sheet erosion, the draft
90 Donald Dale Jackson, “Around Los Ojos, Sheep and Land are Fighting Words,” Smithsonian, April 1991, 42. 91 Henry Hall, Tennessee Chapter, Sierra Club, to Gerald Maestas, Chairman Commission for Game and Fish, November 25, 1989, Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe.
38
management plan suggests they “may have to be structurally treated to stabilize the
most advanced gully conditions.”92
As to forage problems, many of the projects proposed in the 1984 plan were
again proposed: aspen conversion from coniferous species on a 50-acre tract, reseeding
and plowing up areas of vegetation unpalatable to elk, and prescribed burns to remove
“vegetation within meadows seeded in the late 1960s [that] have now become over
mature and unpalatable for elk.” These projects that were not undertaken because of
inadequate funding are being proposed again in the 2006 draft plan. Also proposed is a
program designed to deal with “conifer encroachment.”
“Conifer encroachment into meadows is converting forage areas to unneeded forest habitat. Areas of accelerated conifer encroachment will be identified and seedlings will be removed by the most efficient technique available. Removal technique to be evaluated includes cutting of seedlings, burning, plowing, and chemical treatment.”
Regarding the touchy issue of livestock grazing the 2006 plan had this to say:
“Livestock grazing on the Humphries WMA will not be permitted during the period of habitat rehabilitation. When rehabilitation is completed, an evaluation will be made to determine the feasibility of allowing livestock use. If livestock grazing is determined to be feasible and in agreement with Federal Aid guidelines, grazing may be permitted to the extent, in locations and during times when it does not infringe upon accomplishing or maintaining elk objectives as established for the area.”93
Finally, under the heading of habitat enhancement for mule deer two projects are
proposed dealing respectively with mature oak and mountain mahogany;
“Browse availability will be enhanced by promoting sprouting in mature oak and mountain mahogany stands. This will be accomplished in mature oak by breaking larger stems with a crawler tractor blade. Pushed plots will not exceed 10 acres in size. These pushes will be created within oak stands in the southern and central portions of the area. During pushing operations, grass and forb seeds will be dribbled on the tractor cleats for planting. When pushing is completed and if practical, wood suitable for firewood will either be removed or stacked and made available to the public for firewood. Mountain mahogany stands are fairly common on the area but plants are taller than the wildlife browsing height which makes this potential forage unavailable to deer. These mahogany stands will be made available to browsing through either burning, crushing, or pruning. To determine the most effective technique for converting mountain mahogany from unavailable
92. 5-Year Plan: Land Management Activities on W. A. Humphries Wildlife Management Area, June 2006 draft. Conservation Services Division, New Mexcio Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fé. 93 5-Year Plan: Land Management Activities on W. A. Humphries Wildlife Management Area, June 2006 draft. Conservation Services Division, New Mexcio Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fé.
39
to mostly available, small replica test plots will be treated. Burning, crushing, and pruning will be applied to these plots to determine the most effective technique. The rehabilitation technique selected will be applied to at least ten acres per year until most mahogany stands have been treated.”94
The 2006 draft 5-year plan is similar to the 1984 management plan even to the
extent that both plans make reference to the reseeding program of the 1960s and its
long term effects. In both cases habitat restoration projects have been proposed and
whether or not the project has been implemented, the Department has not permitted
livestock grazing “during the period of habitat rehabilitation.”95 It is somewhat of a
catch-22 situation. The current policy is, “at the present time grazing by either sheep
or cattle is not under consideration as a tool for managing the H[umphries]WMA. Lack
of funding has meant that other programs of habitat restoration, as proposed in the
early management plans have had to be put on hold.”96
Permitted activities include hiking, horseback riding, camping, and wildlife
viewing and photographing as well as hunting. “Hunting is allowed by licensed and
permitted hunters for deer, elk, bear, turkey, and small game.” Currently the number
of licensed and permitted hunters on an annual basis by wildlife hunted is elk (60-65),
deer (about 56), and turkey (about 12).97
In late 2007 a controversy emerged regarding unannounced closings of the
Humphries WMA. As reported in the December 12, 2007 Santa Fe New Mexican: “some
Chama residents are up in arms again over the state Game and Fish Department’s
ongoing fall closures to allow hunting in the popular wildlife areas, especially the
10,868-acre Humphries. They say the closures have been arbitrary and ill-advertised,
hurting an already-struggling small town dependent on tourism. ‘Last year was
extreme,’ said Chama resident Amilia Elliott. ‘They put up signs saying it was closed,
and we didn’t know how long. It was closed (to allow hunting) for the whole month of
September. This year, at least they allowed access between hunts. But it changes
every year.’ The areas are closed to other users but are open at different times in
94. 5-Year Plan: Land Management Activities on W. A. Humphries Wildlife Management Area, June 2006 draft. Conservation Services Division, New Mexcio Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fé. 95. 5-Year Plan: Land Management Activities on W. A. Humphries Wildlife Management Area, June 2006 draft. Conservation Services Division, New Mexcio Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fé. 96. Personal communication with Melinda Benavidez, Department Property Specialist, Conservation Services Division, N. M. Department of Game and Fish, Santa Fe, January 31, 2009. 97. Personal communication, James Martinez, Game and Fish Conservation Officer, January 21, 2009.
40
September, October and November for hunting of specified game with various weapons.
They also are closed in the late spring for several weeks during elk calving. Members of
the public will meet with state Game and Fish Department officials Friday in Chama to
discuss the wildlife areas and their management. Department officials say they finally
are managing some state-owned wildlife areas for more than just hunting and fishing.
Restricting access at certain times of year and eventually adding user fees will benefit
wildlife, other kinds of wildlife-related recreation and tourism-dependent communities
like Chama, said Brian Gleadle, area chief for the Department of Game and Fish’s
northwest quadrant, which includes the two wildlife areas. ‘Some people want it open
365 days a year,’ he said. ‘We want to promote something that will be beneficial in the
long term.’”98 It appears that the current policy of the Department of Game and fish
reflects some sort of compromise between these views.
12. Conclusion
The history of the land that comprised the Humphries Wildlife area has had its
share of controversy, from the land grant activists in 1964 to the actions of Ganados del
Valle in moving their sheep on the Humphries WMA in 1989. The land was part of the
common lands of the Tierra Amarilla grant that was conveyed to Emmet Wirt and
Tomas Gonzales as shown on the 1920 Kenneth Heron map. The abstract reflects an
unbroken chain of title to the entire tract once the first two deeds from Charles Catron
to Chama Valley and from Chama Valley Land Company to Arlington Land Company
are supplied.
The management of the Humphries WMA has fluctuated from fairly active in the
1960s to relatively light at the present-time. Because of budget constraints, the
proposed projects in the management plans have been put on hold. Possibly because of
the grazing controversy with Ganados del Valle and the protest of any grazing by the
Sierra Club, livestock grazing is not contemplated at the present. Elk, deer and turkey
are the only wildlife hunted on the Humphries WMA and that is relatively light based on
current estimates.
The story of the land making up the Humphries WMA is the story of the Ute and
Jicarilla Apache, the Old Spanish Trail, the Tierra Amarilla land grant, the Wirt, Garcia,
Gonzales, Sanchez, Maestas, Pino and other families who owned part of the tract, and
the New Mexico Game and Fish Department that presently manages the land.
98 Staci Matlock, “Closures in Wildlife Areas Irk Residents,” Santa Fe New Mexican December 12, 2007.
41
Appendix A
- Chain of Title of Bill Humphries Wildlife Management Area
Tract 1 Known as the Nolan or Wirt and Garcia tract, was acquired by the N. M. State Game
Commission by warranty deed December 26, 1968 from Cecelia Wirt Simms, conveying
4,903.8 acres (abstract pp. 159-185). This is called the Simms tract and is coded green
on the color-coded map (Appendix H).
Date/ Page of Abstract
Document (Tract 1)
Grantor Grantee/ Official
Book/ Page
Legal Description
1909 6/
Warranty Deed
Charles C. Catron
Chama Valley Land Co.
Mortgage Record 4/ 119-150
Describes the exterior boundary of the TA grant, with exclusions as listed in Appendix B.
Warranty Deed
Chama Valley Land Co.
Arlington Land Co.
1913 10.20/ 159-161
Warranty Deed
Arlington Land Co.
Laurence Nolan
19A/ 43 Conveys 11,221 (with exceptions) for $34,693. Net acreage 11,191 acres, survey description. Hand written.
1915 12.14/ 162-163
Warranty Deed
Lawrence Nolan
The Nolan Cattle Co.
20-A/ 292
Same description which is typewritten. The rest of the deed is handwritten. 11,191 acres.
1917 6.27/ 164-169
Warranty Deed
The Nolan Cattle Co.
John Walker 20-A/ 518
Same description. Handwritten deed. 11,191 acres.
1917 7.23/ 170-173
Warranty Deed
John Walker & Bessie H. Walker
Emmet Wirt 20-A/ 610
1/2 interest in above – same description. 1/2 of 11,191 acres (which is 5,595.50)
1927 7.27/ 174-175
Warranty Deed
Emmet Wirt
Estate of Felix Garcia
23/ 944 1/2 interest in above same description. 1/2 or 11,191 acres.
? / 176 Probate Emmet Wirt
#539 Not in abstract
42
1948 1.16/ 177
Deed Estate of Emmet Wirt, Decd
Cecilia Wirt & Richard Simms
27A/ 396
1/2 interest in above. Same description – 1/2 of 11,191 acres.
?/ 178 Probate Cecelia Wirt Simms
#157 Not in abstract
?/ 179 District Court
Cecelia Simms vs. Gregorita Pino, et al
#3810 Not in abstract
1958 11.28/ 180-183
Quitclaim Deed
Emmet Wirt
Cecelia Wirt Simms
59/ 130 Courses and distances description starting at the 10 mile post on the West boundary of the Tierra Amarilla grant containing 4903.8 acres (same description as 1913 deed from arlington Land Co. to Laurence Nolan)
1968 11.26/ 184-85
Warranty Deed
Cecelia Wirt Simms
New Mexico State Game Commission
101/ 183 Courses and distances description starting at the 10-mile post on the West boundary of the Tierra Amarilla grant containing 4903.8 acres (same description as 1913 deed from Arlington Land Co. to Laurence Nolan)
43
Tract 2 Known as the Sanchez tract, consisting of that portion of the Nolan tract conveyed by
warranty deed July 17, 1929, J. Cristobal Gomes, as Administrator of the Estate of
Felix Garcia, to Samuel and Alfredo Sanchez conveying the full one half interest
acquired from Emmet Wirt on September 30, 1927. The portion of this tract acquired
by the state consists of 839.29 acres, of that one-half interest. The following acreages
are rounded off to the nearest hundredth (pp. 186-369). Referring to the color-coded
map of the Humphries wildlife Area (Appendix H), this tract is comprised of the Pino
Tract (522.6 acres) coded brown, and the Sanchez, Maestas, Garcia tract (316.6 acres)
coded brown with a red border.
Date/ Page of Abstract
Document (Tract 1)
Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page
Legal Description
1927 7.27/ 186
Warranty Deed Emmet Wirt J. Cristobal Gomes, Admin. Of Estate of Felix Garcia
23/ 944
Survey description conveys 1/2 interest in 11,191 acre Nolan tract.
?/ 187 Probate Felix Garcia NA #51 Not in abstract
1929 7.17/ 188-189
Warranty Deed J. Cristobal Gomez, Administrator of Estate of Felix Garcia
Samuel and Alfredo Sanchez
24/ 86 1/2 of 11,191 acres same description as above
1950 9/ 190-191
Quit Claim Deed
J. Denton Simms, Administrator of Estate of Emmet Wirth
Samuel and Alfredo Sanchez Brothers
43/ 275
Survey description 4903.8 acres
?/ 192 Probate Alfredo Sanchez
NA #137 Not in abstract
1960 6.24/ 193-196
Administrator Deed
Estate of Alfredo Sanchez
Consuelo Sanchez
65/ 149
Survey description 1/40th interest in 4903.8 acres
1984 6.18/ 197
Quitclaim Deed
Oriola Garcia Consuelo Gallegos
149/ 258
Survey description 103.403 acres
1984 7.6/ 198
Quitclaim Deed
Roque Sanchez
Consuelo Gallegos
149/ 259
Same as above
1984 6.20/ 199
Quitclaim Deed
Miquelita Maestas
Consuelo Gallegos
149/ 260
Same as above
1984 6.13/ 200
Quitclaim Deed
Mary Alice Sanchez
Consuelo Gallegos
149/ 261
Same as above
1984 7.6/ 201
Quitclaim Deed
Joe Pino Consuelo Gallegos
149/ 262
Same as above
44
Date/ Page of Abstract
Document (Tract 1)
Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page
Legal Description
1984 6.29/ 202
Quitclaim Deed
Juanita Pino Consuelo Gallegos
149/ 263
Same as above
1960 6.24/ 203-206
Administrator’s Deed
Estate of Alfredo Sanchez
Rebecca Quintana
65/ 151
Survey description 1/8 interest in 4903.8 acres
?/ 207 Probate Rebecca S. Quintana
NA #385 Not in abstract
1971 8.3/ 208-210
Administratrix Deed
Estate of Rebecca S. Quintana
Natividad Q. Chavez
109-A/ 178
Survey description 1/8 interest in 4903.8 acres
1986 7.9 /211-216
Quitclaim Deed
Natividad Chavez
Frank and Natividad Chavez
154/ 370
Survey description .1904761 interest in 1/2 interest in 4903.9 acres = 522.607 acres
1992 6.9/217-228
Lease Frank and Natividad Chavez
G&H Operating Company
139 OG/ 802
Alfredo Sanchez died March 1, 1955 leaving 12 heirs. Conveyance of 1/8 interest in 1/2 interest of 4903.8 acres.
1960 6.24/ 229-32
Administrator’s Deed
Alfredo Sanchez estate of
Josefita Suazo 65/ 153
Conveyance of land described above.
1972 2.10/ 233
Warranty Deed Josefita Suazo
Samuel Sanchez
112/ 541
Survey description of 1/40th interest in tract
1960 6.24/ 234-37
Administrator’s Deed
Alfredo Sanchez estate of
Miguelita Maestas
65/ 155
Survey description conveyance of 40th of 1/2 of 4903.8 acres
1960 6.24/ 238-41
Administrator’s Deed
Alfredo Sanchez estate of
Matias Sanchez
65/ 157
Same as above
1960 6.24/ 242-45
Administrator’s Deed
Alfredo Sanchez estate of
Jose A. Sanchez
65/ 159
Same as above
1995 5.11/ 246
Warrant of Levy, Lien
State of New Mexico
Jose A. Sanchez
201 A/ 512
Lien of $1854 levied by Benefit Payment Control Section of the Employment Security Division
45
Date/ Page of Abstract
Document (Tract 1)
Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page
Legal Description
1960 6.24/ 247-250
Administrator’s Deed
Alfredo Sanchez estate of
Uriola Velasquez
65/ 161
Survey description 1/40th of 1/2 of 4903.8 acres
1982 12.23/ 251
Quitclaim Deed
Oriola Garcia Samuel Sanchez
145/ 160
Survey description 9.172 acres
1983 5.19/ 252
Quitclaim Deed
Oriola Garcia Natividad Chavez
146/ 75
Survey description 105.997 acres
1984 6.18/ 253
Quitclaim Deed
Roque Sanchez
Oriola Garcia 149/ 258
Survey description 103.403 acres
1984 6.18/ 254
Quitclaim Deed
Oriola Garcia Jose Sanchez 149/ 760
Same as above
1984 6.2/ 255
Quitclaim Deed
Miguelita Maestas
Jose Sanchez 149/ 761
Same as above
1960 6.24/ 256-59
Administrator’s Deed
Alfredo Sanchez estate of
Eloisa Sanchez 65/ 163
Survey description 1/8th of 1/2 of 4903.8 acres
1976 11.1/ 260
Warranty Deed Eloisa Sanchez
Frank and Natividad Chavez
129/ 279
Property described in above deed
1977 1.17/ 261-62
Quitclaim Deed
Elena Sanchez
Miguelita Maestas, Oriola Garcia, Consuelo Gallegos, Jose Sanchez, and Matias Sanchez
132/ 204
Survey description 4933 acres
1960 6.24/ 263-66
Administrator’s Deed
Alfredo Sanchez Estate of
Bernardo Sanchez
65/ 165
Survey description 1/8 of 1/2 of 4903.8 acres
267 Probate #344 Bernardo Sanchez Estate of
Not in abstract
268 Partition Suit #13841 No copies available
Bernardo Sanchez Estate of
Not in abstract
46
Date/ Page of Abstract
Document (Tract 1)
Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page
Legal Description
1977 11.8/ 269-277
Partition Deed Bernardo Sanchez Estate of
Joe & Juanita Pino SW Oriola Garcia & Miguelita Maestas & Matias Sanchez
131/ 614
Partition of portion of 4903.8 tract in Bernardo Sanchez estate: Pinos - 522.6, Oriola Garcia -103.403, Miguelita Maestas - 103.40, Matias Sanchez - 103.40
1983 5.17/ 278-88
Quitclaim Deed
Consuelo Gonzales et al.
Natividad Chavez
146/ 70-80
11 quitclaim deeds Survey description 105.997 acres each
1983 8.15/ 289
Quitclaim Deed
Miguel and Cleofas Sanchez
Natividad Chavez
146/ 674
Survey description 105.997 acres
1983 8.15/ 290-91
Affidavit Natividad Chavez
145A/ 511
Affidavit of surveyor Adriano G. Valdez
1987 6.9/ 292
Warranty Deed Natividad Chavez
Manuel and Suzy Gallegos
157/ 62
Survey description partially illegible
1995 6.9/ 293
Warranty Deed Natividad and Frank Chavez
Sanchez Family Trust
183/ 173
Survey description covering 105.997 acres
Filed 2003 1.16/ 294
Plat Natividad Chavez
NA C1/ 113
Too small to read
1960 6.24/ 295-298
Administrator’s Deed
Alfredo Sanchez Estate of
Irene Sanchez 65/ 167
1/8 interest in 1/2 of 4903.8 acres
1960 6.24/ 299-302
Administrator’s Deed
Alfredo Sanchez Estate of
Gregorita S. Pino
80/ 211
1/8 interest in 1/2 of 4903.8 acres
1986 6.10/ 303- 307
Notice of Administration
Gregorita Pino Estate of
NA 122A/ 619
Includes 4903.8 acre tract as Tract A
1975 9.30/ 308-09
Warranty Deed Samuel Sanchez
Matias Sanchez heirs
125/ 462
Survey description 4903.8 acres
1976 11.1/ 310
Warranty Deed Samuel Sanchez
Frank and Natividad Chavez
129/ 280
Property described in deed from Josefita Suazo on Feb. 10 1972
1976 5.27/ 311-12
Warranty Deed Samuel Sanchez
Natividad Chavez
127/ 625
Survey description 4903.8 acres
47
Date/ Page of Abstract
Document (Tract 1)
Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page
Legal Description
1977 3.1/ 313
Quitclaim Deed
Juanita Pino Joe Pino 135/ 468
Survey description partially illegible
1982 11.29/ 314
Quitclaim Deed
Juanita Pino Samuel Sanchez
145/ 161
Survey description 9.172 acres
1984 6.13/ 315
Quitclaim Deed
Steven G. Hughes et al.
Jose Sanchez 149/ 762
Survey description 103.403 acres
1984 7.6/ 316
Quitclaim Deed
Joe Pino Jose Sanchez 149/ 763
Survey description 103.403 acres
1984/ 317 Quitclaim Deed?
Juanita Pino Jose Sanchez 149/ 764
Survey description 103.403 acres
1979 7.25/ 318-322
Special Warranty Deed
Samuel Sanchez et al.
Juanita Pino 136/ 507
Survey description 3.07 acres
1984 /323
Plat Connie Gallegos et al
NA 148A/ 976
D&RG right of way
1984 6.8/ 324
Quitclaim Deed
Natividad Chavez
Jose Sanchez 148/ 640
Survey description 103.403
1984 6.8/ 325
Quitclaim Deed
Natividad Chavez
Consuelo Gallegos
148/ 641
Survey description 103.403
1984 6.8/ 326
Quitclaim Deed
Samuel Sanchez
Jose Sanchez 148/ 642
Survey description 103.403
1984 6.8/ 327
Quitclaim Deed
Samuel Sanchez
Consuelo Gallegos
148/ 643
Survey description 103.403
1984 6.8/ 328
Quitclaim Deed
Josefita S. Suazo
Jose Sanchez 148/ 644
Survey description 103.403
1984 6.8/ 329
Quitclaim Deed
Josefita Suazo
Consuelo Gallegos
148/ 645
Survey description 103.403
1984 6.8/ 330
Quitclaim Deed
Consuelo Gallegos
Jose Sanchez 148/ 783
Survey description 103.403
1984 6.8/ 331
Quitclaim Deed
Jose Sanchez Consuelo Gallegos
148/ 784
Survey description 103.403
1984 6.6/ 332
Quitclaim Deed
Mary Louise Quarles
Natividad Chavez
148/ 784
Survey description 105.997 acres
1985 5.15/ 334-336
Quitclaim Deed
Natividad Chavez
Mary Louise Quarles
151/ 550
Survey description acreage unclear
1985 7.24/ 337-38
Quitclaim Deed
Mary Louise Quarles
Natividad Chavez
151/ 845
Survey description 105.997 acres
1987 1.9/ 339-340
Quitclaim Deed
D&RGW Railroad
Consuelo Gallegos
157/ 167
5.42 acres right of way
48
Date/ Page of Abstract
Document (Tract 1)
Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page
Legal Description
1994 6.24/ 341
Quitclaim Deed
Miguelita Maestas
Consuelo Gallegos
179/ 355
No survey description 15.543 acres
1983 12.21/ 342
Quitclaim Deed
Miguelita Maestas
Samuel Sanchez
145/ 156
Survey description 9.172 acres
1994 6.17/ 343-45
Special Warranty Deed
Juanita Pino et al.
179/ 482
Survey description acreage unclear
1994 6.29/ 346-48
Special Warranty Deed
Juanita Pino et al.
Miguelita Maestas
179/ 650
Survey description 3.2 acres to three individuals and 1.6 acres to Roque Sanchez
1994 7.26/ 349
Warranty Deed Oriola Garcia Larry Codling et ux.
179/ 664
No survey description 4.441 acres
1994 8.10/ 350
Special Warranty Deed
Oriola Garcia Juanita and Joe Pino
180/ 285
Survey description 29.61 acres
1997 2.16/ 352
Quitclaim Deed
Consuelo Gallegos
Codling Family Trust
191/ 200
Survey description 103.403 acres
1997 2.16/ 353
Quitclaim Deed
Consuelo Gallegos
Codling Family Trust
191/ 201
Right of way easement
1997 2.16/ 354
Quitclaim Deed
Consuelo Gallegos
Codling Family Trust
191/ 202
Survey description 41.5174 acres
1997 2.16/ 355
Quitclaim Deed
Consuelo Gallegos
Codling Family Trust
191/ 203
Survey description acreage unclear
1998 2.13/ 356
Special Warranty Deed
Juanita and Joe Pino
Juanita and Joe Pino
196/ 328
Survey description – Property in Los Brazos Not Humphries WMA
1992 12.16/ 357-58
Easement Frank and Natividad Chavez
N. M. State Highway & Transportation Department
190-A/ 532
Conveys highway easement for $300.00
1996 4.28/ 359
Deed of Gift Natividad Chavez
Cleo Sanchez, daughter of Grantor
491/ 606-646
No description – conveys a 1/100th interest in the Natividad Chavez Ranch Properties
49
Date/ Page of Abstract
Document (Tract 1)
Grantor Grantee/ Official Book/ Page
Legal Description
1978 7.17/ 360
Warranty Deed Miguelita S. Maestas
N. M. State Game Commission
133/ 359
Survey description conveys 105.5454. Grantor dealing in her separate property joined by Isaac U. Maestas, her husband
1978 7.18/ 361-362
Warranty Deed Oriola S. Garcia
N. M. State Game Commission
133/ 538
Survey description conveys 105.5454 acres. Grantor’s separate property joined by José E. Garcia, her husband
1977 10.18/ 363-64
Warranty Deed Joe and Juanita Pino
N. M. State Game Commission
126-A/ 385
Surveyors description conveys 522.607 acres. Grantors are brother and sister.
1978 7.17/ 365
Warranty Deed Matias Sanchez
N. M. State Game Commission
133/ 540
Survey description conveys 105.5454 acres
366-369 Easement N. M. State Game and Fish
Northern Rio Arriba Electric
151-A/ 533
Transmission line easement for electric lines
50
Tract 3 Known as the Tomas Gonzales tract, consist[ing] of two tracts, the Consuelo Gonzales
tract (4227.08) and the Gonzalo Gonzales tract (980.87), for a total of 5207.95 acres
acquired by the N.M. State Game Commission from Consuelo B. Gonzales and Gonzalo
Gonzales in two separate deeds (pp. 370-399).
Date/ Page of Abstract
Document Grantor(s) Grantee/ Official
Book/ Page
Legal Description
1914 1.14/ 370-73
Warranty Deed
Arlington Land Co.
Tomas Gonzales
19A/ 668
Handwritten - Tomas Gonzales Tract containing 4227.8
1945 9.5/ 374-75
Quitclaim Deed
Heirs of Tomas Gonzales
Miguel A. Gonzales
36/ 293
Survey description typed 4227.8 acres
1951 10.3/ 376
Warranty Deed
Miguel Gonzales
Consuelo Gonzales
40/ 528
Survey description 4227.08 acres
1966 10.10/ 377-78
Warranty Deed
Consuelo B. Gonzales
N. M. State Game Commission
92/ 99
Survey description 4227.08 acres
1978 4.17/ 379
Quitclaim Deed
Thomas Catron III et al.
Gonzalo Gonzales
133/ 66
Abandoned right of way
1978 4.17/ 380
Quitclaim Deed
Thomas Catron III et al.
Gonzalo Gonzales
133/ 67
Abandoned right of way
1978 5.2/ 381
Quitclaim Elizabeth Wentwirth
Gonzalo Gonzales
133/ 78
Abandoned right of way
/ 382
Quitclaim Deed
Marjorie Sherwood
Gonzalo Gonzales
133/ 79
Abandoned right of way
/383 Quitclaim Deed
Janet Catron Gonzalo Gonzales
133/ 80
Abandoned right of way
1978 5.16/ 384
Quitclaim Deed
Thomas Catron IV
Gonzalo Gonzales
133/ 172
Abandoned right of way
1978/ 5.26/ 385
Quitclaim Deed
Thomas Catron III
Gonzalo Gonzales
133/ 180
Abandoned right of way
1980/ 12.11/ 386-87
Quitclaim Deed
Gonzalo Gonzales
N. M. State Game Commission
133/ 181
Survey description 23.85158 acres
1966 5.18/ 388
Quitclaim Deed
Kathryn Gonzales
Gonzalo Gonzales
193/ 254
Survey description unclear 18,146 acres plus or minus
51
1977 12.28/ 389-92
Quitclaim Deed
Gonzalo Gonzales
N. M. State Game Commission
132/ 120
Survey description 980.86896 acres (color-coded yellow on Appendix H)
1881 12.10/ 393-95
Warranty Deed
Thomas B. Catron
D &RG Railroad
H/ 288
Handwritten deed acreage unclear
1886 1.14/ 396-97
Warranty Deed
Thomas B. Catron
D &RG Railroad
8/ 568
Handwritten deed acreage unclear
1886 1.14/ 398-99
Warranty Deed
Thomas B. Catron
D &RG Railroad
8/ 570
Handwritten deed acreage unclear
52
Appendix B – Tierra Amarilla Hijuelas by Community Location of Hijuela
Date of Document
Name Date Recorded
Book: Page Recorded
Bounded Bounded
Barranco 1863 24 Aug.
Martín, Bernardo Rumaldo
1864 27 May
2: 69-71
Salazar, Carpio/N
Martin, Antonio/S
Barranco 1863 24 Aug.
Serrano, Ventura 1864 23 May
2: 24-26
Suaso, José Miguel/N
Martín, Rumaldo/S
Barranco 1863 25 Aug.
Abeita, Ramona 1880 31Dec.
6: 32-34
Barranco 1863 25 Aug.
Lobato, Pedro 1864 21 May
2: 14-16
Salazar, Sabino/N
Plaza/S
Barranco 1863 25 Aug.
Martín, José Antonio 250 x 215 varas
1864 18 May
2: 522-523
vacant/N Montaño, Baltazar/S
Barranco 1863 25 Aug.
Montaño, Baltazar 1866 18 Sep.
2: 228-229
Martin, José Antonio/N
Montaño, Melquiades/S
Barranco 1863 25 Aug.
Montaño, Melquiades
1866 18 Sep.
2: 151-152
Montaño, Baltazar/N
Montaño, Tomás/S
Barranco 1863 25 Aug.
Salazar, Carpio 1864 18 May
2: 518-519
Montaño, Tomás/N
Martín, Bernardo/S
Barranco 1863 25 Aug.
Salazar, Sabino 1864 17 May
2: 517-518
Martín, Antonio/N
Lobato, Pedro/S
Barranco 1863 25 Aug.
Suazo, José Miguel 1864 18 May
2: 523-525
Velasquez, Ignacio/N
Serrano, Ventura/S
Barranco 1864 4 Jul.
Velasquez, María Nieves
1887 19 Nov.
9: 287-288
Barranco 1865 6 Jul.
Martín y Sánchez, Juan
1865 8 Dec.
2: 147-148
Valdez, Rumaldo/N
Martín, Carmen/S
Brazos 1860 23 Jul.
Salazar, Ramón 1887 18 Nov.
9: 260-261
Brazos 1863 24 Aug.
Montoya, Francisco
1864 27 May
2: 66-67
García, Pedro/N
Chacón, Francisco/S
Brazos 1863 24 Aug.
Romero, Ignacio 1864 27 May
2: 68-69
Martín, Rumaldo/N
Martín, Antonio/S
Brazos 1863 8 Sep.
Suazo, José Ignacio
1864 27 May
2: 60-62
Salazar, Ramon/N
Trujillo, José Dolores/S
Brazos 1863 9 Sep.
Lopez, Preciliano 1864 27 May
2: 62-63
Suaso, José Ignacio/N
García, Pedro/S
Brazos 1864 4 Jul.
García, Pedro 1866 8 Jul.
3: 351-353
Lopez, Preciliano/N
Montoya, Francisco/S
Brazos 1864 7 Nov.
Sánchez, Bernardo 1865 28 Mar.
2: 132-134
Montoya, Juliana/N
Archuleta, Ignacio/S
53
Brazos 1866 4 Aug.
Montoya, Juliana 1866 18 Sep.
2: 230-231
Morfin, José María/N
Archuleta, Ignacio/W
Brazos and Barranco (2 pieces)
1863 24 Aug.
Martín, Antonio 1864 27 May
2: 71-73
Romero, Ignacio/N Salazar, Sabino/S
Valdez, Salvador/S Martín, Rumaldo/N
Cañones 1863 25 Aug.
Archuleta, Antonio José
1864 19 May
2: 529-530
Sánchez, Manuel/E
Velasquez, Paula/W
Cañones 1863 25 Aug.
Trujillo, Dorotea 1864 18 May
2: 525-526
Velasquez, Paula/E
Serrano, Mauricio/W
Cañones 1863 26 Aug.
Abeyta, Juan Nepomuceno
1864 19 May
2: 33-35
Garduño, Ascencion/E
Sandoval, Justo/W
Cañones 1863 26 Aug.
Gallegos, Maríano 1864 27 May
2: 64-65
Valdez, Rumaldo/E
vacant/W
Cañones 1863 26 Aug.
Garduño, (As)cencion
1864 21 May
2: 16-18
vacant/E Abeyta, Juan Nepomuceno/W
Cañones 1863 27 Aug.
Naranjo, Diego 1864 21 May
2: 7-8
Velasquez, Paula/E
Valdez, Rumaldo/W
Cañones 1863 27 Aug.
Serrano, Mauricio 1864 20 May
2: 1-2
Trujillo, Dorotea/E
Serrano, Manuel/W
Cañones 1863 29 Sep.
Salazar, Francisco Antonio 375 x 650 varas
1864 20 May
1: 544-545
cuchilla cuchilla
Cañones 1864 6 Jul.
Sandoval, Justo 1873 23 April
3: 347-349
García, Marcelino/N
Abeyta, Juan Nepomuceno [Epomoseno]/S
Cañones (2 pieces)
1864 4 Jul.
Velasquez, María Pabla
1874 14 Dec.
4: 240-241
Trujillo, Dorotea/N Naranjo, Diego/N
García, Marcelino/S Archuleta, José Antonio/S
Cañones (2 pieces)
1863 25 Aug.
Valdez, Rumaldo 1864 19 May
2: 530-531
Martín, Juan/E Naranjo, Diego/E
Gallegos, Maríano/W Plaza/W
Encenada 1865 21 Jun.
Valdez, Manuel 1877 3 April
4: 424-425
Valdez, Meliton/N
Trujillo, Juan Ignacio/S
Ensenada 1863 12 Sep.
Alen, Christian Enones
1864 24 May
2: 40-42
Martín, Antonio/N
García, Luz/S
Ensenada 1863 12 Sep.
Delgado, Antonio de Jesús
1864 23 May
2: 32-34
Salazar, don Ramon/N
Martín, Antonio/S
Ensenada 1863 12 Sep.
Martín, Antonio José
1864 24 May
2: 42-44
García, Luz/N Martinez, Francisco/S
54
Ensenada 1863 12 Sep.
Martín, Antonio 1864 23 May
2: 34-36
Delgado, Antonio de Jesús/N
Aleman, Alen/S
Ensenada 1863 8 Sep.
Gallegos, José Antonio
1864 25 May
2: 54-56
Gallegos, Manuel de Jesús/N
Ullibarri [Ribalí], Juan de Dios/S
Ensenada 1863 8 Sep.
Gallegos, Manuel de Jesús
1864 25 May
2: 52-54
Martín, Pedro/N
Gallegos, José Antonio/S
Ensenada 1863 8 Sep.
Jaramillo, Rafael 1864 16 May
2: 505-506
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Juan de Dios/N
Trujillo, Juan/S
Ensenada 1863 8 Sep.
Valdez, Melitón 1864 23 May
2: 30-32
Valdez, Nepómuceno/N
Vigil, María Francisca/S
Ensenada 1863 8 Sept
Lente, Juan 1864 25 May
2: 46-48
Trujillo, Juan/N
Valdez, Juan Neopmuceno/S
Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.
Benavidez, Lorenzo 1864 23 May
2: 38-40
Chacón, Roque/N
Montaño, Juan/S
Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.
Chacón, Roque 1973 24 Dec.
4: 156- 157
Valdez, Carmel/N
Benavidez, Lorenzo/S
Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.
Gutiérrez, José Manuel
1864 25 May
2: 48-50
Valdez, Manuel/N
Suaso, Geronimo/S
Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.
Martín, Antonio María
1864 25 May
2: 50-52
Suaso, Geronimo/N
Valdez, José María/S
Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.
Montaño, Juan 1865 25 Mar.
2: 130-132
Benavides, Lorenzo/N
Valdez, Manuel/S
Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.
Suazo, Geronimo 1864 20 May
2: 2-4
Gutierrez, José Manuel/N
Martín, Antonio María/S
Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.
Trujillo, Juan Ignacio
1864 23 May
2: 36-38
Vigil, María Francisca/N
Abeyta, Manuel/S
Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.
Valdez, José María 1864 24 May
2: 44-46
Martín, Antonio María/N
Salazar, Ramon [cura]/S
Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.
Valdez, Juan Nepomuceno
1864 21 May
2: 10-12
Juan Lente / N Meliton Valdez/S
Ensenada 1863 9 Sep.
Valdez, Manuel 1877 3April
4: 424/25
Meliton Valdez/N
Juan Ignacio Trujillo/S
La Puente 1863 2 Aug.
Gómez, Felipe 1864 19 May
2: 532-533
Lujan, José María/N
tierras baldiás/S
La Puente 1863 2 Sep.
Ávila, Domingo 1864 21 May
2: 18-20
Lopez, Pedro/N Lujan, Jesús María/S
La Puente 1863 2 Sep.
Lopez, Juan 1864 21 May
2: 13-14
La Plaza/N Lopez, Pedro/S
55
La Puente 1863 2 Sep.
Lujan, José María 1864 17 May
2: 515-516
Avila, Domingo/N
Gomez, Felipe/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug
Gómez, Antonio Nerio
1864 21 May
2: 20-22
Chacón, Serafín/N
Gallego, Julian/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug.
Ávila, Vicente 1864 16 May
2: 503-504
Samora, Encarnación/N
Gallegos, José de Jesús/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug.
Chacón, Serafín 1864 17 May
2: 512-513
Trujillo, Juan/N
Gomez, Antonio Nerio/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug.
Gallegos, José de Jesús
1864 16 May
2: 496-497
Avila, Vicente/N
Gomez, Francisco/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug.
Gallegos, Julian 1864 17 May
2: 510-511
Gomez, Nerio/N
Serrano, Manuel/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug.
Gómez, María Francisca
1864 16 May
2: 498-499
Gallegos, José de Jesús/N
Trujillo, Juan/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug.
Lopez, Pedro 1864 16 May
2: 506-508
Serrano, Juan/N
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Tomás/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug.
Samora, Encarnación
1864 21 May
2: 22-24
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], María Luz/N
Avila, Vicente/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug.
Serrano, Juan 1864 18 May
2: 520-521
Serrano, Manuela/N
Lopez, Pedro/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug.
Trujillo, Francisco Antonio
1864 17 May
2: 513-515
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Tomás/N
Plaza/S
La Puente 1863 27 Aug.
Trujillo, Juan 1864 16 May
2: 508-510
Gomez, Francisca/N
Chacón, Serafin/S
La Puente 1866 22 Aug.
Lucero, Santiago 1886 24 Aug.
8: 832-833
Los Brazos
1863 24 Aug.
Archuleta, Ignacio 1864 23 May
2: 26-28
Sánchez, Bernardo/N
Sánchez, Bernardo/S
Los Ojos 1863 25 Aug.
Martín, Ignacio 1864 18 May
2: 527-528
Martin, Manuel/N
Sánchez, María Josefa/S
Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.
Luna, Juan de 1864 27 May
2: 75-77
Marquez, Bartolo/N
Trujillo, Francisco/S
Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.
Márquez, Bartolo 1864 27 May
2: 73-75
Mestas, Francisco/N
Luna, Juan de/S
Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.
Sánchez, María Josefa
1864 21 May
2: 8-10
Martín, Ignacio/N
Martinez, Desideria/S
Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.
Trujillo, Francisco 1864 28 May
2: 77-79
Luna, Juan de/N
vacant/S
Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.
Trujillo, Ramón 1864 28 May
2: 79-80
vacant/N Ulibarrí [Ribalí], José Trinidad/S
Los Ojos 1863 27 Aug.
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], María Luz
1864 16 May
2: 500-501
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], José María/N
Samora, Encarnación/S
56
Los Ojos 1863 29 Aug.
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], José Trinidad
1864 16 May
2: 501-503
Trujillo, Ramón/N
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], José María/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Alire, José Rafael 1864 13 Jul.
2: 98-100
Salazar, Pablo/N
Trujillo, Manuel/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Atencio, José Cicilio [Cirilio]
1864 15 Jul.
2: 118-119
Mansanares, Severo/N
Atencio, Juan Gabriel/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Atencio, José Gabriel
1864 14 Jul.
2: 106-107
Atencio, José Cecilio/N
Chavez, José María/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Atencio, Juan Miguel
1864 14 Jul.
2: 110-111
Chavez, José María/N
Cordova, Jesús María/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Chávez, José María
1864 14 Jul.
2: 108-109
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Cordova, Jesús María
1864 13 Jul.
2: 100-102
Atencio, Juan Miguel/N
Ortega, María Rosa/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Madrid, Juan Isidro
1864 12 Jul.
2: 85-86
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Manzanares, Severo
1864 13 Jul.
2: 104-105
Ocaña, Juan Antonio/N
Atencio, José Cecilio/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Martín y Sánchez, Francisco
1864 12 Jul.
2: 81-82
Martinez, Antonio José/N
Martinez, José Manuel/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Martínez, (Juan) Cristóbal
1864 13 Jul.
2: 96-98
Martinez, Francisco/N
Samora, Santos/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Martínez, Antonio José
1864 12 Jul.
2: 89-91
Martínez, Francisco/N
Samora, Santos/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Martínez, Antonio José
1864 12 Jul.
2: 88-89
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Martínez, Desideria 1864 14 Jul.
2: 114-115
Martín, Ignacio/N
Ulibarrí, José Miguel/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Ocaña, Juan Antonio
1864 13 Jul.
2: 94-96
Serrano, Pedro/N
Mansanares, Severo/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Ortega, María Rosa
1864 13 Jul.
2: 92-94
Cordova, Jesús María/N
Valdez, José Gabriel/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Salazar, Pablo 1864 12 Jul.
2: 90-92
Samora, Santos/N
Alire, José Rafael/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Samora, Santos 1864 13 Jul.
2: 102-104
Martín, Cristobal/N
Salazar, Pablo/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Trujillo, Manuel 1864 12 Jul.
2: 83-84
Alire, José Rafael/N
Madrid, Juan Isidro/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Ulibarrí, José Miguel
1864 15 Jul.
2: 116-117
Martín, Desideria/N
Ulibarrí, Candelario/S
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Ulibarrí, Candelario
1864 12 Jul.
2: 87-88
Ulibarrí, José Miguel/N
Mestas, Francisco/S
57
Los Ojos 1864 2 Jul.
Valdez, José Gabriel
1864 14 Jul.
2: 112-113
Ortega, María Rosa/N
Martín, Antonio/S
Los Ojos 1865 20 Feb.
Maestas,[Mestas] Francisco
1871 16 May
2: 366-367
Ulibarrí, Candelario/N
Marquez, Bartolo/S
Los Ojos 1871 1 June
Manzanares, Francisco
1871 18 Aug.
2: 390-392
Los Ojos 1871 14 Dec.
Sánchez, Bernardo 1872 16 Jan.
3: 101-102
Los Ojos 2 pieces
1864 2 Jul.
Martínez, Antonio José
1864 12 Jul.
2: 89-91
Martinez, Francisco/N Tierras de los herederos/N
Martinez, Francisco/S Martín y Sánchez, Francisco/S
Nutritas 1861 11 Sep.
Ulibarrí, Jesús 1887 16 Nov.
9: 257
Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.
Espinoza, Juan Nepomuceno
1864 20 May
2: 4-6
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Jesús/E
Valdez, Desideriio/W
Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.
Martín, Juan Pablo 1864 20 May
1: 540-542
Valdez, Juan Pablo/E
Romero, Manuel/W
Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.
Martínez, José del Carmel
1864 27 May
2: 58-60
Romero, José Manuel/E
Gallegos, Rafael/W
Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.
Martínez, Carmel 1864 25 May
2: 56-58
Gallegos, Rafael/E
tierras que divide el bordo/W
Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Jesús
1864 19 May
2: 537-538
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Juan Antonio/E
Espinosa, Nepomuceno/W
Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], José Ignacio
1864 23 May
2: 28-30
Montaño, Fernando/E
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Juan Antonio/W
Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Juan Antonio
1864 19 May
2: 535-536
Ulibarrí [Ribalí]. José Ignacio/E
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Jesús/W
Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Justo
1864 20 May
2: 539-540
Nutritas 1863 6 Sep.
Valdez, Juan Pablo 1864 20 May
1: 542-543
Ulibarrí [Ribalí], Justo/E
Martín, Juan Pablo/W
Nutritas 1863 8 Sep.
Valdez, Juan Nepomuceno
1864 21 May
2: 10-12
Lente, Juan/N Valdez, Meliton/S
Nutritas 1865 3 Jul.
Espinoza, Nepomuceno
1887 16 Nov.
9: 256-257
Nutritas 1865 3 June
Montoya, Fernández [Fernándes]
1872 26 Oct.
3: 187-188
Mercure, don Enriques/E
Ulibarrí, José Ignacio/W
58
Nutritas 1865 9 Dec.
Madrid, Diego 1866 1 Jan.
2: 151-152
Madrid, Felipe/E
Plaza/W
Nutritas 1865 9 Dec.
Madrid, Felipe 1866 1 Jan.
2: 149-150
Casias, Felipe/E
Madrid, Diego/W
Omitted 1861 23 Aug.
Salazar, Carpio 1889 23 May
10: 229
Omitted 1861 23 Aug.
Suazo, Luis Eugenio
1887 23 Dec.
9: 384
59
Appendix C – Catron Exclusions
Deed: Charles Catron to Chama Valley Land Co. 6.12.1909
Chama Townsite 57.93 Chama Valley 508.71 Cañones 1517.4 Plaza de Brazos 811.95 Brazos Valley 1671.53 Park View 2424.27 Ensenada 1511.2 Tierra Amarilla 1173.4 Mesa between Rio Chama and Rito Nutritas 1770.99 Lower Nutritas 706.84 Upper Brazos 135 Rio Nutritas 838.5 El Vado 754.55 Not mentioned 0 Esperanza Mine 41.33 Depot at Chama 91.4 D&RG ROW for pipeline 3.19 D&RG ROW for mainline 300.95 D&RG ROW for lumber branch 104.96 Iron Springs Vega 91.4 Total 14515.5
60
Appendix D – 1920 Chama Census
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Abeyta, Calletano/ 56 Abeyta, Ciria/ 14 Abeyta, Josepha/ 12 Abeyta, Jacinto/ 9
Head Daughter Daughter Son
Cleaner (Round House)
NM NM NM NM
127\133
Alber, Manfred E./ 42 Alber, Perpetas/ 40 Alber, Pearl E./ 14
Head Wife Daughter
Rooming House Manager
Wisconsin NM NM
26\26
Amyx, Dean A./ 31 Amyx, Nellie E./ 24 Amyx, Milton J./ 5 Amyx, Dean A./ 3 Amyx, Helen M./ 1
Head Wife Son Son Daughter
Fireman Kentucky Kansas Colorado Colorado NM
64\64
Archuleta, Amalia/ 14 Sister-in-law NM 103\108
Bailey, Loren U./ 33 Bailey, Carrie/26 Bailey, Hazel M./ 5 Bailey, Thelma L./ 3
Head Wife Daughter Daughter
Fireman
Missouri Colorado Colorado Colorado
84\86
Baters, Adelide J./ 56 Head England 89\91
Bayles, Emma/ 45 Bayles, Bertha/ 20 Bayles, Howard/ 17
Head Son Daughter
Dressmaker Clerk (P.O.) Asst. Machinist
New York Colorado Colorado
124\130
Birkner, Emma/ 32 Birkner, Aileen S./ 13
Head Daughter
Nurse NM Colorado
123\129
Blea, Balerio/ 58 Blea, Hilaria/ 28
Head Wife
Herder NM Colorado
100\104
Borrego, Fidel/ 23 Borrego, Manuela/ 21 Borrego, Eliseo/ 2
Head Wife Son
Hauling Ice NM NM NM
140\147
Boyer, John A./ 65 Boyer, Nancy C./ 55
Head Wife
Pool Hall Manager Virginia Texas
50\50
Brown, Robert/ 65 Brown, Kate/ 42 Brown, Bob/ 18
Head Wife Son
Farmer Laborer
Georgia Colorado Colorado
128\134
Brown, Royce/ 21 Brown, Anna H./ 17
Head Wife
Laborer Colorado Ohio
128\135
61
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Brown, James R./ 35 Brown, Susie A./ 35 Brown, Robert G./ 10 Brown, Paul L./ 7 Brown, Shannon/11 mos. Brown, Leona/ 15 Brown, Gladys/ 12 Brown, Dorothy/ 5
Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter
Texas Alabama Texas Oklahoma NM Texas Texas Oklahoma
139\146
Bryan, Rebecca/ 50 Bryan, ______/ 24 Bryan, Albert G./ 19 Bryan, Teddy/12 Bryan, Edna/ 16
Head Son Son Son Daughter
Brakeman Repairman
England Colorado Colorado NM NM
78\80
Bustos, Benito/ 67 Bustos, Maria/ 27
Head Wife
Laborer NM NM
144\154
Cantrell, Frank/ 43 Cantrell, Gerdia/ 29 Cantrell, Doris A./ 10 Cantrell, Elmer F./ 8
Head Wife Daughter Son
Inspector Missouri Indiana Colorado Colorado
56\56
Chavez, Adolfo/ 34 Boarder Laborer NM 96\100
Clark, Jack/ 61 Clark, Maggy/ 37 Clark, John/ 22 Clark, Murphy/ 15 Clark, Stafford/ 7 Clark, Irene/ 3 Clark, Eleanor/ 6 mos.
Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter Daughter
Farm Operator N. Carolina N. Carolina N. Carolina N. Carolina N. Carolina NM NM
133\140
Connor, Emma E./ 33 Connor, James E./ 32 Connor, Luise S./ 17
Head Husband Daughter
Hotel Manager Engineer
Iowa Wisconsin Iowa
14\14
Cooley, Claude M./ 28 Cooley, Aimee A./ 24
Head Wife
Auto Mechanic Colorado Iowa
125\131
Daggett, Aurthur G./ 28 Daggett, Matie C./ 33 Daggett, Billy L./ 2 Daggett, Eleanor M./8 mos.
Head Wife Daughter Daughter
Manager (grocery) Colorado Illinois NM NM
79\81
Daggett, Charles A./ 55 Daggett, Mary E./50 Daggett, Edith M./ 17 Daggett, Margaret E./ 13 Daggett, Dorothy L./ 10 Daggett, Charlotte C./ 8 Daggett, Woodrow W./6
Head Wife Daughter Daughter Daughter Daughter Son
Farm Operator Illinois NM NM NM Colorado NM NM
61\61
62
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Daggett, Charles A./26 Daggett, Golda/ 28 Daggett, Winfred C.W./ 2 Daggett, Johnie Mae/9 mos.
Head Wife Son Daughter
Colorado Indiana NM NM
19\19
Daggett, Vivian/ 15 Sister-in-Law NM 5\5
Delgado, Antonio/ 65 Delgado, Jesusita/ 53 Delgado, Felix/ 22 Delgado, Crestina/ 19
Head Wife Son Daughter
Laborer Team Driver
NM NM NM NM
70\72
Delgado, Vicente F./ 27 Delgado, Aurora M./ 28 Delgado, Antonio J./ 3
Head Wife Son
Laborer (Round House)
NM NM NM
71\73
DeYapp, Clarence/ 24 DeYapp, Lina/23 DeYapp, Lucio/ 2 DeYapp, Mary E./10 mos.
Head Wife Son Daughter
Assistant Machinist Nebraska NM NM NM
95\99
Dittmer, George A./ 38 Dittmer, Bessie J./ 35 Dittmer, Arlow/ 9 Dittmer, Claude/ 7 Dittmer, Paul/ 3 Dittmer, Ernest/ 2 Dittmer, Ester/ 5
Head Wife Son Son Son Son Daughter
Minister Ohio Iowa Oklahoma Colorado Colorado Colorado Colorado
122\128
Dodds, Thomas E./ 33 Dodds, Margaret M./ 23 Dodds Clara B./ 4 Dodds Harriet G./2
Head Wife Daughter Daughter
Engineer Texas Kansas Colorado Colorado
20\20
Donaldson, Mary/ 53 Donaldson, James A./ 58 Donaldson, Edmund J./ 30 Donaldson, Alice K./ 16
Head Husband Son Daughter
Trapper Trapper
Missouri Wisconsin Nebraska Colorado
24\24
Dunham, James I. Head Doctor Tennessee 46\46
Eagan, Elizabeth/ 57 Mother England 52\52
Evans, William O./ 33 Evans, Mollie/ 32 Evans, William H./ 7 Evans, Martha/ 5 Evans, Amelia/ 5 Evans, Margaret/ 1
Head Wife Son Daughter Daughter Daughter
Banker Georgia Mississippi NM NM NM NM
136\143
Farmer, Emma L./ 67 Head Illinois 41\41
Flores, Manuel/ 34 Flores, Eusifa/ 29 Flores, Sofio/ 8 Flores, Maximiana/ 5
Head Wife Son Daughter
Laborer (Lumber Camp)
NM NM NM NM
91\94
63
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Gachnauer, Lee/31 Gachnauer, Ida M./21 Gachnauer, Lee R.G./2 Gachnauer, Albert/ 1
Head Wife Son Son
Manager- Pool Hall Penn. NM NM NM
5\5
Gallegos, Abel/ 37 Gallegos, Maria S./ 27 Gallegos, Abel/ 10 Gallegos, Piladelfio/ 8 Gallegos, Rafel/ 6 Gallegos, Buronis/ 1
Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter
Salesman NM NM NM NM NM NM
66\66
Gallegos, Aurelia/ 15 Sister-in-law NM 140\147
Gallegos, Fransis Servant Servant NM 25\25
Garcia, Ramon/ 35 Garcia, Eloisa/ 25 Garcia, Concion/ 9 Garcia, Benita/ 6 Garcia, Maria/ 3
Head Wife Daughter Daughter Daughter
Lineman (telephone) NM NM NM NM NM
108\113
Garner, Lenis P./ 22 Garner, Sarah L./ 23 Garner, Florine/ 9 mos.
Head Wife Daughter
Fireman Tennessee Colorado Colorado
17\17
Gililland, Earl/ 25 Gililland Louise/ 20 Gililland, Paul/ 1
Head Wife Son
Cook (Hotel) NM NM NM
135\142
Gililland, James L./ 29 Gililland, Etta D./ 33 Gililland, George D./ 8 Gililland, James L./ 5 Gililland, Clifford F./3 mos. Gililland, Leonora P./ 7 Gililland, Mary E/ 2 Gililland, Carrie E.
Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter
Machinist Colorado Missouri NM NM NM Kansas NM NM
117\123
Gililland, James M./ 56 Gililland, Carrie L./ 44
Head Wife
Farm Operator Texas Missouri
80\82
Gililland, Lewelon M./ 53 Gililland, Anne/ 57
Head Wife
Carpenter Texas Canada
49\49
Gililland, Medora F/ 59 Sister-in-law Texas 50\50
Gonzales, Esquipula/ 31 Gonzales, Delfino/ 10 Gonzales, Jesusita/ 8 Gonzales, Anabel/ 2
Head Son Daughter Daughter
Laundress NM NM NM NM
106\111
Gonzales, Ramon/ 44 Head 1 Laborer NM 107\112
Grimes, Floye?/29 Boarder H.S. Teacher Tennessee 9\9
Gutierrez, Maximiana/ 38 Gutierrez, Matilde??/ 14
Head Daughter
Laundress NM NM
72\74
64
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Hall, Henry L./ 48 Hall, Margaret B./ 43 Margaret G./ 11 Thomas B./ 9 LeRoy E./ 6
Head Wife Daughter Son Son
General Merch. Illinois NM Colorado NM NM
32\32
Hawkins, Davey/ 59 Sister-in-law Dishwasher N. Carolina 73\75
Hayden John M./ 61 Hayden, Bashti/ 49
Head Wife
Engineer Missouri Kansas
54\54
Heron, Kenneth A./ 34 Heron, Ruth W./ 33 Heron, Kenneth W./ 7 Heron, Robert/ 5 Heron, Ruth /3
Head Wife Son Son Daughter
Civil Engineer D.C. Colorado Montana Colorado Oregon
8\8
Herr, John C./ 43 Herr, Mary V./36 Herr, John S./ 4 Herr, Harriet V./ 1
Head Wife Son Daughter
Manager (Oil Wells) Ohio Colorado Colorado Colorado
25\25
Herrera, Jose L./ 24 Head 1 Laborer NM 144\153
Herrera, Polar/ 46 Herrera, Alfredo/ 11
Head Son
Laborer Colorado Colorado
98\102
Hicks, David P./ 54 Hicks, Mamie/ 42 Hicks, Worley/ 21 Hicks, Harmon/ 19 Hicks, Howard/ 13 Hicks, Edward/ 6 Hicks, Clarence/ 2 Hicks, Emma/ 9
Head Wife Son Son Son Son Son Daughter
Farm Operator Farm Laborer Farm Laborer
N. Carolina N. Carolina Tennessee Tennessee Tennessee NM NM Colorado
73\75
Hicks, Harmon H./ 66 Hicks, Mary N./34 Hicks, Etta/ 14 Hicks, Lillian/ 8 Hicks, Laura/ 3
Head Daughter Grandaughter Grandaughter Grandaughter
Laborer N. Carolina N. Carolina N. Carolina Colorado N. Carolina
146\156
Hicks, John C./ 28 Head Engineer Alabama 77\79
Hilton, Grace W./ 54 Head Illinois 58\58
Holly, Daniel/ 42 Holly, Mamie M./ 30
Head Wife
Engineer Ireland Colorado
53\53
Holmes, Charles P./ 34 Holmes, Grace A./ 24 Holmes, Noel E./ 4 Holmes, Margaret E./ 1
Head Wife Son Daughter
Butcher Missouri NM NM NM
59\59
Holmes, J___/ 12 Step-daughter 79\81
Holmes, Jesse L./ 19 Sister-in-law Oklahoma 30\30
65
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Horick, Mary O./ 62 Horick, Robert R.E.L./ 24 Horick, Edna M./ 22
Head Son Daughter
Fireman Telephone Oper.
Virginia Colorado Colorado
4\4
House, Owen G./ 42 House, Signa/ 35
Head Wife
Engineer Iowa Kansas
85\87
Hunt, Thomas P./ 52 Head Road-master Ireland 3\3
Huntington, Henry O./ 55 Huntington, Lilie R./ 50 Huntington, Parkman R./22 Huntington, Harry/ 20
Head Wife Son Son
Dentist Laborer
Ohio Maryland Kansas Kansas
15\15
Hurley, Edward J./ 39 Hurley Julia A./ 30
Head Wife
Conductor Kansas Colorado
62\62
Jacks, Sanford J./ 62 Jacks, Edith M./ 28
Head Daughter
Engineer Ohio NM
83\85
James, Clyde W./ 29 James, Luisa M. James, Clyde D.
Head Wife Son
Machinist Michigan Louisiana Texas
43\43
Jepson, Hiram S./ 35 Jepson, Eda/ 22 Jepson, Evlyn L./ 4 Jepson, Almon Rex/2 Jepson, Hiram V./ 9 mos.
Head Wife Daughter Son Son
Plumber Kansas Arkansas Kansas Arkansas NM
30\30
Johnson, Frank C./ 44 Johnson, Julia B./ 47
Head Wife
Manager Ohio Rh. Island
44\44
Jones, Baker/ 32 Boarder H.S. Teacher Texas 9\9
Kelly, George A./ 46 Kelly, Lillie A/ 43 Kelly, Pat/ 19 Kelly Mike/ 6
Head Wife Son Son
Conductor Chauffer
Iowa Iowa Colorado Colorado
1\1
Kenney, Levick P./ 36 Kenney, Bertha B./ 34
Head Wife
Fireman Saleswoman
Missouri Colorado
76\78
Kenney, Wade H./ 41 Kenney, Mabel W./ 35 Kenney, Lucia/ 9
Head Wife Daughter
Manager (retail) Missouri Iowa Nevada
131\138
Knee, Joseph L./ 41 Knee, Anna/ 41 Knee, Leona E./ 14 Knee, Margorie L./ 1 Knee, Chester/ 17 Knee, Lurton J./ 10 Knee, Paul E./ 7 Knee, Maurice C./ 5
Head Wife Daughter Son? Son Son Son Son
Fireman Fireman
Kansas Kansas Kansas NM Colorado Kansas Colorado Colorado
35\35
66
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Lasher, John C./ 55 Lasher, Mary E./ 48 Lasher, John A,/ 12
Head Wife Son
Engineer Penn. Kansas Colorado
47\47
Lewis, Georgia/ 47 Lewis, Lylith L./ 18 Lewis, Florence E./ 10 Lewis, George F./ 12
Head Daughter Daughter Son
Manager, restaur. Cook
Texas NM NM NM
119\125
Lewis, Roy D./ 35 Lewis, Mabel M./ 20 Lewis, Julian P./ 2 Lewis, Beria/ 1
Head Wife Son Daughter
Inspector (R.R.) Colorado Colorado NM NM
18\18
Lock, Howard M./ 41 Boarder Boiler Repair Penn. 49\49
Lorimor, Alva A./ 53 Lorimor, Maude T./ 48 Lorimor, Raymon T./ 24 Lorimor, Cecilia I./ 20 Lorimor, Madge E./ 17
Head Wife Son Daughter Daughter
Real Estate Agent Inspector Teacher
Iowa Iowa Iowa Iowa Colorado
23\23
Lovato, Alfredo/ 30 Lovato, Maria I./ 24 Lovato, Silviano A./ 8 Lovato, Jose L./ 4 Lovato, Maria H./ 5
Head Wife Son Son Daughter
Manager (Pool Hall) NM NM NM NM NM
104\109
Lovato, Julian P./ 27 Lovato, Juanita/ 19
Head Wife
Herder NM NM
67\67
Ludrow, Frank A./ 40 Ludrow, Myrtle V./ 19 Ludrow, Letitia M./ 3 mos.
Head Wife Daughter
Dry Goods Store Colorado NM NM
45\45
Lujan, Emilia/ 50 Lujan, Eduardo/ 13
Head Son
Washerwoman NM Colorado
92\95
Madrid, Felicito/ 37 Madrid, Victoria/ 35 Madrid, Elena/ 13 Madrid, Francisco D./ 11
Head Wife Daughter Son
Laborer NM Colorado Colorado Colorado
96\100
Madrid, Sixto/ 45 Madrid, Senaida/ 32 Madrid, Jose D./ 15 Madrid, Adelaido/ 13 Madrid, Jose B./ 5 Madrid, Jose G./ 1
Head 2 Wife Son Son Son Son
Herder NM NM NM NM NM NM
116\122
Maes, Tranquiliano/ 37 Maes, Adela/ 27 Maes, Manuel/ 10 Maes, Berta/ 8 Maes, Margarita/ 7
Head Wife Son Daughter Daughter
Foreman NM Texas Texas Texas Texas
134\141
67
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Maestas, Antonio/ 20 Maestas, Jacinto/ 19 Maestas, Socorrito/ 1
Head Wife Daughter
Night Watchman NM NM NM
129\136
Maestas, Antonio/ 46 Companion Laborer NM 144\153
Maestas, Carlos/ 25 Maestas, Simiana/ 23 Maestas, Carlota/ 5 Maestas, Higinia/ 4 Maestas, Jose R./ 1 Maestas, Fedirico/3 mos
Head Wife Daughter Daughter Son Son
Cleaning Engines NM NM NM NM NM NM
99\103
Maestas, Juan/ 34 Maestas, Erminda/ 24 Maestas, Cidelia/ 6 Maestas, Francisquita/9 mo. Maestas, Juan E./ 5 Maestas, Alvaro/ 3
Head Wife Daughter Daughter Son Son
Laborer NM NM NM NM NM NM
114\119
Malone, James P./ 34 Malone, Lucy O./30
Head Wife
Machinist Missouri Oregon
60\60
Martinez, Cleofas/ 57 Martinez, E__/ 43 Martinez, Enrique/ 16 Martinez, Grabiel/ 11 Martinez, Medardo/ 10 Martinez, Antonio/ 7 Martinez, Anne M./ 13
Head Wife Son Son Son Son Daughter
Herder NM NM NM NM NM NM NM
112\117
Martinez, Esquipula/ 33 Martinez, Anastacia/ 22 Martinez, Cleodovia/ 7 Martinez, Ermelinda/ 2 Martinez, Ramoncita/3 mo.
Head Wife Daughter Daughter Daughter
Laborer NM NM NM NM NM
115\120
Martinez, Felicita/ 22 Martinez, Manuelita/ 3 Martinez, Eulalia/ 1
Head Daughter Daughter
Laundress NM NM NM
92\96
Martinez, Fidel/ 45 Martinez, Jose E./ 20 Martinez, Eufemia/ 14
Head Son Daughter
Farm Operator Laborer
NM NM NM
130\137
Martinez, Jose D./ 47 Martinez, Julian/ 11 Martinez, Geronimo/ 10 Martinez, Rebecca/ 8
Head Son Son Daughter
NM NM NM NM
105\110
Martinez, Joseph/ 22 Martinez, Francis/ 19
Head Wife
Laborer NM Colorado
143\152
Martinez, Juan B./ 52 Head Laborer NM 116\121
68
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Martinez, Juan/ 33 Martinez, Genoveva/ 29 Martinez, Guillermo/ 14 Martinez, Vidal/ 12 Martinez, Manuel/ 9 Martinez, Urban/6 Martinez, Carlota/ 4
Head Wife Son Son Son Son Daughter
Laborer Laundress
NM NM NM NM NM NM NM
113\118
Martinez, Julianita/ 80 Sister-in-law NM 70\70
Martinez, Senaida/ 52 Martinez, Genobeva/ 26 Martinez, Rosita/ 17 Martinez, Luisita/ 15 Martinez, Jose A./19 Martinez, Ramon/ 13 Martinez, Juan B./ 12 Maestas, Lucia/ 5
Head Daughter Daughter Daughter Son Son Son Granddaughter
Laundress Laundress Servant Laborer
NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM
65\65
Martinez, Severino/ 39 Martinez, Gavina/ 33 Martinez, Jose H./ 16 Martinez, Silviano/ 12 Martinez, Jose M. L./ 3 Martinez, Elviria/ 14 Martinez, Rosa/ 11 Martinez, Elena/ 6 Martinez, Sirvilia/4 mos.
Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter Daughter
Manager, groc. store NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM
90\93
McFadden, Calvin/ 58 McFadden, Elizabeth F./54
Head Wife
Barber Dressmaker
Kansas Illinois
7\7
McGuire, Ralph O,/ 20 McGuire, Cordilia/ 19 McGuire, Odell/ 2 mos
Head Wife Son
Fireman Nebraska Colorado Colorado
11\11
McWilliams, Joe/ 30 McWilliams, Manuela/ 32 McWilliams, Esquiel/ 10 McWilliams, Alfonso/ 8
Head Wife Son Son
Farmer NM NM NM NM
145\155
Medina, Antonio/ 43 Medina, Leonarda/ 32 Medina, Jose/ 15 Medina, Eugenio/ 11 Medina, Juan/ 8 Medina, Frank/ 4 Medina, Eugenia/ 13 Medina, Nastacia/ 2 Medina, Eufelia/5 mos.
Head Wife Son Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter
Cleaning Engines NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM
88\90
69
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Medina, Benigno/ 54 Medina, Fernandita/ 45 Medina, Florentino/ 17 Medina, Benigno/ 15 Medina, Vicente/ 8 Medina, Prudencia/ 10
Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter
NM NM NM NM NM NM
142\150
Moore, Charles K./ 45 Moore, Margaret/ 42
Head Wife
Engineer Indiana Indiana
10\10
Moreno, Benjamin/ 22 Moreno, Maria/ 16
Head Wife
Cleaning Engines NM NM
93\97
Murray, Charles P./ 27 Head Machinist Colorado 12\12
Oakley, Harry T./ 33 Head 1 Foreman Indiana 141\148
Odgers, Anne/ 62 Odgers, Fredrick W./ 25
Mother-in-law Brother-in-law
Electrician
Wales Wales
36\36
Odgers, Thomas H./ 31 Head Engineer Wales 81\83
Olsen, Roy/ 27 Olsen, Miyile?/ 23 Olsen, Kenneth L./ 2 Olsen, Dorothy B./ 5 Olsen, Mildred E./ 4
Head Wife Son Daughter Daughter
Machinist Colorado Kansas Colorado Missouri Iowa
13\13
Orell, Percival G./ 34 Orell, Elizabeth E./ 30 Orell, Seth/ 7 Orell, Patricia E./ 5
Head Wife Son Daughter
Sheep Raiser England NM NM NM
82\84
Ortiz, Luis M./ 25 Ortiz, Adelina F./ 26 Ortiz, Eliza/ 2 Ortiz, Jose N./ 1
Head Wife Daughter Son
Repairer, R.R. cars NM Colorado Colorado NM
138\145
Owens, Alla F./ 47 Owens, Bryan J./17 Owens, Clyde F./10 Owens, LeRoy W./4
Head Son Daughter Son
Dressmaker Laborer
Missouri Colorado Colorado Colorado
28\28
Owens, John/ 58 Owens, Mary/ 57 Owens, Lawrence F./25
Head Wife Son
Carpenter Laborer
Wales Wales NM
55\55
Owens, Richard J./ 34 Owens, Mary L./ 32 Owens, Kenneth W./ 14 Owens, LeRoy J./ 11 Owens, Laura M./ 9
Head Wife Son Son Daughter
Laborer, Lumber Mill
Wales Colorado NM NM NM
33\33
70
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Pacheco, Enrique/ 36 Pacheco, Isabelita/ 29 Pacheco. Loeboldo/ 12 Pacheco, Jose M./ 7 Pacheco, Delfina/ 5 Pacheco, Epimenio/4 mos.
Head Wife Son Son Daughter Son
Foreman NM NM NM NM NM NM
143\151
Pacheco, Max/ 21 Pacheco, Rosario/ 20 Pacheco, Manuelita/ 1
Head Wife Daughter
Foreman (R.R.) NM NM Colorado
74\76
Painter, Laura B./ 53 Painter, Florence C./ 24
Head Daughter
Teacher
Missouri Missouri
22\22
Pais, Resauria/ 20 Pais, Eloisa/ 6
Head Daughter
Laundress Colorado Colorado
100\105
Palmer, Hampton H./ 38 Palmer, Elizabeth M./ 42 Palmer, Joseph A./ 26
Head Wife Son
Engineer Lineman
Arkansas England Colorado
42\42
Pippy, John D./24 Pippy, Florence V./22 Pippy, Eva L./ 3 Pippy, Leslie H/ 2
Head Wife Daughter Son
Helper, machine shop
N. Carolina Colorado Colorado Colorado
69\69
Prince, John C./42 Prince, Maude E./ 33
Head Wife
Repairer Sweden NM
89\92
Quintana, Teofilo/ 48 Quintana, Cleotilde/ 28 Quintana, Floripe/ 5 Quintana, Eduardo/ 3 Quintana, Emilio/ 5mos
Head Wife Daughter Son Son
Manager, Pool Hall NM NM NM NM NM
110\115
Rael, Udicilio/ 23 Rael, Trinidad/ 1
Head Son
NM NM
70\71
Ray, Charlie/ 1 Grandson Colorado 6\6
Ray, George E./ 41 Ray, Clara T./ 37 Ray, Myrtle J./ 16 Ray, Clare T./ 12
Head Wife Daughter Daughter
Engineer Scotland Ohio Colorado NM
31\31
Real, Joseph L./ 24 Real, Fanny/ 19 Real, Lillian L./ 3
Head Wife Daughter
Engineer Colorado NM Colorado
29\29
Redingon, John/ 51 Redington, Lida M./ 38
Head Wife
Engineer
Ireland Canada
39\39
Redington, Raymond E./22 Head Farm Operator Canada 40\40
Reeves, Mary E./ 49 Reeves, James T./ 19 Reeves, Louis/ 18
Head Son Son
Waiter Laborer Helper (drugstore)
Alabama Texas Texas
118\124
71
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Rice, William/ 44 Rice, Della/ 43 Rice, Herbert W./ 18 Rice, John K./ 14 Rice, Glenn/ 12 Rice, Gladys/ 10 Rice, Ethyl A./ 9 Rice, Helen E./ 4
Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter
Manager (Livery) Missouri Minnesota Colorado Colorado Colorado NM NM NM
86\88
Richardson, Saydie E./ 25 Richardson, Childs W./ 6 Richardson, Saydie E./ 4
Head Son Daughter
Clerk (R.R.) Colorado Colorado Colorado
52\52
Rieyblid?, Jose A./ 36 Rieyblid?, Escolastica/ 32 Rieyblid?, Trimelio/ 12
Head Wife Son
Laborer Colorado Colorado Colorado
120\126
Rival, Cornelio/ 27 Rival, Balvinia/ 28
Head Wife
Foreman (R.R. Station)
NM Colorado
121\127
Rivas, Quirino/ 53 Rivas, Maria/ 51 Rivas, Rosa/ 25
Head Wife Daughter
Laborer NM NM NM
94\98
Rivas, Sixto/ 28 Rivas, Borbarita/ 25 Rivas, Maria P./ 7 Rivas, Antonio Q./ 3 Rivas, Sixto/ 1
Head Wife Daughter Son Son
Team Driver NM NM NM Colorado NM
101\106
Romero, Cleofas/ 46 Romero, Maclovia/ 19 Romero, Gregorita/ 17 Romero, Geronima/ 9 Romero, Martin/ 12
Head Daughter Daughter Daughter
Servant Servant
NM NM NM NM NM
107\112
Romero, Emilio/ 22 Hired Hand Laborer NM 61\61
Romero, Eudoro/ 34 Romero, Celina/ 29 Romero, Rienalda/ 12
Head Wife Daughter
Assistant Machinist NM NM NM
75\77
Romero, Julian/ 35 Romero, Ruben/ 31 Romero, Julian/ 15 Romero, Maximo/ 10 Romero, Toribio/ 2 Romero, Guillermo/5 mos. Romero, Rebecca/ 13 Romero, Eufemia/ 7 Romero, Irene/ 4
Head Wife Son Son Son Son Daughter Daughter Daughter
NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM NM
111\116
Romero, Leonor/ 56 Romero, Guillermo/ 23 Romero, Vicente/ 17 Romero, Erminda/15
Head Son Son Daughter
Laborer
NM NM NM NM
97\101
72
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Rushton, Neil R./ 16 Brother-in-law Kansas 13\13
Samora, Brefidia/ 40 Samora, Lupita/ 25 Samora, E___/ 16 Samora, Papilia/ 15 Samora, Carmelita/ 8 Samora, Ramon/ 8
Head Daughter Daughter Daughter Daughter Son
Servant Dishwasher
NM NM NM NM NM NM
109\114
Sandoval, Antonio/ 33 Sandoval, Eloisa/ 26
Head Wife
Laborer NM NM
103\108
Sandoval, Eligio/ 28 Sandoval, Pilar/ 25 Sandoval, Isidoro/ 7 Sandoval, Jose/ 5 Sandoval, Frank/ 3
Head Wife Son Son Son
Laborer NM NM NM NM NM
126\132
Scarborough, Earl H./ 24 Scarborough, Mada/ 22 Scarborough, Kathleen/ 1
Head Wife Daughter
Farmer Texas Indiana NM
102\107
Scott, Jessie E./ 7 Granddaughter Arizona 83\85
Sefton, Doris C./ 14 Sefton, Dillard P./ 16
Sister-in-law Brother-in-law
Waiter Laborer
Colorado Colorado
11\11
Smith, Juan/ 37 Smith, Marcia M./ 33 Smith, Nelson/ 11 Smith, Harvey J./ 6 Smith, Gilbert/ 1 Smith, Anita/ 2
Head Wife Son Son Son Daughter
Manager (telephone Co.)
NM NM NM NM NM NM
87\89
Spears, Mildred/ 44 Spears, Dolly M./ 16 Spears, Hazel R./ 5 Spears, Daisy M./ 10 Spears, Robert C./ 13
Head Daughter Daughter Daughter Son
Tennessee Colorado Missouri Kansas Colorado
6\6
Spooner, Franklin D.C./ 29 Spooner, Mabel G./ 21 Spooner, Douglas B./10 mo.
Head Wife Son
Accountant England Wales NM
36\36
Stocks, William H./ 37 Stocks, Gertrude A./ 34 Stocks, Rosa E./ 13 Stocks, Francis/ 12 Stocks, William H./ 9 Stocks, Howard F./ 7
Head Wife Daughter Daughter Son Son
Farmer Penn. Penn. Penn. Penn. Penn. Penn.
132\139
Thatcher, Elias W./ 54 Thatcher, Effie C./ 42 Thatcher, Bessie J./ 15 Thatcher, Ide E./ 12
Head Wife Daughter Son
Carpenter Ohio Penn. Iowa Iowa
57\57
73
Head of Household/Age Family Members/Age (Chama 1920)
Relationship Occupation Birthplace House #/ Family #
Thatcher, Ralph W./ 22 Thatcher, Helen/ 17
Head Wife
Electrician U.S. Colorado
37\37
Thompson, Ben S./42 Thompson, Cara B./ 27 Thompson, Ralph L./ 13 Thompson, Rolbert W./ 10
Head Wife Son Son
Sheep Raiser Penns. NM NM Colorado
38\38
Thompson, John S./ 51 Thompson, Minnie/ 33
Head Wife
Engineer Missouri 2\2
Velasquez, Octaviana C./72 Head NM 70\70
Vermillion, Glenn B./ 25 Vermillion, Alta B./ 20 Vermillion Glenn A./3 mos.
Head Wife Son
Druggist Indiana Kansas NM
63\63
Vigil, Juan I./ 22 Head 2 Bookkeeper (Bank) NM 141\149
Voigt, Phillip E./ 52 Head Engineer Wisconsin 51\51
Ward, Samuel K./ 46 Ward, Bella C./ 45 Ward, George A./ 18 Ward, Anna. C./ 15 Ward, Leonora J./ 11 Ward, Orra I./ 6 Ward, Shupranie M./ 4 Ward, Jessie W./ 1
Head Wife Son Daughter Daughter Daughter Daughter Daughter
Farm Operator Farm Laborer
Tennessee N. Carolina N. Carolina Tennessee Colorado NM NM NM
48\48
Waters, Strother J./ 49 Head Barber Missouri 27\27
Weisel, George C./ 44 Weisel, May/ 30 Weisel, Deeana B./ 10 Weisel, Sherdan G./ 9 Weisel, Freda M./ 6 Weisel, Elmer P./ 5 Weisel, Ruth D./ 3 Weisel, Walter R./5 mos.
Head Wife Daughter Son Daughter Son Daughter Son
Farm Operator Nebraska Oklahoma Colorado Colorado Colorado NM NM NM
21\21
Werner, Charles A./ 32 Head Fireman Michigan 16\16
Williams, Tempia A./ 70 Mother Texas 119\125
Williams, Thomas K./ 48 Williams, Luella/ 49 Williams, Clifford/ 19
Head Wife Son
Agent (R.R. Depot) Fireman
Wisconsin Iowa Iowa
137\144
Wright, Elmer/ 29 Head Laborer Oklahoma 34\34
Wright, David M./ 49 Wright, Rena B./ 50 Wright, Roy M./20 Wright, David E./ 18 Wright, William T./ 13
Head Wife Son Son Son
Engineer Laborer
Arkansas Penn. NM NM NM
9\9
74
Appendix E – Lumberton Census
75
Appendix F – Chronology
Date
1713 The Ute/Comanche alliance, which began in the early 1700s, was successful in driving the Navajo out of the Rio Chama watershed/Piedra Lumbre area for the next 35 years. The Navajo withdrew to their homeland until 1848.
1724 First grant in the Abiquiú area made by Governor Juan Domingo de Mendoza to Cristóbal Torres (SANM I: 943 and 944).
1726-27 Cristóbal Torres died and his heirs attempt to settle on the grant.
1731 Diego Torres asks Governor Cruzat y Gongora to order settlers to take possession of their tracts of land within the Cristobal Torres grant or forfeit their interests in the grant (SANM I: 950).
1733 Governor Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora notified the heirs of Cristóbal Torres to resettle on the grant; when they do not resettle, the governor declared the grant abandoned and the land became public domain (SANM I: 943).
1735 Jeronimo Martín, owner of a revoked grant, was ordered to stop building his house or pay a 100-peso fine (SANM I: 524).
1735 Six grants in the Abiquiú and El Rito areas made by acting Governor Páez Hurtado during the absence of Governor Cruzat y Góngora were revoked by Cruzat on his return from El Paso. 1) Juan Estévan García de Noriega, SANM I: 320; 2) Manuel García de las Rivas, SANM I: 322; Geronimo and Ignacio Martín, et al., SANM I: 518; Geronimo Martín, SANM I: 524; José Antonio de Torres, SANM I: 955; Antonio Ulibarrí, SANM I: 1022.
1746 October 26
Viceroy Horcasitas orders Governor Codallos y Rabal to put into effect the provisions recommended by the Auditor General of War for dealing with the attacks by the Comanche. The Comanche are a threat because they are so disciplined, numerous, and brave, that they instill fear in the Spaniards. The Comanche are proud of their triumphs over the Spaniards and Pueblos and are willing to lose 100 Comanche in order to kill one Spaniard. The Comanche attack the pueblos as well, though they used to trade with them. The Auditor General recommends that the governor try to make peace with the Comanche through an exchange of captives, but if that does not work, they should be attacked after reading them the Requerimiento, and if necessary, exterminated. The Spaniards need to instill fear in the Comanche to reverse the present situation where the Spaniards consider the Comanche "a most intimidating and feared nation . . . because of [their many] atrocities."
1747 August
The Utes and some Comanches attack Abiquiú taking 23 women and children captive. The Spaniards thought the Ute were responsible so attacked a rancheria of 100 Ute tipis. The Ute struck back at Santa Cruz de la Cañada (Schroeder, Brief History, 59).
1747 October
Codallos y Rabal leads an attack against the Ute and Comanche beyond Abiquiú, killing 107, capturing 206, and taking 1,000 horses.
76
1748 Settlers at Abiquiú, Ojo Caliente, and Cordova seek permission to withdraw from their settlements because of Indian raids. Codallos y Rabal grant permission "for the time being" (SANM I: 28).
1750 February
Governor Vélez Cachupín is ordered by the viceroy to resettle the communities of Abiquiú, Embudo, and other abandoned communities northwest of Abiquiú (SANM I: 1098). Vélez Cachupín orders that Abiquiú be resettled "in order to plant during the coming spring." Settlers are to resettle on their old lands and those who refuse to settle will lose their lands (SANM I: 1100).
1750 Abiquiú is resettled under order by Governor Vélez Cachupín. Alcalde Juan José Lobato brought the settlers together at Santa Rosa de Lima and allotted them house lots around a plaza 135 varas on each side. The genízaros who had already been living at Abiquiú were assigned to Miguel Montoyas's house temporarily.
1751 March
Governor Vélez Cachupín ordered that the Ojo Caliente settlers return to their lands and resettle the community.
1752 January
Governor Vélez Cachupín again ordered that Ojo Caliente be resettled. Those refusing to go were to lose their lands under the governor's decree.
1752 March
Alcalde Juan José Lovato resettled nine heads of family at Ojo Caliente and rendered a formal decree of resettlement.
1820s late
Former enemies, the Capote Ute and Navajo make peace and begin to raid N. M. settlements instead of fighting each other.
1827 & 1829 Navajo raids on Abiquiú region.
1844 Navajo raid on Ojo Caliente.
1844 Governor Mariano Martínez kills a Ute in the Governor's Palace during an official parley and other Utes are attacked; feeling betrayed, the Capote Ute attack N. M. settlements.
1845 José María Chávez is named by Prefect Juan Andrés Archuleta to lead a retaliatory raid against the Utes. Chavez is assigned 812 militia from the Rio Arriba and 118 men from the Rio Abajo, together with about 80 troops from the Santa Fe presido. Captured because the general and his troops managed to drive the Ute north of the Arkansas River, the boundary between the United States and Mexico, and Chavez was not allowed to cross the Arkansas into the U.S.
1850 Ute Agency established at Abiquiú to issue supplies to the Capote Ute and deal with complaints about Ute depredations.
1852 Ute raid on Abiquiú with loss of stock by citizens.
1852 Fort Massachusetts established, later called Fort Garland and moved a few miles north.
1855 Some Ute attacks are caused by unprovoked attacks on them by Hispanos, such as one near Ojo Caliente led by Francisco Gallego and Quirino Maez.
1855 spring
The Utes tell Indian Agent Lorenzo Labadi that they do not want to settle on a reservation and become farmers because occupations other than hunting were "unworthy of them."
77
1856 April 30
Jesús María Velasquez, Juez de Paz at Conejos, reports to Indian Agent Kit Carson that he inspected a trading party headed by Pedro Leon Lujan near the Rio de la Jara and found 69 lbs. of lead bullets, 53 1/2 lbs. of powder, and 27 small boxes of liquor (fermanantes). Other members of the party included Tomás Chacón and Juan de Dios Montoya.
1857 late summer
Indian Agents worry that game such as elk and deer are diminishing and that the Ute can no longer sustain themselves through hunting.
1858 Gold rush in Colorado due to discovery near Denver brings in 100,000 immigrants.
1860-61 Another gold discovery in southwest Colorado brings more immigrants and helps establish settlements in San Luis Valley along the Rio Culebra and in Tierra Amarilla communities.
1861 Indian Agency established at Conejos under Agent Lafayette Head for the Tabequche Ute.
1866 The Wiminuche Ute are said to number 1200, the Paiute about 1500, the Navajo about 800, totaling 3500, have been joined by the Green River Ute driven out of Utah by the Mormons or the troops. It is feared that they will attack the Tierra Amarilla settlements and destroy them. The Capote Ute numbering between 600-700 are at peace with the whites, but are discontented and could also make war on the settlers, as the Jicarilla Apache have been advising them to do.
1866 December
The Ute give as a reason for not moving to a reservation that "they are necessary" to protect the frontier against the Navajo.
1866 January
The Paiutes, Capote Utes, and the Wiminuche hatch a plan with the Hispanic citizens to go to the Rio San Juan in Navajo County and send word to the Navajo at Hopi to come to them in peace, but then the allied Ute and Hispanic citizens would destroy them. The Ute chief, Cabeza Blanca, was against the plan and when a fight broke out in which Cabesa Blanca was killed, the Capote fled to the settlements around TA. With two sons of Cabesa Blanca they attacked the TA settlements, killing three herders, wounding the daughter of Alcalde Martínez, and stealing stock from Henry Mercure, T. D. Burns, Santos Samora, and Jesús Cardura.
1866 January 27
Some of the principal citizens of TA ("quite a flourishing settlement NW of Abiquiú") petition for military protection against the Ute who inhabit the neighboring country.
1866 July 29
Citizens from Tierra Amarilla report that 1200 hungry Utes were committing depredations on their herds and turning their horses in upon crops of the Hispanic citizens. Superintendent of Indian Affairs, A.B. Norten ordered that 200 sheep and 100 lbs. of tobacco be purchased and distributed among the Ute. In addition, they were given ammunition and encouraged to hunt for their own subsistence.
1866 October
As a result of a clash between the Buffalo Soldiers and the Ute, twelve Ute were killed. W.F.M. Arny fears that this will lead to a war with the Utes. The Ute killed were Moache under the leadership of Kaneatche. Col. [José María] Chavez and Arny are going to ride into the mountains to find Kaneatche to talk with him.
1870 A census taken by William F. M. Arny enumerated 365 Capote Ute in New Mexico under the leadership of Sobita.
78
1870 October
T. D. Burns and Jesús María Cordova of Tierra Amarilla submit claims to the U. S. for cattle killed by Capote Ute.
1871 February
Indian Agent J. B. Hanson reports that the residence of the Agent at Abiquiú and an adjacent storehouse and one half acre of land is leased for $200 per year from José Pablo Gallegos of Abiquiú and there is no available agricultural land at Abiquiú for the Ute to farm. Abiquiú is not the best place to establish the Ute permanently for the land for forty miles around Abiquiú is settled and farmed by Hispanos.
1871 January
Indian Agent Wm. F. M. Arny reports that the Navajo interpreter, Thomas Kearns, stated that the Navajo will run out of beef in two days and will steal from the US citizens, or will kill their own sheep and goats before they will starve. Under the peace treaty, they were given 15,000 sheep and goats, "to manufacture blankets and clothing." Their farming during the last season was not completely successful for though "they worked hard and steady . . . late frosts killed their crops, but this will not feed the whole nation."
1872 April
Tomás Chacón pursued a band of Capote and Weemenuche Ute who had stolen and killed Hispanic livestock. When he overtook them, they admitted that they had stolen horses which they would return when they got back from the Green River. When Chacón asked them why they killed cattle and did not use them, the Ute told him to leave without offering him "the hospitalities of the camp."
1872 May
Battle of Tierra Amarilla. Few if any casualties, but was the turning point in the U.S. effort to move the Ute from the Rio Arriba area to their Southern Colorado reservation.
1872 September
Ute Agency moved from Abiquiú to Tierra Amarilla.
1878 June
The last of the Ute at Tierra Amarilla move to the Ute Agency at Los Pinos.
1881 The Jicarilla Apache move from Tierra Amarilla to their reservation at Amargo (near present-day Dulce).
79
Appendix G – Bibliography
Chappell, Gordon S. Logging Along the Denver and Rio Grande. Golden, Colorado: Colorado Railroad Museum, 1971.
Ebright, Malcolm. Land Grants and Lawsuits in Northern New Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1994; Santa Fe: Center for Land Grant Studies Press, 2008.
__________. The Tierra Amarilla Grant: A History of Chicanery. Santa Fe: Center for Land Grant Studies Press, 1980.
Fratello, Edward M. “Economic Factors in the Early Settlement of the Tierra Amarilla Grant.” Unpublished manuscript in possession of the author.
Kelly, Daniel T. The Buffalo Head: A Century of Mercantile Pioneering in the Southwest Santa Fe: The Vergara Publishing Company, 1972.
Knowlton, Clark S. “Flood Control and Reclamation Projects: Curse or Blessing to the Rural Spanish-Speaking People of the Middle Rio Grande Valley?” Center for Land Grant Studies Research Paper.
Leithausen, Jennifer. “Lumber Barons and Timber Pirates.” http://www.animasmuseum.org/Lumber%20Barons.html
Northwest New Mexican. Newspaper published in Chama, issues published in 1890s, Amador Collection, Special Collections, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces.
Torrez, Robert J. “El Campo Forgotten Sentinel of the Tierra Amarilla.” Unpublished manuscript in possession of the author.
______________. El Primer Siglo: A Centennial History of San José Parish, 1883-1983. Los Ojos, NM: The San José Parish Council, 1983.
______________. “A History of the Tierra Amarilla to 1880.” Unpublished manuscript in possession of the author.
______________. “The Southern Utes’ Last Stand in New Mexico.” Old West (Winter 1996): 16-21.
______________. “A Report: State Owned Lands Within New Mexico’s Community Land Grants,” submitted in fulfillment of Professional Services Contract 06-369-0222-0006, June 30, 2006.
______________. “The Tierra Amarilla Land Grant: A Case Study in the Editing of Land Grant Documents.” Southwest Heritage 13 (Fall 1983 & Winter 1984), 2-4.
______________. “Worthy the Pen and Brush of Poet and Painter: A Chicago Colony in Northern New Mexico.” Center for Land Grant Studies Research Paper.
Westphall, Victor. Thomas Benton Catron and His Era. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1973, 39-46.
Wilson, Chris and David Kammer. Community and Continuity: The History, Architecture and Cultural Landscape of La Tierra Amarilla. Santa Fe: New Mexico Historic Preservation Division, 1989.
Young, John V. The State Parks of New Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984.
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Appendix H – Color Coded Map of Humphries Wildlife Area
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