Spanish Language Contact in Puerto Rico

The American Dialect Society

Spanglish: Language Contact in Puerto RicoAuthor(s): Rose NashSource: American Speech, Vol. 45, No. 3/4 (Autumn - Winter, 1970), pp. 223-233Published by: Duke University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/454837 .Accessed: 07/03/2014 07:59

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SPANGLISH: LANGUAGE CONTACT IN PUERTO RICO

ROSE NASH Inter American University

A LTHOUGH THE INFLUENCE of American English is present, to some extent, in all parts of Spanish-speaking America, Puerto Rico is unique in having both English and Spanish as official languages.' In accordance with the government policy of bilingualism, English is taught as a required subject in all schools from the first grade through the university level.2 The close contact of Puerto Rican Spanish and American English since the turn of the century has greatly intensified in recent years, largely because of the ever-increasing number of Newyorricans (New York Puerto Ricans) who have returned to the island to live, bringing with them the language and culture of Spanish Harlem.3 In the metropolitan areas of Puerto Rico, where Newyorricans play an influential role in the economic life of the island, there has arisen a hybrid variety of language, often given the slightly derogatory label of Spanglish, which coexists with less mixed forms of standard English and standard Spanish and has at least one of the characteristics of an autonomous language: a substantial number of native speakers.4 The

emerging language retains the phonological, morphological, and syntactic structure of Puerto Rican Spanish. However, much of its vocabulary is English-derived. That it is an autonomous language has been recognized not only by some Puerto Rican intellectuals, most of whom strongly dis-

approve of it for reasons that will appear later, but also by the New York School of Social Research, which has offered a course in Spanglish for doctors,

1. The only exception, to my knowledge, is the state of New Mexico, where Spanish has a legal status equal to English.

2. Until 1950, English was the medium of instruction in the public schools. It is still maintained in many private schools. For a discussion of this highly controversial issue, see E. Epstein, ed., Politics and Education in Puerto Rico.

3. For an in-depth study of Newyorricans, see J. Fishman, ed., Bilingualism in the Barrio. 4. In addition to the presence of Newyorricans, several other factors may be mentioned

that encourage language mixture. First, there is a large English-speaking population, including military personnel, non-Puerto Rican permanent residents from various parts of the United States, and transient tourists. Second, virtually all of the products sold in Puerto Rico are manufactured in the United States and are referred to by their English names. Third, Puerto Rico is geographically isolated from other Spanish-speaking areas, so that borrowings from English quickly become institutionalized.


224 AMERICAN SPEECH

nurses, and social workers.5 The other well-known language mixtures, such as Franglais, Yinglish, Japlish, or Honglais, have not, I believe, achieved such distinction.

This paper will briefly describe some typical examples of Spanglish used in Puerto Rico; they were collected over a period of five years from a variety of sources: newspapers, radio, television, public signs, and conversations heard on busses, at parties and meetings, and in classrooms, post offices, stores, banks, and hospitals-in short, everywhere that language is used in daily affairs. First, however, the term Spanglish must be defined because it has been applied to more than one cross-language phenomenon." Although the division between what is and is not Spanglish is not always clear-cut, utterances of the following type can be excluded:

No speak very good the English. [no espik beri gud di inglis] 'I do not speak English very well.' = 'No hablo muy bien el inglks.'

Utterances of this kind, in which English words are put in Spanish order and pronounced in a Spanish manner, are common enough on the streets of San Juan, and journalists have used the technique of word-for-word trans- lation consciously for fun and profit.7 To accept such an obviously ungrammatical English sentence as Spanglish, however, would leave no reason to reject an equally ungrammatical sentence that might be produced by an English monoglot:

Yo hago no hablar espaiiol muy bueno. [yow hagow now hablar espanyol muwiy bweynow] 'I do not speak Spanish very well.'

Also excluded from consideration as Spanglish is switching from one language into the other for a special effect, unless the switching takes place within an utterance in a natural way. Examples of such deliberate switching that will not be considered Spanglish can be seen in two-language advertise- ments, such as:

Buy your home in Levittown Lakes, donde la buena vida comienza. (radio advertisement)

Yo y mi Winston-porque Winstons taste good like a cigarette should. (advertisement, sung in a movie house)

5. See C. Varo, Consideraciones antropoldgicasy politicas en torno a la ensenianza del "Spanglish" en Nueva York.

6. I reserve the term Spanglish for English-influenced Spanish as a first language, dis- tinguishing it from Spanish-influenced English spoken as a second language, which I call Englauiol. The latter will be treated in a subsequent paper.

7. The late journalist Eddie Lopez was a master of this literary genre. He created a char- acter called Candid Flores, whose letters, written in hilariously mangled English, appeared periodically in the San Juan Star, Puerto Rico's English-language newspaper.


SPANGLISH IN PUERTO RICO 225

To put it differently, Spanglish as defined here is neither language containing grammatical errors due to interference nor intentionally mixed language.

Examples of Spanglish can be conveniently, although somewhat arbi- trarily, divided into three main types, each with subtypes. Type I is characterized by the extensive use of English lexical items occurring in their original form in otherwise Spanish utterances. These items fall into several groups. First, there are international terms in science and technology, which also appear in many other languages and are therefore not uniquely char- acteristic of Spanglish.

Second, there are simple substitutions of high-frequency English words that have Spanish equivalents:

Juan estaba en el army, pero se pas6 al navy. 'John was in the army (ejdrcito), but he transferred to the navy (a la marina).'

El bos dijo que habia que trabajar overtime este weekend. 'The boss (jefe) said that we had to work overtime (extra) this weekend (fin de semana).'

Higalo anyway. 'Do it anyway (de todas maneras).' La gente de mi building vive del welfare. 'The people living in my building

(edificio) are on welfare (bienestar pdiblico).' C6gelo easy. 'Take it easy (con calma).' ? Qu6 size es ? 'What size (tamafio) is it ?' Voy al shopping center. 'I'm going to the shopping center (centro comercial).' Ella tiene ojos braun. 'She has brown (carmelita) eyes.' Mi prima es bien nice. 'My cousin is very nice (muy agradable).' Se me perdi6 el lipstick. 'I lost my lipstick (lapiz labial).'

As such common English words gradually replace their Spanish equivalents, the Spanish words tend to become obsolete through disuse or change their status from colloquial to formal. In Puerto Rico today it is rare to hear a

freezer referred to as a congelador, or a truck called a camion. Third, there are cultural borrowings, many of them slangy expressions.

Some, like hotpants, are untranslatable English idioms. Others could be rendered in Spanish only by awkward and often unrecognizable paraphrases. Examples of this category are the following:

El baby esti bonito con su T-shirt. 'The baby is pretty in his T-shirt.' El beisbol es mi hobby favorito. 'Baseball is my favorite hobby.' Deme dos hamburgers plain sin lechuga y tomate. 'Give me two hamburgers

plain without lettuce and tomato.' Esto es un rush job. "It's a rush job.' i Qud down! 'What a letdown!' i Qu groovy! 'That's great !' Lo mio es love. 'My thing is love.' Todos los substitute clerk carriers estin off mafiana. 'All the substitute clerk

carriers (postal workers) are off tomorrow.'


226 AMERICAN SPEECH Cartas airmail para stateside con menos de 11 son surfaces. 'Airmail letters

going out stiteside with less than 11 are surface mail.' Vas al coffee break ahora. 'Take your coffee break now.' Amplio parking gratis. 'Plenty of free parking.'

Finally, the vocabulary of American merchandising, the names of business establishments, and the slogans and mixed-up messages of advertising are a rich source of type 1 Spanglish, as in the following examples:

Sears de Puerto Rico: Use nuestro plan de compra Lay-Away. Use el plan Easy Payment de Sears. Use el plan Revolving Charge de Sears. (signs in a store)

Este album contiene el hit de gran combo. (on a record jacket) Recurt's Office Supplies: folders, miquinas de escribir, account books, papeleria,

sillas, desks. (sign on a store window) Design Mens Salon, toupees a la medida, hair weaving y pelucas stretch para

caballeros. (advertisement in the yellow pages of the telephone book) Marco Discount House: Cabecera con frame, 2 mesas de noche, 1 triple dresser

con 2 espejos. Fibra lavable, 2 corner bed y ottomon en azul. Elegante sofa- cama. (newspaper advertisement)

The last example presents an interesting case of lexico-semantic fusion. Bed and cama, which are identical in meaning, are used as synonyms in the same advertisement, in which English and Spanish have converged. In effect, the words bed and cama have become, for this advertiser, part of the same

language. Many Puerto Ricans who classify themselves as monolingual speakers of Spanish are quite unaware that some of the words they use naturally and unselfconsciously are English in origin.8 One of my colleagues at the University of Puerto Rico relates an anecdote about a visitor from

Spain who was to give a lecture on the campus. When he asked a campus guard for directions to the paraninfo, the guard replied that he was sorry but he did not understand English. After the visitor clarified what he meant, the

guard informed him that the Spanish word for that was asemblyjol (assembly hall).

In type 2 Spanglish, English words lose their non-Spanish identity. Their pronunciation changes more noticeably to conform to Spanish phonology, and they frequently appear in written form spelled according to Spanish orthography. Nouns and verbs assume the morphological characteristics and inflections of Spanish words. Thus the feminine articles la and las and the masculine articles el and los agree in number and gender with their nouns, though I have as yet been unable to determine the exact rules for assigning gender to borrowed nouns. Many, but not all, nouns take the grammatical

8. In general, the level of awareness is proportionate to the level of education, but this has little effect on the frequency of usage. Ease of communication is the chief motivation for employing English words, although the prestige factor, for some speakers, cannot be ignored.



gender of the Spanish words they replace, for example el rufo 'roof' replacing el techo.9 Some nouns appear in both masculine and feminine forms, following the pattern of gender marking in such pairs as la hermana 'sister' and el hermano 'brother,' for instance la bosa and el bos 'boss.'

Among the most frequent types of phonological and orthographic adaptation are the following (the Spanglish spelling is cited when it is attested; the pronunciation is cited when a spelling is not available or the pronunciation does not follow Spanish orthoepy):

Addition of a final vowel: bosa 'boss,' rufo 'roof,' caucho 'couch,' norsa 'nurse,' ganga 'gang.'

Addition of a final vowel and shift of stress to the penultimate syllable: marqueta [malketa] 'market,' furnitura [fulnituira] 'furniture,' factoria 'factory,' groceria 'grocery,' carpeta [kalpeta] 'carpet.'

Addition of an initial vowel before [s] plus a consonant and change of the [s] to [h] (in accordance with the allophonic rules of Puerto Rican Spanish): [ehtri] 'street,' swich [ehwik] 'switch,' [ehtinyi] 'stingy,' [ehtofa] 'stuff,' [ehlip] 'slip.'

Change of /r/ to [1] in syllable final position: norsa [nolsa] 'nurse,' frizer [frisel] 'freezer,' [almi] 'army,' [folman] 'foreman,' [mihtel] 'mister.'

Change of [m] to [i1] in final position: [obeltayij] 'overtime,' [ru13] 'room.' Reduction of clusters or omission of a final consonant: cuara 'quarter,' suera 'sweater,'"o [lihti] 'lipstick,' saibo [saybol] 'sideboard,' [deparmen ehtol] 'department store.'

Ephenthesis: gauchiman 'watchman.' Interpretation of ge as [he]: tinager [tinahel] 'teenager.' Verbs in Spanglish are created by taking on the productive infinitive

suffixes -ar, -ear, and -iar. They are then conjugated for person, number, and

tense according to the regular Spanish paradigms, producing such forms as the following: /flunk"r/ 'to flunk (an examination),' /fluinko, flfinkas, flfinka/ 'I, you, he flunk(s),' /flunk6, flunkare, he flunkado/ 'I flunked,.will flunk, have flunked.'

New verbal formations reflect the activities of everyday life, which is the primary source of Spanglish vocabulary, and may, if used in written form,

9. Exceptions are la marqueta, also la marketa, replacing el mercado, and el window, replacing la ventana. Use of the inappropriate article, such as *la window, is considered ungrammatical.

10. The attested spellings cuara and suera derive from articulatory similarities between Spanish /r/, which is a single-tap voiced alveolar, and the English voiced variant of /t/ in intervocalic position, which is voiced alveolar stop. English speakers with voiced /t/ may make no distinction between latter and ladder. In such words, the Spanish speaker "hears" /r/, and therefore uses the r grapheme. The Spanish phoneme /d/ is realized in intervocalic position as the fricative [6]: todo 'all' [t6o], toro 'bull' [t6ro].


228 AMERICAN SPEECH

have variant spellings, depending on the user's familiarity with the English form or the frequency with which the adaptation occurs. Some common words, such as parquear 'to park,' have well established orthographic forms, and their use cuts across all social classes. Others are in a state of flux with regard to spelling, but not pronunciation. In the home, for example, one hears bakear, mopear, heatear, freezear, vacuunear; in the office, taipear, chequear, clipear; and in sports, pitchear, batear, catchear, hitear, trainear, rollear, slipear, flipear, bowlear. One also hears lonchear, flirtear, foolear, and new creations appear every day with no loss of intelligibility.

Some words of type 2 exhibit a range of meaning more restricted than that of the English words from which they were derived. Thus the Spanglish word estofa, from English stuff, refers only to narcotics. There are also semantic expansions: the Spanish word ganga 'sale' converges in Spanglish with ganga from English gang and can be used in either sense depending on context. A similar case is Spanglish yarda from English yard, which in pre-Spanglish usage referred only to cloth measurement, but now is also used in the sense

'patio.' There are also lexical innovations of several kinds. Zafacon 'garbage can,'

a uniquely Puerto Rican word of unknown origin, has been connected by folk etymology with a supposed English source, safety can or save-a-can. Other creations are chinero 'china closet' and clipiadora 'stapler.'

Some examples of sentences using type 2 Spanglish are the following:

No jangues por aqui. 'Don't hang around here.' (janguear 'hang') Yo no estoy fuleando. 'I'm not fooling.' (fuliar 'fool') El rufo liquea. 'The roof leaks.' (liquiar 'leak') Limpia la yarda. 'Clean up the yard.' ? Cuil es tu job en la factoria ? 'What's your job in the factory ?' Jumpi6 la bateria. 'He jumped the battery.' (jumpiar 'jump') Deme la clipiadora. 'Give me the stapler.' j Sabes taipiar ? 'Do you know how to type ?' Me friso. 'I freeze up.' (frizar 'freeze')

Type 3 Spanglish includes such things as calques, syntactic idioms, and some original expressions that can be recognized as a distinctive new form of

Spanish evolving under the influence of English, much as English itself was influenced by Norman French. Syntactic influence directly from English is not always easy to pin down because some of the manifestations attributed to it, for example excessive use of the redundant nonemphatic subject pro- noun, as in yo no se 'I don't know,' have been shown to be widespread in other Spanish-speaking areas not in close contact with English or can be traced to literary usage. The examples here are therefore limited to well-


SPANGLISH IN PUER TO RICO 229

attested instances of calques cited in a recently completed dissertation by Paulino Perez-Sala (the conventional Spanish equivalent is in parentheses):

El es un drogadicto. 'He's a drug addict.' (Es un adicto a las drogas.) Lo mataron por ninguna raz6n. 'They killed him for no reason.' (Lo mataron

sin razon alguna.) Mi salario compara con el de E.U. 'My salary compares with that of the U.S.'

(Mi salario es similar al que se paga en los E.U.) El estai supuesto a venir. 'He is supposed to come.' (Se supone que el venga.) Ahora si esto hace sentido. 'Now it makes sense.' (Ahora esto si tiene sentido.) Eso hace una diferencia en mis planes. 'That makes a difference in my plans.'

(Eso cambia mis planes.) Nos unimos en simpatia con usted. 'We join you in sympathy.' (Le acompafio

en el sentimiento.) Le dar6 pensamiento a eso. 'I'll give it some thought.' (Hay que estudiar el

problema.) Alberto es 20 afios viejo. 'Albert is 20 years old.' (Alberto tiene 20 afios.) El pasado afio 'last year' (el afio pasado) El plan parecia uno demasiado costoso. 'The plan seemed to be a very expensive

one.' (El plan parecia demasiado costoso.) j C6mo le gusta Puerto Rico? 'How do you like Puerto Rico?' (Q Le gusta Puerto

Rico ?) El sabe como hablar ingl6s. 'He knows how to speak English.' (Sabe hablar

ingl6s.) Llamame para atras (= pa'atras). 'Call me back.' (Vu6lveme a llamar.) Traigalo para atras. 'Bring it back.' (Devuelvalo.)

Loan translations of the more obvious kind, such as perro caliente for hot dog, Caballo Blanco for White Horse (Whiskey), and Siete Arriba for Seven-Up are relatively rare, which perhaps makes their use particularly effective, as in the following:

!EstA en la bola! 'He's on the ball!' Felicidad es comprar en Pueblo. 'Happiness is shopping at Pueblo (Super-

market).'

Other expressions in common use (with the conventional Spanish in parentheses) are the following:

demasiado mucho 'too much' (excesivo) salvar tiempo 'to save time' (ahorrar tiempo) el alto costo de la vida 'the high cost of living' (la carestida de la vida).

The last group of examples, which most nearly represent a merger of Spanish and English into a new dialect, contains elements of all three types and something more. English and Spanish are not only mixed, but fused into


230 AMERICAN SPEECH

expressions with a special Puerto Rican flavor that goes beyond linguistic analysis because it reflects the life of the speakers:

Estas en algo. 'You're in!' EstAs hecho. 'You have it made.' Estaba tripiando anoche. 'Last night he turned on with pot.' Todavia

estr en el tinegeo. 'He still acts like a teenager.'

Quiero un jamon sandwich. 'I want a ham sandwich.' Tengo dos cheeseburgers trabajando. 'I've got two cheeseburgers working.' Maria esta en la high. 'Maria is in high school.' Esta ahora en el grin. 'The traffic light just turned green.' La estofa esta caliente. 'The stuff is hot (illegal).' i Qu6 fallo! 'What a let-down!'

In summary, Spanglish may be characterized as a gradual relexification of Puerto Rican Spanish through borrowings, adaptations, and innovations of the kind observable in every living language. The vocabulary of Spanglish is the vocabulary of practical everyday living and working in a two-language world, in which not everyone commands those two languages fluently. A person must, therefore, select from each source the linguistic materials he needs in order to communicate effectively, economically, and intelligibly with other members of his speech community. In a great majority of cases, the English lexical item meets these requirements better than its Spanish counter- part, though the reasons for substitutions are various. A Puerto Rican buys a

freezer rather than a congelador because that is the word he sees in the ad- vertisements; he speaks of la high rather than la escuela superior because it is shorter; he can express a keener sense of disappointment with i Quifallo! than with the bookish i Que' desenganio! And in every case, he knows that he will be immediately understood by his peers without need of clarification, because this is their common language.

The chief purpose of this paper has been to present a brief description of some types of Spanglish chosen from a continuum of use that is too complex both linguistically and sociolinguistically for thorough treatment here. It would not be proper, however, to conclude without mentioning the attitudes towards the use of Spanglish expressed by Puerto Rican educators, intellectuals, and political leaders and the effect of those attitudes upon that group in society with which I am most familiar-people of college age. For

although from the linguist's point of view such creative activity may be considered normal, healthy, and even inevitable, given the existing language contact situation, there are bitter disagreements about its cultural significance. Puerto Ricans today are a people living in two worlds simultaneously-the world of Spanish colonial traditions and the world of modern American industrial society. They do not want to give up the former, and they cannot



escape the latter. The Spanish language holds a cherished place in their search for a national identity, and any indication that Spanish is being replaced is seen as a symptom of cultural breakdown. The fear of losing their language is in fact one of the strongest arguments in the movement for political independence. Regardless of political persuasion, everyone agrees that Spanish must remain the dominant language."1 There is, however, considerable disagreement concerning what Spanish is and what to do about the "dangerous" influence of English.

The most optimistic opinion is held by Ruben del Rosario, professor of

philology at the University of Puerto Rico, who has written extensively on language change in Spanish America: "La lengua es lo que se dice" (language is that which is spoken), and there is no cause for alarm. Puerto Rican Spanish, he says, has been enriched by vocabulary from many different languages, and the changes that have occurred are no different in kind from those in other Spanish-speaking countries. Syntactic interference from English, he feels, is minimal, and he sees little possibility that Spanish will be replaced, whether or not English is present as a second language.

Sharply opposed to this view is the opinion of Salvador Tio, a journalist and literary figure. He sees language mixture as a degradation and im-

poverishment of the glorious tongue of Cervantes and castigates those who speak Spanglish. The true culprit, he believes, is the official policy of bilingualism, and he would do away with the required teaching of English altogether, so that its presence could not encourage language mixture.12

Supporters of the bilingual policy feel that the solution to the problem of language mixture lies in raising the standards of education. By improving the teaching of both Spanish and English, they feel, it will be possible to keep the languages functionally separate. Luis Mufioz Marin, the island's first

11. During the Governors' Conference held in San Juan in 1971, one of the American governors from a southern state said publicly that English would have to become the dominant language if Puerto Rico were to continue its association with the United States. The mayor of San Juan, who was with him, immediately left the stage in protest and refused to speak to him again. The mayor belongs to the Statehood party.

12. Tio claims credit for inventing the term Spanglish in a bitterly satirical article written in 1952. Pronouncements against the menace of English are made with great frequency by highly placed cultural, professional, and educational leaders, but have little noticeable effect on speech habits. Some examples of vituperative remarks, translated from the Spanish- language newspaper El Mundo, are the following: "For Puerto Rico, bilingualism is the dissolution of its national personality through the loss of its language" (a prominent attorney); "The only bilingualism which exists in Puerto Rico is the struggle between English, which attempts to impose itself, and Spanish, which wishes to save itself" (director of the Institute of Puerto Rican Culture); "Puerto Ricans should not permit a foreign language in one's mouth or in one's soul" (independentista professor). Members of the intellectual elite strongly identify with Puerto Rico's Hispanic cultural heritage and minimize the contribution of Africa, as well as other European countries and the United States.


232 AMERICAN SPEECH

elected governor, who instituted the present school policy in 1950, had the vision of a truly bilingual society, in which the two great world languages would flourish. Yet he warned his fellow countrymen not to mix English and Spanish, lest they become "semilingual in two languages."13

The official disapproval of Spanglish is hardest psychologically on the college student, who feels he is being unpatriotic when he uses English words instead of the "perfectly good Spanish words" that he does not know or cannot remember. This feeling frequently carries over into an aversion for learning English itself. There is an anecdote about one student asking another, "How come your English is so bad? Is it because you're patriotic, or are you just stupid ?"

This is the linguistic dilemma of Puerto Rico today: a generation of students who feel inadequate with their Spanish, uncomfortable with their English, and guilty about their culturally unacceptable Spanglish.

REFERENCES

Alvarez Nazario, M. La naturaleza del espanol que se habla en Puerto Rico. San Juan: Instituto de Cultura Puertorriquefia, 1963.

Dillard, J. J. "Standard Average Foreign in Puerto Rican Spanish." Studies in Language, Literature, and Culture of the Middle Ages and Later. Ed. E. B. Atwood and A. A. Hill. Austin: Univ. of Texas Press, 1969.

Epstein, Erwin H., ed. Politics and Education in Puerto Rico: A Documentary Survey of the Language Issue. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1970.

Fishman, Joshua, ed. Bilingualism in the Barrio. 2 vols. Washington: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 1968.

Gili Gaya, Samuel. Nuestra lengua materna. San Juan: Instituto de Cultura Puerto- rriquefia, 1965.

Granda, German de. Transculturacti6n e interferencia lingiiistica en el Puerto Rico con- temporaneo (1898-1968). Bogota: Instituto Caro y Cuevro, 1968.

Navarro Tomas, T. El espainol en Puerto Rico. Rio Piedras: Univ. of Puerto Rico, 1948.

13. From a speech before the Teachers Association of Puerto Rico in 1953. The context is as follows (translated):

In one of the small towns in the interior of the island I came across a commercial establishment with a sign that read "Agapito's Bar." Why did you do that, Agapito? Why, when not even once a year, do you ever see a customer go by your street whose vernacular is English ? Is it that you feel better when you say it in a language that is not your own ? And if you scorn your language, aren't you to some extent despising yourself? And if this attitude spreads unconsciously a thousandfold, from where will this country get the spiritual strength needed to continue making a respectable cultural contribution to America, the United States, the Western Hemisphere, and to itself? . . . In the long run, we shall be bilingual individuals, but we must decide now not to be semilingual in two languages. Language is the breath of the spirit. Let us not hinder that breath. We cannot climb the mountain if we lack breath.



P6rez Sala, Paulino. "Interferencia del ingles en la sintaxis del espafiol hablado en la zona metropolitana de San Juan." Diss. Univ. of Puerto Rico, 1971.

Porras Cruz, J. L., et al. Recomendaciones para el uso del idioma espanol en Puerto Rico. San Juan: Departamento de Instrucci6n Publica, 1968.

Rosario, Rub6n del. La lengua de Puerto Rico. 7th ed. Rio Piedras: Univ. of Puerto Rico, 1971.

Tio, Salvador. "Teoria del Espanglish." A fuego lento, cien columnas de humor y una cornisa. Rio Piedras: Univ. of Puerto Rico, 1954.

Varo, Carlos. Consideraciones antropoldgicasy politicas en torno a la ensenanza del "Spanglish" en Nueva York. Rio Piedras: Ediciones Liberia International, 1971.

[Received August 1972]


Article Contentsp. [223]p. 224p. 225p. 226p. 227p. 228p. 229p. 230p. 231p. 232p. 233

Issue Table of ContentsAmerican Speech, Vol. 45, No. 3/4 (Autumn - Winter, 1970), pp. 163-320Volume Information [pp. 307-320]Front MatterPhilip Babcock Gove: 27 June 1902-16 November 1972 [pp. 163-167]Names and Terms Used in the Fashion World [pp. 168-194]Little Boy and Little Girl [pp. 195-204]The Dutch Origin of Play Hookey [pp. 205-209]A Year of Ripoffs [pp. 210-214]The Oven in Popular Metaphor from Hosea to the Present Day [pp. 215-222]Spanglish: Language Contact in Puerto Rico [pp. 223-233]English Patterns in Hawaii [pp. 234-239]On Deriving Nominals from Causatives [pp. 240-246]A Note on Multiple Negatives [pp. 247-251]ReviewsReview: Sweet Are the Usages of Diversity [pp. 252-260]Review: untitled [pp. 260-262]Review: The Tagmemic-Case Grammar Model [pp. 262-277]Review: Diversions of Bloomsbury [pp. 278-283]Review: Language Studies Assisted by Computers [pp. 283-285]Review: untitled [pp. 285-287]

Of Matters Lexicographical [pp. 288-292]Among the New Words [pp. 293-296]MiscellanyLinguistic Predictions and the Waning of Southern [ju] in Tune, Duke, News [pp. 297-300]Scholar's Lunch [pp. 300-302]The Literalization of Idioms [pp. 302-304]Immigrant in British and American Usage [pp. 304-305]More Linguistic Reminders of Everyone's Doppelgnger [pp. 305-306]Query [p. 306]

Back Matter

Documents

Spanish Language Contact in Puerto Rico