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The Algonquin-French Manuscript A S S M 104 (1661): Miscellanea
GEORGE F. AUBIN Assumption College
With the date 1661 written on the first page of the main body of the manu
script, this is apparently the oldest Algonquin-Ojibwe document that has
come down to us, although its careful alphabetic organization and fairly
extensive length suggests that it is the end result of a great deal of previ
ous work. Each of the 125 pages of the main body of the document con
tains about 40 lines, some with more than one form, for an approximate
aggregate total of some 5,000 Algonquin forms. The bulk of the manu
script is in one hand, with three others adding to or subtracting from the
original in various ways, making some pages of the manuscript rather
messy and difficult to read. Because of this, in the present paper I have
underlined letters that appear to be problematic.
From a linguistic point of view, there are two features of the docu
ment, discussed at some length in Aubin 2001 (cf. also Aubin 1997), that
are important to keep in mind. First, the manuscript is written in the so-
called 'r-dialect' of Algonquin, a dialect in which Proto-Algonquian *0
and *1 appear as r. Secondly, verbs are typically given in a somewhat
abstract form, usually in a first or second person singular Independent
Neutral form, but without the expected personal prefixes. Interestingly,
the French gloss for these forms is almost always given in the first person
singular. Plural verb forms are also given without the expected personal
prefix, but with the correct suffix, and the French glosses are usually
given as though both affixes were there. This is the situation which
obtains fairly generally with verbs, and it is occasionally extended to
nouns (as will be pointed out where appropriate).
This third report presents forms, grouped into four areas, that may be
of interest to other researchers. The emphasis throughout is on the data
contained in the manuscript.
1. I would like to thank Ives Goddard, David Pentland, and Richard Rhodes for their comments on an earlier version of this paper. I alone am responsible, of course, for any shortcomings that persist.
Papers of the 34th Algonquian Conference, ed. H.C. Wolfart (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 2003), pp. 1-18.
2 GEORGE F. AUBIN
KINSHIP AND RELATED TERMS
(1) grandmother
a. ndkdmis
(2) grandfather
a. michdmis
(3) mother
a. ninga
b. ningai vocatif
c. n 'oghina
d. n'og 3. ghi
e. n 'oghinanioan nihiao
f. oghir
(4) father
a. w<5s
b. nosai vocatif
c. n '60s. i
d. n 'dosima
e. n 'dosina
(5) aunt
a. nisigosis
b. ni-sigosis
m a grande mere 39v; cf. nookomis (Nichols & Nyholm 102)
grand pere 30r; cf. /-mishoomis-/ (Nichols & Nyholm 96)
m a mere 37v; cf. ninga (Baraga 245b)
o m a mere
37v; cf. ninge 'mother!' (Baraga 174a)
c'est m a mere
39r
iay une mere
39r; cf. nind ogi (Baraga 174a)
ie suis mere
39v; cf. niiaw 'my body; myself (Baraga 288b)
sa mere
44v; cf. ogin (Baraga 174a)
m o n pere
40v; cf. noos (Nichols & Nyholm 103)
o m o n pere
40v; cf. n'osse (Baraga 31 lb) i'ay un pere
40r; cf. nind ooss (Baraga 97a) c'est m o n pere
40r; cf. nind oossima (Baraga 97a) ie I'ay pour pere 40r
tante soeur de mon pere
38v; cf. ninsigoss (Baraga 20a)
m a tante soeur de m o n pere 58v
T H E A L G O N Q U I N - F R E N C H M A N U S C R I P T A S S M 104 (1661)
(6) uncle
a. nichichens
b. michdmens
(7) sister
a. nitadema
(8) brother
a. nikanis pi. sak
b. « 'dikanis 3e ser
c. oikanisima
d. oikaniser
e. nichimens
f. nisiens
(9) cousin
a. nirimochens
b. nitadis
(10) wife
a. dioirdtada
oncle frere de m a mere
36v; cf. nijishe (Baraga 273a)
oncle, frere de mon pere
30r; cf. nimishome 'my ... uncle (father's brother)'(Baraga 273a)
m a soeur
38v; cf. awema (avec le Poss.) (Lemoine s.v.)2
mon frere
36v; cf. niikaanis 'my sibling of the opposite sex (brother or sister)' (Nichols & Nyholm 150)
j'ayun frere
39v; cf. owikanis-i 'avoir un [frere] (entre h.)' (Lemoine s.v.)
ie I'ay pour frere
44v; cf. nind owikanissima 'he is m y brother, (friend)' (Baraga 36a)
son frere
44v; cf. wikanissan 'his brother, (friend)' (Baraga 36a)
mon cadet
36v; cf. nishime (Baraga 36a)
mon cadet [sic]
38v; cf. nissaie 'my ... older brother' [italics in original] (Baraga 36a)
m a cousme 38r; cf. ninimoshe '(he-cousin)' (Baraga 60a)
mon cousin
38v; cf. nitawiss ('he-cousin') (Baraga 60a)
ie la prends pour espouse
45r
2. The pagination in Lemoine only goes to 258, roughly half of the book. I therefore refer to entries by the French lemma.
4 GEORGE F. AUBIN
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
g-
h.
n 'ochiha
kioich
kidi
dioer
oioi
nigik pi. koek
kigikokoe
(11) husband a. nisa
b.
c.
d.
e.
f.
oser
nochirotada
n'och 3. i
n 'ochima
n 'ochina
(12) married people
a. oatapintgik
(13) daughter
a. nitanis vocatif nitana
ie la marie 39r; cf. ocih 'marier [qq.], lui procurer un epoux'
(Lemoine s.v.) ta petite femme par mignardise
21 v; cf. kiwish 'thy ... wife' (Baraga 288-289a)
ta femme
21v
sa femme
45r; cf. wiwan (Baraga 288-289a)
ie suis marie
45r; cf. wiw-i 'avoir une [epouse]' (Lemoine 242)
la femme de mon mary
36v
femme de jour
19v; cf. kijik 'day' (Lemoine s.v. jour); ikwe 'femme' (Lemoine s.v.)
mon mary
38r
son mary
47r
ie le prends pour espoux
39r; cf. ocinotaw 'prendre pour [epoux]' (Lemoine 242)
j'ay unmary
39r; cf. oc-i 'se [marier] (femme)' (Lemoine s.v.)
ie I'ay pour mary
39r; cf. ocim 'avoir pour [epoux]' (Lemoine 242)
c'est mon mary
39r
les mariez
43v; cf. wiidabindiwag 'staying together; cohabiting' (McGregor 435)
ma fille 38v; cf. nindaniss (Baraga 67a)
T H E ALGONQUIN-FRENCH MANUSCRIPT ASSM 104 (1661) 5
(14)son
a. nikdisis
b. n 'okdisis i
(15) child
a. abirantchens pi. sak
b. n 'dnidimis. i
c. n 'onichanisima
d. n'dnidjanisikana
(16) mother-in-law
a. rdchens pi. sa&
b. nirdchens
c. nisigds
d. ni-sigds
(17) father-in-law
a. nichiris
(18) brother-in-law
a. ditadima
(19) daughter-in-law
a. m'57'm
mon fils
37r; cf. ningwiss (Baraga 237a)
i'ay un fils
39v; cf. nind ogwiss (Baraga 237a); okwisis-i 'avoir un [fils]' (Lemoine s.v. fils)
petit enfant en maillot
lv; cf. abinotcinj 'enfant, garcon ou fille jusqu'a Page de 3 ans' (Lemoine 229)
i'ay des enfants
39v; cf. nind onidjaniss (Baraga 48a)
c'est mon enfant
39v; cf. onidjanisim 'avoir pour [enfant]' (Lemoine 230)
ie le fais mon enfant, ie l'adopte
39v; cf. nind onidjanissikanan 'he (she) is m y godchild' (Baraga 118a)
belle mere 57r; cf. nocenj 'epouse de son pere (avec le poss.)' (Lemoine 88)
marastre, belle mere
38r; cf. ninoshe 'step-mother' (Baraga 244a)
ma belle mere
38v; cf. ninsigossis (Baraga 174a)
ma belle mere
59r
beau pere 36v; cf. cinis 'celui dont on epouse la fille ou le fils (avec le poss.)' (Lemoine 88)
ie suis mane a sa soeur 45v; cf. witawim Tavoir pour [beau-frere]'
(Lemoine 88)
mabru 38v; cf. nissim (Baraga 67a)
6 GEORGE F. AUBIN
(20) son-in-law a. ringoar pi. rak
b. niringdar pi. ra&
(21) relative
a. irangdma
(22) bastard
pikotchanich / pikdatichanich
(23) descendants
a. nochisak
(24) elder
a. mitchimochens
b. mitchimochensimich i
c. pachirinioich
d. sasikisi pi. sz'&
(25) friend
a. datche
b. ningdee
c. ningdimens
(26) household
a. c/tf<5te
gendre
57r
m o n gendre
38r; cf. niningwan (Baraga 237a)
ie luy suis parent a tel degre
14v; cf. inaangomaan 'related to s.o. by marriage' (McGregor 36)
bastard 51v
mes descendants
39r; cf. nind aianikatc nocisak 'mes [descendants]' (Lemoine 182)
vieille femme
32v
ie suis vieille femme 32v
ho[mm]e vieil
48v
vieillard
58v; cf. nin sasikis 'I am older, I am the oldest; I am the first-born' (Baraga 364b)
ma compagne 44r
m o n camarade d'ho[mm]e a h o m m e 37v; cf. ningwi 'O mon [ami]' (Lemoine 54) m o n petit camarade 37v
menage, famille
12r; cf. nind otem 'ma [famille]' (Lemoine s v )• ningotode 'one household' (Baraga 137a)
T H E A L G O N Q U I N - F R E N C H M A N U S C R I P T A S S M 104 (1661) 7
b. natdkichi
c. ni-nanatokichim
(27) man
a. kichinape
b. kichitdairini
c. kokdatis
d. kderatchirini
(28) virgin a. kichitdakikang
b. kikang pi. g<5a£
c. kikangoch pi. c/ia&
d. kikangdi
(29) woman a. kicheikoe
(30) young people a. «'dchkinikinak
b. dchkinikieg I dchkenikisieg
menage 36r
mon petit mesnage 34v
un ho[mm]e fait 19r; cf. kitci anicinabe 'un [homme] fait' (Lemoine s.v. homme)
ho[mm]e remarquable, de
consideration 19r; cf. kitchitwa 'honorable, holy, saint' (Baraga 195b); inini 'man, male' (Baraga 156b)
ie suis un bel homme 23r; cf. nin gokwadis 'I am worthy, respectable' (Baraga 141b)
bel h o m m e 23r; cf. gwanatch 'beautiful' (Baraga 24a)
une fille [i.e., remarquable, de
considera[ti]on] 19r; cf. kikang '[fille] nubile' (Lemoine s.v. fille)
vierge 20r; cf. gigang (Baraga 278a)
petite vierge 20r ie suis vierge, non mariee 20r; cf. nin gigangow (Baraga 278a)
grande femme 19r; cf. kije 'de consideration' (Lemoine s.v. grand(e)); kije ikwe 'une [grande] femme' (Lemoine s.v. grand(e))
mes jeunes gents 39r; cf. nind oshkinig 'I am young' (Baraga 295a)
vous autres jeunes gents 44r; cf. weshkinigid 'young man' (Baraga 295a); weckinlkiieg 'O jeunes [hommes]' (Lemoine s.v.
homme)
8 G E O R G E F. AUBIN
c. dchkinikisi pi. sik jeune ho[mm]e garcon de 15 a 18 ans 44r; cf. oshkinawe 'young man' (Baraga 295a)
The term for 'grandfather' (2) occurs without a prefix indicating a
possessor, as is certainly common if not obligatory in the modern dialects.
As mentioned above, however, this may just be an example of our
author's penchant for using a somewhat abstract form which omits the
various personal prefixes, extending the preference to a noun.
The various terms given as vocatives are somewhat unusual. Those
for 'mother' (3b) and 'father' (4b) both clearly show the ending (ai),
which seems to indicate [ay] and not the [e] of the Baraga forms. Also
unusual is the vocative ending given for 'daughter' (13), a final (a), sug
gesting the vowel [a], [A], or [o]. The form for 'friend' (25c), which
seems to be a vocative, has a final (ee), which does not match the ending
of the vocative form given by Temoine. On the other hand, both forms
with the conjunct 2pl ending for 'young people' (30b) show the expected
(eg) ending and agree in this respect with the second form given by
Baraga.
Several terms show endings that seem absent in the modern forms.
The forms for 'uncle' (6b), 'brother' (8e), 'cousin' (9a), 'child' (14a), and
'mother-in-law' (16a,b) all have what appears to be the diminutive (ens),
an ending that does not occur in the comparative forms cited. The forms
for 'elderly' (24a) and 'friend' (25b) show the same ending although I cite
no comparative evidence. The last form under 'brother' (8f), nisiens,
should contain (ens), but this part of the form is difficult to read and may
be the ending (ers). What is clear is that this form does not contain an
expected (a) before the second (i), nor does the gloss given agree with that
of Baraga.
Other forms show other endings. The forms given in 'aunt' (5a,b)
and 'son' (14a) have an ending (is) absent in the modern forms. By way
of contrast, the form for 'mother-in-law' (16c and 16d) lacks the (is)
which is in the Baraga form.
At least two forms show a difference other than in an ending. Based
on natdkichi (26b), the last form given under 'household', ni-nanatdkichim
(26c), has an unexplained second syllable, perhaps due to reduplication.
And in 'bastard' (22), the second form has an (a) and an (i) not present in the first form.
T H E A L G O N Q U I N - F R E N C H M A N U S C R I P T A S S M 104 (1661) 9
One of the forms given for 'child' (15b) appears to be somewhat
mangled, with a missing (a) and an unexplained (m). T w o obviative
forms, 'wife' (lOe) and 'husband' (lib), have the ending (er), which I
assume represents [ar], [Ar], or [or]. Support for this interpretation comes
from (27d), kderatchirini, in which the Baraga form suggests that the (er)
is also [ar], as well as from (35e), below, miskdeminerkisis, where the (er) again suggests the sounds [ar].
In terms of glosses, I have already mentioned 'brother' (8f), where
the 1661 gloss indicates that it is the younger brother while Baraga and all
the other sources agree that it is the older brother. Another disagreement
occurs in 'cousin' (9a), where the 1661 gloss indicates a female cousin
whereas Baraga indicates a male cousin. Finally, the form for 'mother'
(3c) should be glossed as T have her as mother', as is the case in the form
for 'father' (4e), since both have the same ending.
GUNS, POTS AND METAL OBJECTS
(31) a. apisffcjjichkdtekan un fuzil a battre du feu
b. paskisigan
c. kichepaskisigan
d. apispidar pi. rak
e. apis
f. atdtatan
g. sintahigan
h. achkikoman
i. ardik
lx; cf. apis '[pierre] a fusil, silex' (Lemoine s.v. pierre); ishkotekan 'fire-steel' (Baraga 158b)
arquebuse, fusil 50v; cf. packizigan 'fusil' (Lemoine s.v.)
un canon 18r; cf. kitci packisigan 'piece d'artillerie' (Lemoine 106)
pierre a fuzil francois 7r; cf. apis; piwanak '[pierre] a fusil, silex' (Lemoine s.v.)
pierre a fuzil ('gunflint') 7r mesche a fuzil ('matchlock, gun fuse') 9v
bourre d'arquebuse 59r; cf. sindaagan 'press' (Baraga 199a) ((?))
du plomb 2v; cf. ashkikoman (Baraga 156a)
j'en [i.e., des flesches] fais, ou des balles 8v; cf. nind anwike 'I am making or moulding balls or bullets' (Baraga 43b)
GEORGE F. AUBIN
j. assin pi. nir
k. makate
[[(ou) pingde]]
a. michdkeman akik
b. dabikoman akik
c. dsaoikoman akik
d. dchtigdan akik
e. agoanahaboetchigan
f. dtchikoaganeab
g. dtchikoagan
h. akotakidan
i. arehekoan
pierre, une balle de plomb
8v; cf. assin 'stone' (Baraga 246a)
de la poudre a canon, a tirer
26v; cf. makate 'gun-powder' (Baraga 207b); pingwi 'ashes; fine white sand' (Baraga 357b)
chaudiere de cuivre rouge
29v; cf. akik 'kettle' (Baraga 150a)
chaudiere de cuivre blanc
41v; cf. wabashkikoman 'pewter' (Baraga 391b)
chaudiere de cuivre jaune
47r; cf. esawi 'yellow' (Bloomfield 1958:238)
chaudiere a pied
44r; cf. oshtigwan 'his head' (Baraga 336b)
couvercle de pot
3v; cf. agwanahigan 'couvercle' (Lemoine 149)
anse de chaudiere ('kettle bale, i.e., bale
for the pot-hook')
47r; cf. -eiap 'chaine' (Lemoine 112)
cremailliere ('pot-hook') 47r
persche a pendre la chaudiere ('kettle
pole')
5r; cf. agodakikwan 'kettle-hanger' (Baraga 150a)
instrument a la [i.e., la chaudiere] remiier
7v; cf. aneigan 'pot-ladle' (Baraga 197a)
a. koman (in compositione) metail
23r; cf. -ikkoman 'knife' (Bloomfield68) le metail
15r; cf. inini'koman '[couteau] de chasse, a gaine' (Lemoine 148)
couteau a deux tranchants
16r; cf. itawikoman '[couteau] a deux tranchants' (Lemoine 148) un couteau
b. irinikoman
c. itadikoman
d. matichigan
e. petchigakitch
f. emikdan kikoman
29r; cf. matijigan '[lancette]' (Lemoine s.v.) lame haste 51v
cuilliere d'estain 12v
T H E A L G O N Q U I N - F R E N C H M A N U S C R I P T A S S M 104 (1661) 11
g. mdkmaneab chaisne de fer
33r; cf. -eiap 'chaine' (Lemoine 112)
h. napagapika fer, ou pince platte ('bar, lever, tongs' ?) 35r; cf. nabagabikad 'it is flat (metal)' (Baraga 260b); (p) on top of (b)?
i. sakipasdin agraffe ('clasp, hook') 58r
j. tchistachkdan clou 62r
k. pakitenigan le loquet d'une porte 49r
1. tedessegahigan la cloche 62v; cf. tewessekaigan (Baraga 26a)
m. pimitechedehigan chenet 52v
n. pimitekechehigan chenet 52v
o. mitchigde pi. dek certain os ou fer dont on se sert a prendre
le castor 32v; cf. mitcikiw 'dard (a un, deux, trois barbillons)' (Lemoine 156)
p. dkitchis pi. ser nasse de fer ou au[tr]e chose ('hoop net') 46r
The first series of terms (31) contains forms related to the use of
guns. The form in (31a) is quite difficult to read. The (e) is perhaps best
interpreted as an ampersand that may have been added and squeezed in by
a later writer (indicated by the square brackets), making the (s) rather dif
ficult to read, thus the query. Both of the forms given refer to a 'flint' of
some sort and not to a 'gun', with the gloss referring to this somewhat
specialized meaning of the word 'fuzil'. One of these forms, apis, appears
again in (3Id) and (31e), with (3Id) also containing an additional form,
pioar, meaning approximately the same thing if the Temoine forms are
accurate. The form for 'gun' or 'rifle', which is still current in many of the
modern dialects, is given in (31b), but, it should be noted, here it is with
an [s] instead of the [s] of the Lemoine form. Finally, the second form in
(3 Ik) may have been added by a later writer, whence the square brackets.
The second series of terms (32) contains forms related to the use of
metal kettles. The form given in (32d) seems somewhat unusual. From all
12 G E O R G E F. A U B I N
appearances, it is the word for 'head', as in the Baraga form given, but it
is unclear how this relates to the gloss given in the manuscript, which nor
mally implies that the kettle has a 'foot' or a 'base'. A further problem
occurs in (32f) and (32g), where the same form, dtchikdagan, is translated
as 'pot' in the first case, but as 'pot-hook' in the second. Since akik is the
usual term for 'pot' or 'kettle', as we see in (32a) through (32d), it would
appear that dtchikdagan may best be interpreted as 'pot-hook' in both
cases, with (32f) meaning 'kettle bale, i.e., bale for the pot-hook'. Finally,
the form given in (32i) contains an unexplained (6). In the final series of terms (33), all related to metal or metal objects,
the form given in (33a) suggests that, at this period, the suffix -ikomaan
referred in some more general way to 'metal' and not just to 'knife', the
modern meaning given in the Bloomfield gloss. Support for the 'metal'
meaning comes from (32b) and (32c), where the form refers to a type of
'copper', from (33f), where the form is glossed as 'pewter', as well as
from (33b), where the form is glossed simply as 'metal', and from (33g),
where, with the loss of the unstressed short vowel -o-, the form is glossed
as 'iron'. This same meaning may be present in (32a), but, inexplicably,
the manuscript clearly shows (keman) here, rather than the (koman) of the
other forms, although the meaning is again a type of 'copper'. At the same
time, however, it should be pointed out that (33c) clearly shows that the
form (koman) also had the meaning of 'knife' in certain cases; it is also
discussed in Aubin 2001:8-9.
The gloss of (33e), Tame haste', requires some explanation. Accord
ing to Cotgrave (1611), the word lame referred to 'a thinne plate of any
metail; (hence) also, a blade', much as it does in modern French. The
word haste is more problematic. According to Cotgrave, armes d'ast
referred to 'any weapons, that are usually hurled, or cast at an enemie; or,
as; armes d'hante, ou d'haste; (most properly) such weapons as haue long
heads, and handles; as darts, iavelins; pikes, or speares, &c.' (s.v. armes).
Forms (33m) and (33n) give two entries for 'andiron', both on the
same page of the manuscript. The first has a word-internal (cheoe) where the second form has (keche), but, given the lack of comparative forms, it is not clear to m e what the significance of this difference is.
The last two forms in this section, (33o) and (33p), are included to show that at least some objects, while sometimes made of iron or metal have no morpheme for 'iron' or 'metal' indicated in the individual words
T H E A L G O N Q U I N - F R E N C H M A N U S C R I P T A S S M 104 (1661) 13
used for these objects, which could continue to be made in the traditional
way with bone or other materials, or with metal, without change in the
word.
NAMING
(34) a. napinikas 6
b. rabinikas 6
c. rabinikara
d. dadiatchinikas 6
e. antchinikas 6
ie prends m o n nom de qq chose 35v i'ay le nom d'un mort 55v; cf. nabinikas-azo 'avoir le [nom] d'un mort, heriter d'un [nom]' (Lemoine s.v. nom)
ie luy donne le nom d'un mort 55v; cf. nabinikaj 'lui donner le [nom] d'un mort' (Lemoine s.v. nom)
i'ay un nom ridicule 43r; cf. wawiiaj adv. 'curiously' (Baraga 406b)
[ie change] de nom 5v; cf. andjinikas-azo 'changer de [nom]' (Lemoine s.v.)
Of the first two forms, (34b) is the expected one, with an initial r
from a Proto-Algonquian *8 or *1. Form (34a) begins with an unexpected
n, indicating most likely that it is an Ottawa form, in which an initial n
developed rather early from a Proto-Algonquian *8 or *1, while a medial r
(or l) was maintained. The presence of this form thus gives us evidence
for at least some dialect mixing in this manuscript (Ives Goddard, per
sonal communication). There also appears to be a semantic shift in (34d), with the sense
weakening from 'ridiculous' to merely 'curious', if the comparative form
is the correct one and if it is correctly glossed.
MONTHS AND RELATED TERMS
(35) a. agdtdkichkisis
b. attikamegdek kisis
c. minerkisis
lune au moys des animaux de la terre
4r lune des poissons blancs 9r; cf. atikamek 'poisson blanc' (Lemoine s.v.)
le mois des bluets 30r; cf. minan (plur.) 'bluets' (Lemoine 92)
GEORGE F. AUBIN
d. misekisis
e. miskoeminerkisis
f. namegoekkisis
g. nikikisis
h. dabikonkisis
i. dtehiminerkisis
j. pitchipipdnkisis
a. few plu. sok
b. abitaoissikisis
/ abitaoisitch kisis
c. dkinanich
d. an nipitch kisik
e. egdtching kisis
f. korahatis. i
g. dadiesi
h. dakdi
i. dachekdat
j. pagaka
le m o y s des boques, poissons
32r; cf. misai 'loach' (Baraga 161a) ((?))
le m o y s des framboises 32r; cf. miskwimin 'framboise' (Lemoine s.v.)
le m o y s des fruicts
34v
le m o y s des outardes 37r; cf. nika 'outarde' (Lemoine s.v.)
le m o y s des fleurs
42r; cf. wabikon 'fleur' (Lemoine s.v.)
le m o y s des fraises
47v; cf. otehimin 'fraise' (Lemoine s.v.)
lune du c o m m e n c e m e n t de l'hyver
54v; cf. pitci- 'se transporter d'un lieu dans celui dont il s'agit' (Lemoine s.v. venir); pipon 'hiver' (Lemoine s.v.)
un moys 22v a la moitie du moys;
lv; cf. abita 'half; (Baraga 4b); gisis abitawisi 'the moon is in her first or last quarter' (Baraga 173a) chariot celeste, constellation
46r; cf. Cree okena'nis 'the seven stars, the Pleiades' (Fades 383)
sur la fin de la lune
7v; cf. ani- 'approaching towards' (Baraga 34a) a la nouvelle lune
12r; cf. p. egodjing '... hanging' (Baraga lib)
iay les m o y s (de muliere) 24v
la lune est pleine
43r; cf. wawiiesi '(la lune) est [pleine]' (Lemoine s.v.) le ciel
42v; cf. wakwi 'sejourdes bienheureux' (Lemoine 120) le ciel est serain 42r
la nuee est noire 48r
T H E ALGONQUIN-FRENCH MANUSCRIPT ASSM 104 (1661) 15
k. dacherangdk les estoilles luisent 42r
1. dasikore kisis le soleil luit
43v; cf. wassikwade 'it shines' (Baraga 403b) m. kdtadi. kisis le soleil s'eclipse
25r; cf. kotawan 'block' (Baraga 31a) ((?)) n. makatedisi kisis le soleil devient noir
26r; cf. makatewisi 'it is black' (Baraga 29a)
The gloss for (35c), as the Algonquin form makes quite clear, shows
the Canadian French reference to 'blueberries' and not the European one
to 'cornflowers'. While the definition in (35d) makes it clear that we are
dealing with a type of fish, exactly what type is not clear. For boques or
bocques, Cotgrave says it is 'A kind of great-eyed Cackerell fish, the
which hath on her back many golden, and silver-hued streaks running
along from her neck to her tail' (s.v. bocque). This may not be the whole
story, however. The Algonquin form appears to be somewhat unusual,
with the only close comparative form that I have found, from Baraga, sug
gesting that it might mean 'loach', a type of freshwater fish related to the
carp family, rather than 'Cackerell fish'. At the present time, therefore, I
consider the question of the exact meaning of the Algonquin form an
unresolved problem.
It is also important to point out that the forms in (35b), (35c), (35e),
(35f), and (35i), somewhat surprisingly, are given with a plural first ele
ment rather than with an expected uninflected prenoun, as in the other
forms in (35). W h y this should be so is unclear, although it may be due
simply to an error on the part of the compiler of the manuscript (Richard
Rhodes, personal communication). The gloss for (36c) refers to a constellation, apparently the seven
principal stars of Ursa Major arranged to form the Big Dipper, or to the
seven principal stars in Ursa Minor which form the Little Dipper. Since
the only forms I have found from other dialects of Algonquin-Ojibwe,
opikwanic 'Petite Ourse' and odjikanang 'Grande Ourse' (Lemoine s.v.
ourse), axe not cognate with the Algonquin form, I include a Cree form
for comparison (David Pentland, personal communication).
16 GEORGE F. AUBIN
CONCLUSION The 1661 manuscript is the earliest w e have in Algonquin. Although I
have tried to be as careful and accurate as possible in m y interpretations,
there are almost certainly some errors, hopefully minor ones, here and
there. Both the Algonquin and the French forms date back over 300 years,
and the handwriting is often very difficult to decipher. B y way of illustra
tion, I include here a correction of an item in m y last paper (Aubin
2001:11, example 19a):
aripekoeiad. 3 oi 'ie regarde tournant le col de travers' 8r
aribegdeiads. e 'Le Col' [i.e., ie panche le Col d'un coste] 8r; cf. anibegabaw, (nind) 'I lean on one side, standing' (Baraga 34b)
My original reading of the gloss had been cul 'rear-end', but as soon as
the paper was published, Ives Goddard pointed out that the Algonquin
form suggested that the gloss should be col 'neck' instead. At the time, I
had no explanation for the gloss I gave, and that is where matters stood
for several months. W h e n I began studying the 1661 manuscript again to
prepare the present paper, this query was in the back of m y mind, and it
soon became clear to m e that the col/cul problem was due to a misreading
on m y part. In modern French, the / of col has quite generally been vocal
ized, and the form is now cou, with the older col surviving in several more
specialized uses. It appears now that I was unduly influenced by the mod
ern French form cou, which of course did not exist in 1661, while I was
interpreting at least some of the occurrences of col as cul, particularly
since, given the handwriting of the author of the manuscript, the top of the
(o) was often not closed, as is the case in these forms. As a result I failed
to note one of the forms given by Baraga for 'neck', m 'ikweyaw (Baraga
178a). The lesson, then, for anyone working with these older manuscripts is simple but important: caveat lectori
THE ALGONQUIN-FRENCH MANUSCRIPT ASSM 104 (1661) 17
REFERENCES
Aubin, George F. 1997. The Principes algonquins of ASSM manuscript 104 (1661). Papers of the 28th Algonquian Conference, ed. by David H. Pentland, pp. 1-13. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba.
Aubin, George F. 2001. The Algonquin-French manuscript A S S M 104 (1661). Actes du 32e Congres des Algonquinistes, ed. by John D. Nichols, pp. 1-16. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba
Baraga, Frederic. 1878. A dictionary of the Otchipwe language, explained in English. 2nd edition. Part I: English-Otchipwe. Montreal: Beauchemin & Valois.
Baraga, Frederic. 1880. A dictionary of the Otchipwe language, explained in English. 2nd edition. Part II: Otchipwe-English. Montreal: Beauchemin & Valois.
Bloomfield, Leonard. 1958. Eastern Ojibwa: Grammatical sketch, texts and word list, ed. by Charles F. Hockett. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
Cotgrave, Randle. [1611] 1968./i dictionarie of the French and English tongues. London, Printed by A. Islip. [facsimile reprint, Columbia: University of South Carolina Press.]
Faries, Richard, ed. 1938. A dictionary of the Cree language as spoken by the Indians in the provinces of Quebec, Ontario, Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta. Toronto: Church of England in Canada.
Lemoine, Georges. 1909. Dictionnaire francais-algonquin. Chicoutimi: G. Delisle, Bureau du Journal "Le Travailleur". [pp. 1-258; remainder of book, also cover: Quebec: Imp. L'Action Sociale, 1911].
McGregor, Ernest. 1987. Algonquin lexicon [Algonquin-English]. Maniwaki, Quebec: River Desert Education Authority.
Nichols, John D., & Earl Nyholm. 1995. A concise dictionary of Minnesota Ojibwe. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.