THE PRESS AND THE ST. VINCENT LABOR DISTURBANCES OF1935

Edward L.CoxDepartment of History

Rice University

Paper Presented at CSA Annual Conference, Merida,Mexico, May 23-28, 1994.

(Please do not quote or cite without the writtenpermission of the author).

From the middle of the seventeenth century, the

plantation economies of the British Caribbean had been firmly

wedded to that of Great Britain and other Imperial countries

which imported tobacco, sugar, and sugar products from the

colonies while supplying them with slaves and manufactured

goods. In 1808, the slave trade was abolished as the first

step toward the eventual advent of general emancipation of

slaves between 1834 and 1838, a process which theoretically

permitted ex-slaves full enjoyment of their freedom. But the

continuance of a sugar-based plantation economy in most

islands meant that planters generally were able to curtail

severely the degree of autonomy which ex-slaves enjoyed. In

St. Vincent, for example, so entrenched was the plantation

system that the wages of ex-slaves remained virtually

unchanged for almost 100 years after emancipation. Despite

constant complaints by planters that there existed a shortage

of laborers for the effective conduct of plantation

agriculture, as evidenced for example by the various schemes

to introduce Portuguese and Indian laborers in the island and

efforts to halt migration of workers to neighboring islands,

planter control over laborers remained severe. Denied any

meaningful alternative to working on the estates, the workers

were increasingly dependent on wages from the plantations for

their existence.'

This situation was aggravated from the mid nineteenth

century onwards in which the participation of Afro Caribbean

peoples in the political process was effectively stifled

2

through the introduction of a Crown Colony system of

government, the major tenets of which were that the governor

appointed an advisory council drawn almost exclusively from

the ranks of the white population. Even when some successful

non-whites were grudgingly afforded membership to the

council, invariably they tended to support the interests of

the entrenched aristocracy rather than championing the cause

of the masses. Signs of change appeared on the horizon

however hesitantly in the early twentieth century through the

emergence of Workingman's Associations, Representative

Government Associations, and other organizations which

articulated working class concerns and dissatisfaction with

their exclusion from the political process. Coming as these

did at the very time that the Pan African Movement and

Garvey's United Negro Improvement Association were achieving

a certain amount of following, colonial administrators were

becoming increasingly fearful lest this increase in Black and

worker consciousness might be a prelude to decolonization. 2

The worldwide depression of the 1920s and 1930s had

tremendous impact on the export oriented economies of St.

Vincent and all the other Caribbean colonies. With shrinking

demand for sugar and arrowroot--which had been traditionally

exported to Great Britain--prices fell. This in turn had a

negative impact on government's revenues, which ultimately

led to the adoption of austere fiscal measures. Not only was

government forced to reduce the salary paid to its civil

servants, but estate owners likewise reduced the wages paid

3

to workers. Unemployment grew, as did underemployment.

Amidst the fall in their standard of living, particularly for

workers who were heavily dependent on plantation wages for

their livelihood--discontent increased as workers linked

their worsening economic and social situation with their

disenfranchisement. As Franklin Knight has observed, "The

Depression hit hard at the local export economies. Sugar

prices fell. Wages almost disappeared; and the usual escape

valves of emigrating to work rapidly closed as Panama, Cuba,

and the United States suddenly found black Caribbean laborers

dispensable and undesirable. Between 1935 and 1938 labor

unrest raced throughout the Caribbean like fire on a windy

day. In 1935 the sugar workers in St. Kitts and British

Guiana went on strike, followed by a coal strike in St.

Lucia, and a strike against an increase in customs duties in

St. Vincent. In 1937 the oilfield workers in Trinidad went

on a strike that widened into a general strike, and

eventually merged into widespread labor unrest in Barbados,

St. Lucia, British Guiana, and Jamaica. In 1938 Jamaican

dock workers refused to work without better pay and better

working conditions. The colonial authorities panicked.

Military reinforcements rushed to the colonies to support the

local law enforcement officers. Order was restored at a cost

of 115 wounded, 29 dead, and considerable property damage." 3

While it would probably be disingenuous to suggest that

there existed of necessity a direct linkage between all these

labor disturbances, few would deny that the root cause was to

4

be found in the bankruptcy of outmoded economic, social, and

political systems. This paper provides a brief overview of

the St. Vincent disturbances of 1935 and then examines the

relationship between the Administrator and one newspaper in

that island, "The Times," in the months preceding the

disturbances. It argues that by exposing the flawed policies

of government and their negative impact on the working class,

"The Times" was relegated to an adversarial relationship with

the authorities. Rather than accepting the criticisms as a

means of changing course, government unwittingly created a

situation where disturbances became much more likely. The

declaration of a State of Emergency during the disturbances

provided the ideal opportunity for government to muzzle "The

Times" through its censorship of local newspapers, and

finally the passing of a Seditious Publications Act after

normalcy was restored. In the immediate wake of the

disturbances, publications critical of governemnt came not

from within St. Vincent but from neighboring islands.

The disturbances started about 11.30 A.M on Monday,

October 21st, 1935, when a crowd assembled outside the Court

House during a sitting of the Legislative Council. At that

time, the legislature was giving second reading to two

ordinances. The first ordinance eventually reduced the

license fees of motor vehicles for 1936, while the second

raised the duties on a number of articles which government

regarded "as luxuries and not as necessities. The sole

5

exception was in the case of matches where the Grenada rate

of duty was adopted, and it was assumed that, in spite of

this increase of import duty, matches could be sold

throughout St. Vincent at 1/2 d. a box which is the standard

price in Grenada." 4

About 12.15 P.M., a crowd estimated at about 300,

carrying sticks and reportedly some with cutlasses,

approached the governor on the steps of the Court House and

shouted "we want work," "we want money," "we want food."

Governor Grier agreed to meet with them later in the day at

the Library--where in response to their repeated demands for

work he could only promise them additional road work on the

windward side of the island-- but in the meantime a section

of the crowd attacked the prison, freed the prisoners, and

pelted some cars parked nearby with stones. The police later

read the Riot Act and fired shots in the air as a means of

dispersing the crowd. Casualties ensued when shots were also

fired at a section of the crowd which had assembled in a dry

goods store. Local authorities sent a cable to Grenada

asking for military assistance from H.M.S. Challenger, and

mobilized whatever paramilitary and volunteer forces they

could muster. In the meantime, however, several houses on

the outskirts of Kingstown were attacked and looted, and

there was also some property damage.

The declaration of a State of Emergency on the following

morning suggests that although government adopted the posture

that the situation was well in hand, they felt it unwise to

6

take any chances in what was still a potentially volatile

situation. For a number of individuals of European descent

had sought refuge in the police barracks on the previous day,

and officials were even then still uncertain as to the state

of affairs in the rural areas. As part of their emergency

measures, government also imposed a censorship on the local

press and on news cables. 5

Early in the morning of the 22nd, reports reached

authorities that disturbances had also occurred in Camden

Park, on the leeward part of the island, and that the house

and store of a Portuguese shopkeeper had been looted. Later

the same day, it was learned that disturbances had also taken

place the previous night at Georgetown on the windward coast.

Damage was limited to the breaking of doors and windows

because the two policemen stationed there had succeeded in

dispersing the crowd by firing shots over their heads. But

some had thereafter traveled to Byera where they cut

telephone poles and wires until the arrival of the lorry

patrol caused them to disperse.

Altogether, disturbances lasted no longer than the 22nd.

During the two days of unrest, three civilians were killed,

three died in hospital, thirteen were detained in hospital,

and twelve were treated as outpatients. No police or members

of the paramilitary establishment lost their lives, but six

were detained in hospital and six treated as outpatients.

From October 23 onwards the authorities engaged in the

task of rounding up individuals who took an active part, or

7

were considered to have so acted, in the disturbances in

Kingstown and Camden Park. Official sentiment was that "the

people of the labouring class particularly have been stirred

up to the point of agitation by people who ought to know

better, and although it may not be possible to put one's

finger on individual offenders, the taking of measures to

suppress the activities of such instigators should be given

serious consideration." 6 Some of the ringleaders had

apparently absconded to the hills and evaded authorities for

some time. The prime target, however, was George McIntosh, a

local druggist and head of the Representative Government

Association, a body which was at the forefront of the

campaign for greater participation by Afro Vincentians in

local political affairs. Though charged with "levying war

against the King," McIntosh was eventually acquitted. 7 His

efforts on behalf of the working class were finally

appreciated by government in 1948 when he was awarded the

O.B.E.. Even then, this honor was clouded somewhat by

reference to his role in the 1935 disturbances. For having

admitted that McIntosh "has on all occasions championed the

cause of the poorer classes for better wages and living

conditions," the governor felt constrained to add that "in

his zeal in this direction he was brought before the Court as

an abettor in the riots of 1935....The memory of this

prosecution has tended to embitter him although he still

continues...his championship of the poorer classes." 8

8

In 1935, though, government was faced with the task of

terminating the disturbances and ascertaining their causes.

Government clearly felt that irresponsible reporting by

newspapers had played no small role in the labor unrest.

Mention has earlier been made of the censorship placed on

newspapers one day after the disturbances began. This would

seem to suggest that government felt that the local press may

have played a role in mobilizing opponents of government.

While not supporting government's efforts to silence a free

press, a close perusal of one of the local newspapers, "The

Times," indicates that indeed it had been an outlet for anti-

government sentiment long before the disturbances began. It

may just be, however, that government mistakenly felt

convinced that it had little to fear from the citizenry.

As early as April, 1935, for example, a number of

articles highly critical of government policy and its

handling of legislative matters appeared in "The Times."

Separate though interlocking issues were raised in the

articles, aimed ultimately at demonstrating the ineptitude of

the Grimble administration and his own insensitivity to the

interests and aspirations of the ordinary folk of St.Vincent.

One piece, entitled "A Public Question," suggested that

"something seems to be going radically wrong with the local

government" inasmuch as a notice appeared on a large black

board at a Drug Store in Middle Street (most likely

McIntosh's) in which passers by were asked whether they were

satisfied with the government of the island. 9 This not too

9

well disguised suggestion of governmental ineptitude and

growing worker dissatisfaction was a theme which was picked

up in even more strident manner in other issues of the paper.

Grimble's handling of affairs relating to a statutory

body, the Electricity Supply Authority, provided much

ammunition with which "The Times" attacked his

administration. The Governor in Council's decision to bypass

the Authority in unilaterally changing the fees for the

testing of meters did not go unnoticed and drew considerable

public criticism in "The Times." 10 Nor did the feeble efforts

of C.B. Sayles, the Chairman of the ESA, to defuse the

situation by publishing a letter aimed at distancing the

Authority from the assertions made in "The Times" alleviate

the situation any. In fact, this letter compounded the issue

by causing the newspaper to publish the details of Grimble's

high handed behavior and "gross official discourtesy,

something quite contrary to the characteristics of a truly

British Gentleman, courtesy, affability--graciousness." 11

"The Times" also made tremendous capital of Grimble's

dismissal of an employee associated with the Ice and

Refrigerating Plant, which fell under the control of the ESA.

After having worked a thirteen hour shift without any relief

arriving, the employee shut down the facility and was about

to leave when the acting Chief Electrician unexpectedly

arrived. Having accused the employee of disobeying orders,

the Chief Electrician dismissed him the following morning.

Government a greed to pay him a little more than a month's

10

salary, even though he was entitled to two month's. That the

Administrator supported the action of the Chief Engineer

while dismissing the pleas by the ESA for milder disciplinary

action was interpreted as a sign of indifference to the

welfare of the workers, especially as this employee had been

recruited from Grenada to provide specialized services at the

Ice Plant. Claiming a desire to "dissociate ourselves with

the treatment to a fellow West Indian," the "Times"

reiterated its demand that "Grimble Must Go." 12

In addition, "The Times" argued that Grimble was always

prepared to approve lcw wage levels for Vincentian workers

which they found demeaning at best. As a result of changes

he had instituted in the Public Works Department, a perusal

of the new "Pay List" would cause one to "wonder how these

people live." At the ESA, "the Colonial Office Expert

Electrician laid down a system which called for the

employment of trained men and the pay adequate for such. As

soon as that Expert left the island for elsewhere, Mr.

Grimble issued his instructions ...to dispense with the

services of trained men and reduce the status and pay of

others..." According to the paper, "men who had given

several months gratuitous service to qualify as efficient to

serve in a most technical department of public usefulness to

the Colony" were treated thus shabbily because Grimble had

"got certain people in the Gilbert and Ellis Islands to do a

similar service as labourers. People who did not know their

worth and had little use for money." But Vincentians were

11

"more civilized," knew their worth, had "much use for money"

and should not therefore be treated as Grimble had treated

the "uncivilized people in the Gilbert and Ellis Islands."

Because of his misguided belief that native labor must be

exploited, "Grimble Must Go." 13

Another charge laid at Grimble's door was that his

abolition of the General Post Office as a cost saving measure

had led to undue delay in the processing of letters, to the

great detriment of business houses. Again making reference

to the Gilbert and Ellis Islanders, "The Times" remarked that

if those inhabitants were satisfied to wait six months for

their mails, "we are not and will not tolerate any such

delay. We are the masters in this our Saint Vincent home,

and the General Post Office is maintained by this community,

hence it must facilitate the community and particularly the

business section; and the new rules and restrictions which

are rendering the Post Office useless ever so fast must be

repealed in reply to the serious complaints that are being

made by every section of the people." 14 It seems that the

voices of protest against Grimble's policies were growing

increasingly louder.

Things may well have improved had the Administrator been

fairly accessible. But according to "The Times," the

opposite was the case. Individuals, some of whom were

"persons of good standing in the island," who sought an

audience with Grimble to discuss their grievances were not

allowed to do so. They complained "sorely that they are not

12

permitted to speak with Mr. Grimble as they were accustomed

to speak with other Administrators." Though it is tempting

to suggest that these were the voices of individuals who

suddenly found themselves out of favor with the new

government, it is equally true that a more astute

Administrator would have availed himself of such

opportunities to discuss grievances which were daily

escalating.

Grimble's cause was not enhanced much by the spirited

defense which the rival newspaper, "The Vincentian,"

occasionally mounted on his behalf. That the editor of "The

Vincentian" was a great admirer of Grimble is a matter of

public record.lD "The Times" categorized one such defense,

written by an individual calling himself "Impartial

Judgement," as "inspired" though obviously either "dictated

or written by Mr. Grimble himself." While "Impartial

Judgement" credits Grimble with a central role in the Three

Rivers Peasantry Scheme in which the Three Rivers Estate was

purchased by government and divided into lots for purchase by

the peasantry, the "Times" correctly pointed out that the

Scheme had evolved during the administration of Major Peoples

and that Grimble's role had been limited to the ceremonial

opening. Concluding that the article represented "a poor

contortion of a contribution with a commixture of editorial

interjections," the "Times" hoped that the island would soon

be "relieved of Mr. Grimble whose early career and intensive

13

researches among uncivilized people have fashioned him for

the government of a backward people only." 16

Such public criticisms against the Administrator

reflected sharp divisions within the body politic. The

efforts of the Representative Government Association to

obtain participation in government for a larger number of

Vincentians meshed beautifully with the utterances against

Grimble, in particular, and Crown Colony government, in

general. By September, "The Times" had shown no signs of

lessening its assaults on an individual whom it regarded as

both inept and contemptuous of the interests of the common

people. Continuing its "Grimble Must Go" campaign, the

September 26 issue announced its intention to treat fully in

future issues with the several acts of maladministration by

Grimble. These included: The Sugar Protection Ordinance and

the Sugar Market, the Ice Contract, The Biabou Water Supply,

the selection of4he Mental Home Site, L'affaire Woods, his

attitude towards the Kingstown Town Board in their attempt to

secure an improved water supply and a covered market, the

Girls High School site, and the dumping of the two most

important officers of the colony in Mr. Corea's yard. 17 This

undoubtedly was a most ambitious agenda which could

conceivably have run right into December.

Addressing the sugar issue, the paper queried whether an

adequate supply of local sugar existed for the needs of the

island until the next reaping season. If the answer was no,

then who was to be blamed for the existing situation? "The

14

Times" answered its own question by suggesting that the

inhabitants of the island had been "subjected to a form of

racketeering in this produce and that Mr. Grimble's weakness

is the cause of our trouble." It expressed astonishment on

discovering that sugar was actually being imported into the

colony. Further, it was "staggered to learn that someone in

the KNOW placed large orders in Barbados for sugar to be

delivered here in and around November at the very time when

the request was made for sugar protection law." Moreover, it

wished to know "if the sugar protection legislation was just

a blind to penalise an already impoverished sugar consumer." 18

The inference clearly was that the Administrator had forged

an alliance with members of the mercantile community in order

to exploit the workers.

Before "The Times" could complete its coverage of the

various items listed above, the volatile local situation had

taken a decisive turn for the worse. For on October 18, the

Administrator had presented to the Legislative Council and

taken full responsibility for two revenue producing bills.

The Licenses (Amendment) Ordinance 1935 and The Customs

Duties (Amendment #14) Ordinance 1935 had been touted as

absolutely essential if St. Vincent were to put its financial

house in order and build up for its rapidly shrinking Reserve

Funds. 19

Ironically, this issue of "The Times" also carried

coverage of the disturbances of October 21. Rather than

providing the carping commentary on Grimble's policies or

15

even a detailed explanation of the causes of the

disturbances, the paper carried a brief message as follows:

"The Times" deeply apologises for its undue lateness in

publication. Three columns of an article entitled 'Who is to

blame' dealing with the various aspects of the riot have been

disallowed publication by Government censorship, much to our

inconvenience." In addition, an article entitled "What is

wrong with St. Vincent" was not printed. In its place

"ARTICLE CENSORED AGAIN. TOO LATE FOR ANOTHER." was

inserted. 20 "The Times" had felt the full impact of the

censor's axe, and for the time being was forced to publish

only government-approved articles in its coverage of the

disturbances and St. Vincent society and politics.

Government clearly recognized that censorship approved

during the period of the State of Emergency could not be

prolonged indefinitely after the lifting of the emergency

measures. To ensure that "The Times" tone down its

criticisms of government, Grimble obtained passage of a

Seditious Publications Ordinance, based partly on the St.

Lucia Ordinance of 1920 though it included some harsher

aspects. For example, the authorities now had discretionary

power for the summary trial of offenders. In his address to

the legislature when the Ordinance was being discussed,

Grimble provides us a clear first hand account of his

perception of the press during the stormy past six months or

so. According to him, the liberty of the press had been

grossly abused in the past, and he was unprepared to permit a

16

continuation of such abuse. He continued: "On my first visit

to St. Vincent, I said I welcomed constructive criticism, but

there is a difference between constructive criticism and

deliberate misrepresentation, coupled with abuse of

administration, and at embittering the feelings of the

uneducated." As far as he was concerned, the Ordinance was

aimed at preserving the "decency of society as a whole." 21

"The Times" would hardly have agreed with Grimble's

assessment of the situation.

Now that "The Times" was forced to tow the government

line, or at least lower the level of its rhetoric, it was

left to newspapers in neighboring islands to provide

uncensored and relatively independent commentary of the

events in St. Vincent. Grenada's "West Indian," under the

editorship of Clement Wickham, jumped aggressively to fill

the void. While he was still relying on the scanty

information furnished through cables or local government

releases, Wickham had penned an editorial in which he stated

that though to the outside world the events in St. Vincent

might appear to be "a sudden outburst of uncontrollable

people," closer examination of the circumstances would

eventually reveal "that the relations between the working

class on the one hand and the Government and the employing

class on the other had not been on a sound footing." He

called on employers to "seek to inspire confidence and trust

by identifying with its humbler brethren," while

simultaneously advocating increased education, "proper

17

organization of the working class, and a breaking down of the

barriers which separate one class from the other." If, he

argued, there is a "solid core of education and discipline in

the working class," whatever differences might arise could

eventually be settled without violence. 22

Recognizing how unreliable the information available

through Canapress and filtered through the watchful eyes of

the censors might be, Wickham decided to journey to St.

Vincent on the morning of October 23rd to evaluate the

situation for himself. While deprecating the frequency with

which disturbances had been occuring recently, Wickham felt

that a serious examination of the root causes were in order.

"The West Indian is on the whole a patient, good humored sort

of fellow. The labouring class manages to smile under

conditions which would try the patience of Mark Tapley. When

trouble arises there should be a close and searching scrutiny

to find out whether there is not some grievance which the

ignorant and misguided people sought to remedy by wrong

measures." Recognizing that the disturbances in St. Vincent

could not be undone, he recommended that Governor Grier

impress on the Colonial Office some of the facts he had

gleaned through the past few months. "That forceful and

downright method which he adopted in receiving a deputation

of the St. Vincent Representative Government Association

recently might be adopted with equal force and apositeness in

his reminders to the Colonial Office. If any of these Crown

Colonies are on the rocks or near them, it is not the fault

18

of the people. They have had no responsibility for

Government, and it is unfair to throw it in their teeth. But

the Colonial Office might be invited to enquire into the

conditions of living, the wage scale, the pressure of

taxation, and the cost of administration. These are pressing

questions but they are ignored and anybody who seeks to bring

them home is looked upon as an agitator....These general

reflections are in no way intended to prejudice the St.

Vincent issue. But they might be of value in other

communities in the vicinity of our unhappy neighbour." 23

Wickham's insightful analysis of some of the issues

pertinent to the St. Vincent disturbances assume added

poignancy in light of subsequent Colonial Office policies.

For, rather than dismissing the various outbreaks of labor

disturbances as being highly localized incidents which could

be treated with band aid type remedies, the Colonial Office

ultimately decided to appoint a high powered Commission of

enquiry under the chairmanship of Lord Moyne to make an

overall assessment of the state of affairs in the Caribbean

and to offer recommendations for their improvement. Their

findings, and the testimony of the various witnesses

throughout the Caribbean or resident in Britain while

maintaining an interest in the Caribbean, provided

compellingly useful information which British policy makers

utilized in charting a hesitantly new course for the

Caribbean from the 1940s onwards.

19

At no time did either Grimble or Grier admit that the

St. Vincent situation had deteriorated to the point that it

did because of the confrontational relationship which existed

between Grimble and "The Times." To do so would have called

into serious question Grimble's ability as an administrator.

Removing him before his tour of duty ended would undoubtedly

have appeared as caving in to the wishes of the "Times" and

would have enhanced the stature and following of both that

newspaper and the representative Government Association.

Rather, they argued that the root cause of the disturbances

was to be found in the activities of outside agitators who

were manipulating the working class. Constant references

were made to a visit which T. Albert Marryshow had made to

St. Vincent the week before the disturbances and the impact

of his public address sponsored by the Representative

Government Association. They also invoked the Italian

invasion of Abyaiinia as being the catalyst for all

individuals of African ancestry to rise in arms against

whites. 24 While both of these positions may have some merit,

it is equally true that had Grimble and other colonial

authorities heeded the concerns articulated by the "Times,"

the situation may never have deteriorated to the point of

bloodshed.

1 As late as 1938, for example, one writer speaking on the lack of change in thelandholding and laboring classes throughout the Caribbean noted that "acentury of British rule has created a local bourgeoisie without changing theposition of the laborer. In Trinidad in 1931, just over one percent of thepopulation owned over half the area under cultivation, while in St. Vincentless than one percent owned two thirds of the cultivated land." C.O. 950/30,"Memorandum on the Economic, Political, and Social Conditions in the West

20

Indies and British Guiana, Presented By the International African ServiceBureau, the League of Coloured Peoples, and the Negro Welfare Association,"September 9, 1938.2 On this, see for example, Tony Martin, The Pan African Connection

3 Franklin W. Knight, The Caribbean: The Genesis of a Fragmented Nationalism, (New York, 1978), 179.

4 C.O. 321/363/64320, Gov. Selwyn Grier to The Right Honourable MalcolmMacDonald, M.P., Nov. 12, 1935.5 The Order in Council announcing of the State of Emergency was printed inthe St. Vincent Government Gazette (Extraordinary), Tuesday Oct. 22, 1935.Copies were also posted at various strategic points in the island.6 Speech of Mr A.M. Punnet. Minutes of Legislative Council, Oct. 28, 1935, in St.Vincent Government Gazette, Nov. 15, 1935.7 "The Times," Thursday, Dec. 11, 1935, p.3.8 "Recommendation of George Augustus McIntosh for O.B.E. Civil Division,"(Confidential) Kings' Birthday Honours, 1948, in Archives at GovernorGeneral's Office, Grenada.9 "The Times," 18th April. 1935.10Ibid. Because of complaints of the inaccuracy of some meters, the Authorityhad earlier determined that the meters should be tested periodically. To meetthe cost incurred, a fee of ten shillings had been imposed. At a later stage, theAuthority- considered these fees to be exorbitant and recommended to Grimblethat they be reduced to two shillings. Grimble disallowed the amendedregulation and after consultation with the Chief Electrician who suggested afee of five shillings, amended it further in keeping with the ChiefElectrician's recommendation and published it in the Government Gazette asthough it had come from the Authority. See "The Times," 20th June, 1935.11 "The Times," 6th June, 1935 and 20th June, 1935.12 "The Times," 20th June. 1935, and 23rd May, 1935.13 "The Times," 13th June. 1935.14 "The Times," 30th May. 1935.15 Robert M. Anderson, the newspaper's editor, dedicated his Notes and Reflections on St. Vincent. With Chronology from 1409-1937, (Kingstown, St.Vincent; 1937) "To His Excellency Arthur Francis Grimble, C.M.G., (Governor ofthe Seychelles) In Appreciation of His Services as Administrator of theColony of St. Vincent."16 "The Times," 6th June, 1935. Grimble had apparently written an article bouthis experiences with and observations of natives in the Gilbert and EllisIslands. He later published A Pattern of Islands,which was used as an Englishtext in secondary schools in Grenada at least.17 "The Times," 26th September, 1935.18 Ibid.19 "The Times," October 31, 1935, carrying summary of minutes of LegislativeCouncil on 18th October.20 "The Times," October 31, 1935.21 C.O. 321/369/64333, Grier to Thomas, December 14, 1935.22 "The West Indian," Wednesday, Oct. 23, 1935.23 "The West Indian," Thursday, October 24, 1935.

21

24 See, for example, "The Times," October 17, 1935; Grier to MacDonald, Nov. 12,1935,C.0.321/363/64320.