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Socio-Economic Conditions in Tribal Orissa
3.1 Introduction
The present study is primarily on two tribal villages - namely Dighi in Jamda block of
Mayurbhanj district and Narayanguda in Ramnaguda block of Rayagada district - of Orissa. 1
In this chapter an attempt has been made to analyse the major features of the tribal society of
Orissa (section 3.2). Certain features about the districts under study have been portrayed in
section 3.3 whereas section 3.4 introduces the study villages. Section 3.5 provides conclusions
of the chapter.
In 1991 about 8.08 per cent of the total population of India were people termed as Scheduled
Tribes (ST). 2 In as many as 18 of the total 30 States and Union Territories of the country, the
Scheduled Tribes population formed higher than the all-India average (8.08 per cent). In 11
states and Union Territories, the Scheduled Tribes formed more than one-fifth (20 per cent) of
the total populations. Orissa is one of these eleven States and Union Territories (Appendix
3A). As much as 22.21 per cent of the total population of Orissa in 1991 were tribals. There
are 62 Tribes on the Scheduled Tribe List of Orissa (Appendix 38).
3.2 The Tribal Society of Orissa
Orissa State now comprises of 30 districts. The sex ratio in the state is 971 and literacy rate
49.09 per cent. As many as 87 per cent of the total population live in rural areas and nearly 64
per cent of the total workers derive their livelihood from agriculture (Table 3.1 ). 3 A
1 On October 2, 1992 the erstwhile Koraput district was divided into four districts - namely Koraput, Malkangiri, Nowrangpur and Rayagada for administrative convenience.
2 The 1991 census does not include Jammu and Kashmir.
3 It may be mentioned that Orissa is one of the poorest states of India. For instance, the highest proportion of the population below poverty line in 1987-88 were from Orissa (44.7 per cent) and the per capita Net State Domestic Product of Orissa in 1991-92 was higher only than those of Jammu and Kashmir and Uttar Pradesh [Government of Orissa (1996b, Annexure 20.2, p.A90)). A recent book in Oriya by Mohanty and Bohidar (1993) elaborates on the socio-economic conditions that may explain the
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cartographic picture of the districts of Mayurbhanj and Rayagada in Orissa can be visualised
from Figure 3.1. Some socio-economic indicators of the various districts in the State of Orissa
are given in Tables 3.1 and 3.2. From Table 3.1 it can be seen that in Mayurbhanj and
Rayagada districts more than 80 per cent of the population are dependent on agriculture for
their livelihood (either as cultivators or agricultural labourers).
In 14 of the 30 districts of the state tribal population formed more than that of the state
average. In the seven districts of Koraput, Malkangiri, Mayurbhanj, Nowrangpur, Phulbani,
Rayagada and Sundargarh, tribal population formed more than half the total populations of the
districts (Table 3.1 ). The two villages selected for an intensive survey, as mentioned earlier,
are from the Jamda and Ramnaguda blocks of Mayurbhanj · and Rayagada districts
respectively.
The socio-economic indicators such as density per sq. km., credit-deposit ratio, per cent of
villages electrified for the districts of Mayurbhanj and Rayagada are lower than the state
average (Table 3.2). It can also be inferred that the proportionate share of roads in
Mayurbhanj (5.35 per cent) and Rayagada (2.97 per cent) are lower than the proportional
share of roads in the area of the state as a whole. Further, the share of village roads (Gram
Panchayat Roads) as a per cent of the total road length within the district/state is lower in
Mayurbhanj (64.69 per cent) and Rayagada (70.71 per cent) as compared to that of the state
average (72.92 per cent). This indicates that interior parts of the district are more inaccessible
than that of the state as a whole.
persistence of poverty in Orissa.
64
Figure 3.1 Map of Orissa showing the approximate location of the Study Villages.
z<t--~--
WEST BENGAL
ORISSA
Note: Not to Scale
65
Table 3.1: Socio-Demographic features of various Districts of Orissa in 1991. -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------DistricU Dist. Sex Lite- Per Per Cult+ Per Per State of Ratio racy cent cent Aglab cent cent
Popn. Rate Rural TW as% sc ST ofTW
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9)
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------,---------------------------Angul 3.04 942 51.53 88.54 38.30 59.59 16.82 11.68 Balasore 5.36 955 57.64 90.91 29.52 71.22 18.57 10.57 Bargarh 3.81 979 47.65 93.33 44.30 65.61 18.44 19.56 Bhadrak 3.49 985 60.54 90.07 26.64 73.89 21.71 1.69 Bolangir 3.89 981 38.63 89.49 40.74 67.82 15.39 22.06 Boudh 1.00 987 40.98 95.13 46.55 68.87 19.64 12.92 Cuttack 6.23 919 65.44 75.37 29.68 50.88 18.19 3.49 Deogarh 0.74 982 44.45 92.63 44.87 67.69 14.60 33.31 Dhenkanal 2.99 954 54.91 91.76 32.90 66.25 16.03 12.68 Gajapati 1.44 1027 29.37 89.71 49.29 72.82 8.77 47.88 Ganjam 8.54 1006 46.72 84.33 40.08 62.82 17.91 2.93 Jagatsinghpur 3.20 977 65.78 92.50 27.53 65.06 21.72 0.61 Jajpur 4.38 977 58.00 96.15. 26.44 67.67 22.87 7.40 Jharsuguda 1.41 938 52.64 64.33 39.06 48.60 17.15 31.88 Kalahandi 3.57 999 31.08 93.09 45.07 70.14 17.01 28.88 Kendrapara 3.63 1007 63.61 94.50 25.08 73.91 19.83 0.40 Keonjhar 4.23 974 44.73 87.52 38.82 61.20 11.49 44.52 Khurda 4.74 903 67.72 65.63 29.94 43.76 13.62 5.14 Koraput 3.25 991 24.64 83.33 49.90 65.36 13.41 50.67 Malkangiri 1.33 985 20.04 91.84 46.86 71.90 19.96 58.36 Mayurbhanj 5.95 979 37.88 93.83 45.82 65.34 6.99 57.87 Nawapara 1.48 1002 27.52 94.51 45.65 69.52 13.09 35.95 Nayagarh 2.47 958 57.20 96.65 32.28 72.19 13.78 5.96 Nowrangpur 2.67 989 18.62 95.03 49.00 69.52 15.09 55.27 Phulbani 1.73 999 37.23 93.47 47.75 67.72 18.21 51.51 Puri 4.13 970 63.30 87.48 29.36 66.23 18.56 0.27 Rayagada 2.26 1012 26.01 87.49 48.89 68.62 14.28 56.04 Sambalpur 2.56 956 51.56 74.60 44.08 58.06 17.07 35.08 Sonepur 1.51 979 42.62 92.70 44.06 67.60 22.11 9.50 Sundargarh 4.97 936 52.97 66.64 39.44 46.42 8.78 50.74 ORISSA 100.00 971 49.09 86.62 37.53 63.75 16.20 22.21
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Note: Dist of Popn denotes Distribution of Population of the State across the Districts. Sex Ratio denotes Females per thousand Males. Per cent Rural denotes percentage of Rural Population. Per cent TW denotes percentage of Total Workers to Total Population. Cult+Aglab as % of TW denotes Cultivators plus Agricultural Labourers as percentage of Total Workers. Per cent of SC denotes percentage of Scheduled Caste Population. Per cent of ST denotes percentage of Scheduled Tribe Population. Source: Government of Orissa (1995), Economic Survey 1994-95, Annexure 2.2, 2.3 and 18.1, pp.183-184 and 248-249.
66
Table 3.2: Selected Socio-Economic Indicators of the Districts of Orissa.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------DistricV Dist Den Fert Yield Rate CD Viii Total State of sity Consm (Q/H), 93-94 Ratio Elec Roads
Area per Kg/H ---------------------- Sept Mar inKm SqKm 93-94 Rice HYV 1994 1994 Mar
1991 Paddy 1995
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Angul 4.08 151 12.43 10.09 24.19 28.8 70.9 9036 Balasore 2.38 458 42.47 13.79 25.89 71.0 80.2 3637 Bargarh 3.75 207 46.83 18.92 30.79 109.9 96.9 8425 Bhadrak 1.79 397 48.45 15.38 .31.79 72.7 80.6 2790 Bolangir 4.22 182 10.21 12.31 34.97 71.5 81.6 8008 Boudh 4.22 92 13.38 12.18 21.79 96.6 43.6 4754 Cuttack 2.52 504 32.38 18.17 31.33 68.9 94.4 4610 Deogarh 1.79 84 14.86 12.86 22.73 40.2 29.1 3509 Dhenkanal 2.95 206 8.89 14.91 28.26 64.2 87.0 7095 Gajapati 1.95 <(151 20.33 18.84 30.80 41.8 45.6 5210 Ganjam 5.19 335 36.75 19.59 29.74 43.4 82.8 10865 Jagatsinghpur 1.13 583 32.54 14.78 31.99 33.7 87.3 2399 Jajpur 1.85 480 23.60 14.14 30.26 58.2 86.0 4328 Jharsuguda 1.42 203 42.61 14.27 23.46 30.5 97.2 3612 Kalahandi 5.26 138 9.02 11.03 21.84 88.6 53.2 12056 Kendrapara 1.65 448 22.16 16.39 35.02 62.1 85.4 7257 Keonjhar 5.34 161 10.09 11.77 29.26 51.7 81.0 3735 Khurda 1.85 520 27.45 16.45 32.36 56.1 92.0 4770 Koraput 5.38 123 7.73 13.22 26.63 41.9 47.2 6899 Malkangiri 3.94 69 10.24 13.12 25.79 44.8 31.5 6930 Mayurbhanj 6.69 181 14.03 13.27 26.16 44.4 62.8. 4337 Nawapara 2.21 138 5.96 9.29 17.49 93.8 66.3 10265 Nayagarh 2.55 198 16.52 19.69 42.15 85.1 66.2 6625 Nowrangpur 3.41 160 17.29 12.60 26.31 91.2 71.1 5550 Phulbani 3.52 100 2.85 11.67 23.62 49.2 40.2 6952 Puri 1.96 427 33.83 16.00 30.33 53.6 93.5 8760 Rayagada 4.87 94 6.48 12.97 21.55 36.7 34.5 5702 Sambalpur 4.32 121 46.14 14.09 25.81 51.0 63.6 8624 Sonepur 1.47 209 16.67 17.69 30.11 75.8 74.9 3669 Sundargarh 6.25 162 11.70 9.45 17.53 36.2 83.8 11533 ORISSA 100.00 203 21.95 14.52 29.17 53.6 69.7 191942
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Note: Dist of Area denotes Distribution of the state's Total Geographical Area in each district. Fert Consm denotes Fertiliser consumption. Kg/H denotes Kilogram per Hectare. Q/H denotes Quintal per Hectare. HYV denotes High Yielding Variety. CD Ratio denotes Credit Deposit Ratio of All Scheduled Commercial Banks. Viii Elec denotes Percentage of Villages Electrified. Source: Government of Orissa (1995), Economic Survey 1994-95, Annexure 4.7 and 18.1, pp.197, 248-250. Government of Orissa (1996a), Economic Survey 1995-96, Annexure 12.1, pp.A60-A61.
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Thus,· it can be said that the various socio-economic indicators in the inland land-locked
districts of Mayurbhanj and Rayagada, which have more than fifty per cent of their population
as tribals, are quite low. Keeping this tribal composition in mind an understanding of the
various socio-economic indicators of the tribal population is in order.
3.2.1 Trends in Tribal Population
.The enumeration of Scheduled Tribe population as a special category started from the year
1961. An alarming feature, evident from Table 3.3, is the declining trend of Scheduled Tribe
population as a proportion of Total population in Orissa. This might be so because of a higher
death rate among tribals, which can pe attributed to the lower socio-economic conditions of the
tribals in general and that of the region in particular (Tables 3.1 and 3.2), absence of basic
amenities (section 3.2.4), and inaccessibility to health care.
Table 3.3:
Year
(1)
1961 1971 1981 1991
Trends in Scheduled Tribes (ST) Population as a proportion of Total Population in Orissa and India, 1961-1991.
Proportion of ST Population
in Orissa
(2)
24.07 23.11 22.43 22.21
Proportion of ST Population
in India
(3)
7.76 6.93 7.76 8.08
Source: Census of India, Various Issues.
3.2.2 Urbanisation, Sex-Ratio and Literacy
A perusal of table 3.4 shows that almost 95 per cent of the tribal population of Orissa live in
rural areas, sex ratio is high and literacy rates are low (see the comparable figures for Orissa
in Table 3.1 ). A high rural concentration may possibly be explained by three reasons. First,
large numbers of tribals have not migrated to urban centres within Orissa. Second, urban
centres have not come up in predominantly tribal regions. Or, wherever urban centres have
68
come up they have attracted non-tribals into the region and tt1e tribal population has been
relegated to the rural region surrounding the urban centres.
The overall sex ratio of the state is 971 (Table 3.1 ). This is lower than the sex ratio of the
Scheduled Tribes viz., 1002 (Table 3.4). Yet a matter of concern for development planners
would be the low sex ratio among tribal children (0-6 years) as against the aggregate figure for
Scheduled Tribes of Orissa (Table 3.4).4
Table 3.4: Region-wise and Sex-wise Rural-Urban Distribution, Sex Ratio and Literacy Rates among Scheduled Tribes of Orissa, 1991.
Region Rural
( 1) (2)
Rural-Urban Distribution (as per cent of Total)
Male Female Total Households
94.66 95.05 94.86 94.41
Sex Ratio (Females per 1000 Males)
0-6 age group Overall
Literacy Rates
Male Female Total
998.67 1005.90
33.38 9.30
21.29
Urban
(3)
5.34 4.95 5.14 5.59
980.46 929.63
52.91 27.73 40.85
Total
(4)
100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00
997.76 1001.83
34.44 10.21 22.31
Source: Census of India, 1991, Union Primary Census Abstracts for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, pp.50-55.
The literacy rate, as has been the situation in any subgroup, is lower in the rural areas as
compared to urban areas. This is more so among females. For instance, the rural tribal female
4 The possible explanations for the low sex ratio for the group 0-6 years needs further research which is beyond the scope of the present study.
69
literacy rate of Orissa in 1991 is only 9.30 per cent, an abysmally low figure. The trends in
literacy rates also show that the gap between Scheduled Tribes of Orissa with total population
of Orissa or with Scheduled Tribes of India has been increasing with every passing decade
(Table 3.5). These should be matters of concern from the social as well as policy point of view.
Table 3.5: Trends in Literacy among the Scheduled Tribes and the Total Population of Orissa and India, 1961-1991.
Year
(1)
1961 1971 1981
Literates among STs
of Orissa
(2)
7.26 9.46
13.96
Note: ST denotes Scheduled Tribe.
Literates in Orissa
(3)
21.66 26.18 34.23
Literates among STs
of India
(4)
8.54 11.30 16.35
(3)-(2)
(5)
14.40 16.72 20.27
(4 )-(2)
(6)
1.28 1.84 2.39
Source: Ratha (1992}, Table 1.2, p.7. Census of India, 1991, Union Primary Census Abstract for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, p.14.
3.2.3 Work Status of Tribal Population
Besides a low female literacy and the emergence of a discriminatory sex ratio the dependency
ratio among the females is higher (Table 3.6). This may be so because the work that the
females take to (household work) does not come under work status as per the census
[Krishnaraj (1990)]. 5 The work status of tribal population further shows that nearly three
fourths of the females are either non-workers or marginal workers (more than four-fifths in the
urban areas). The property right system is such that a female can be counted as a cultivator
only when she heads the family. As per the sex-wise distribution, only 17.66 per cent of the
Scheduled Tribe cultivators are females. In fact, only 28.61 per cent of main workers are
females (mostly as agricultural labourers). As a corollary, the proportion of females is more
among marginal workers (92.18 per cent) and non-workers (60.45 per cent).
5 Based on a field survey in three tribal villages and one adivasi colony of Koraput in 1984-85, Samal (1994) pointed out the under-enumeration of female and child workers even if one takes into account the definition employed by the 1981 census.
70
Table 3.6: Work Status of Scheduled Tribes Population of Orissa, 1991.
Region
(1)
Rural Urban Total
Total Main Workers as a percent of Total Population
p
(2)
40.60 33.58 40.24
M
(3)
57.94 49.84 57.51
F
(4)
23.36 16.10 23.00
Marginal Workers as a percent of Total Population
p
(5)
9.53 1.72 9.12
M
(6)
1.47 0.78 1.43
F
(7)
17.54 2.73
16.81
Note: P=Persons, M=Males and F=Females are the sex categories.
Non-Workers as a percent of Total Population
p
(8)
49.87 64.70 50.61
M
(9)
40.60 49.38 41 .. 06
F
(1 0)
59.10 81.18 60.19
Source: Census of India 1991, Union Primary Census Abstracts for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, pp.50-55.
3.2.4 Availability of Basic Amenities
One of the household chores performed by females is collecting water for drinking and
cooking purposes. From the 1991 census (Tables on Houses and Household Amenities) it can
be ascertained that about 92.46 percent (79.24 per cent in urban areas) of the Scheduled
Tribe households in Orissa fetch water from outside the premises of the households. Nearly 70
per cent of the households fetch water either from wells (41.04 per cent) or from hand
pumps/tube wells (30.83 per cent), _which must be in most cases a common property of the
village/community (as is the case with the study villages). However, what needs to be
mentioned is that there are households or rather villages where the sources of drinking water
are river/canal, tank or other sources (as obseNed in some villages in the study region).
Along with drinking water, availability of electricity and toilet facilities can be considered as
some of the basic amenities. According to 1991 census about 90.17 per cent (72.92 per cent
in urban areas) and 98.42 per cent (84.57 per cent in urban areas) of Scheduled Tribe
households in Orissa did not have electricity and toilet facilities respectively.
71
The various socio-economic indicators for the Scheduled Tribes of Orissa pointed out the
following things. (1) The proportion of tribal population has been declining. (2) Literacy rate
among the tribals is much lower compared to that of the State with a strikingly low literacy rate
among females. (3) The population is predominantly rural and depends on agriculture for their
sustenance. (4) Dependency ratio is much lower compared to that of the State. (5) A
substantial section of the Scheduled Tribe females were involved as agricultural labourers. (5) .
And, unavailability of basic amenities (water, electricity and sanitary facilities) to most of the
tribal households. Having given some features of the Scheduled Tribes of Orissa it is
necessary to give a comparative picture in terms of some socio-economic indicators of the two
districts of Mayurbhanj and Rayagada where the study villages are located.
3.3 A Comparative picture: Mayurbhanj and Rayagada Districts
As the study is on certain agrarian aspects in two tribal villages (one each in Mayurbhanj and
Rayagada) it is pertinent to give certain contemporary agrarian features of the two districts.
However, we begin by portraying the population dynamics of the two districts in comparison
with the state.
3.3.1 Population Dynamics and Changing Agrarian Structure
As the district of Rayagada has been formed recently (October 2, 1992) from the undivided
Koraput district, it is difficult to obtain time series trends for the former. Hence, the figures for
undivided Koraput district have been used in this section. The population dynamics of the two
districts has been given in Table 3.7. The erratic growth rate in the recent decades for
Mayurbhanj implies that the population is still susceptible to fluctuation consequent of some
external conditions. High mortality rates may also explain the rise in total fertility in Mayurbhanj
district.6
6 For the periods 197 4-80 to 1984-90 the crude birth rate for Mayurbhanj increased by 9.6 per cent (from 29.4 to 32.2) whereas the state as a whole witnessed a decline by 8.8 per cent (from 33.3 to 30.4). All other districts except Phulbani witnessed a decline. For the same period total fertility in Mayurbhanj increased by 16.8 per cent (from 3.7 to 4.3) whereas the decline for the state of Orissa was by 14.5 per cent (from 4.5 to 3.9) [Mari Bhat (1996: Table-A2, 171)).
72
Again, in both the districts the decadal growth rates have been much lower than that of the
state since 1961, except for Koraput district for 1980s. As mentioned with regard to the
declining proportion of Scheduled Tribes, such a phenomenon may be explained by a
relatively higher death rate. A possible indication that the persons residing in these regions do
not have access to health care. Or if available the quality would be poor.
Table 3.7:
Year
(1)
1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991
The Population Dynamics of Mayurbhanj and Koraput Districts and that of Orissa State. _
Mayurbhanj Undivided Koraput Orissa
Decadal Density Decadal Density Decadal Density Growth per sq km Growth per sq km Growth per sq km
(2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
58.59 26.81 66.17 16.30 70.00 16.82 32.23 10.44 73.08 3.33 72.40 -3.22 31.23 -1.94 71.66
15.21 85.39 15.21 36.83 11.94 80.22 9.66 94.52 15.65 43.66 10.22 88.42 4.28 98.75 11.01 49.06 6.38 94.06
14.55 115.57 15.27 57.90 19.82 112.70 16.05 137.67 23.60 75.79 25.05 140.94 9.34 151.84 17.74 92.13 20.17 169.36
19.14 180.90 21.28 111.74 20.06 203.33
Note: The low growth rate during 1911-21 and 1941-51 are because of influenza epidemic and drought respectively. Further during 1931-41 there was a substantial amount of out-migration to Ranchi because of the new Tata steel plant. The decadal growth rate (1981-91) and land to person ratio (1991) for Rayagada district are 17.29 and 94.13 respectively. Source: Census of India, 1991, Provisional Population Totals, p.33. Government of Orissa (1995), Economic Survey: 1994-95, Annexure 2.1, p.182.
Another obvious fact from the population dynamics is the declining land per person (increase
in density) - an increase in pressure on land for food and other requirements. This may bring
about changes in the agrarian production both in terms of extensive and intensive cultivation.
An analysis of change requires identification of specific details over a long period of time,
which is beyond the scope of the present study.
73
Nevertheless, Tables 3.8 and 3.9 portray the change in acreage and yield respectively. The
former can ascertain an increase in the extensive nature of cultivation whereas the latter might
be a good proxy for increase in intensity. Data for the earlier time point (c.1960) are obtained
from the District Gazetteers of the erstwhile Koraput and Mayurbhanj districts published in
1966 and 1967 respectively. They have been compared with the figures for the year 1994-95.
The 1994-95 figures for undivided Koraput have been obtained by adding the figures for the
present four districts of Koraput, Malkangiri, Nowrangpur and Rayagada.
It is discernible from Table 3.8 that there has been significant increase in the area under
cultivation. The overall increase is about 59 per cent in Mayurbhanj and 200 per cent in
Koraput. However, for a few crops like Winter Rice, Potato, Jute and Tobacco for Mayurbhanj
and Bajra, Wheat and Jute for Koraput there was a decline. In Mayurbhanj, Winter Rice, which
takes longer to be harvested, might have been replaced by the shorter variety Autumn Rice.
Together (that is, area under kharif paddy/rice) there has been an increase of only 4.77 per
cent. This may be because the scope for increasing the area under paddy/rice might be less.
As a result there could have been a shift to the shorter variety of autumn paddy. The difficulty
in increasing extensively might also explain the decline of Tobacco and Jute, which are non
foodcrops. Besides, Jute has lost its relevance as a fibre in the state. In Koraput Bajra, with
the least yield among all cereals, might have been replaced by other cereals whereas wheat,
because of techno-economic reasons, is not conducive for being grown in the Koraput district.
It is also evident from Table 3.8 that during c.1960 paddy was the major crop in terms of
coverage in both the districts. Besides, paddy also constituted one of the major exports from
these regions. The export (rather, outflow) of paddy from the study regions during the pre
independence period has been analysed in Appendix 3C.
74
Table 3.8: Change in Gross Cropped Area for Different Crops in Koraput and Mayurbhanj. ('000 hectares)
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Crops Gross Cropped Area Gross Cropped Area
in Mayurbhanj in Koraput -------------------------------------------- -----------------------------------------------1964-65 1994-95 (3)-(2) 1959-60 1994-95 (6)-(5)
________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ! __________________________________
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Cereals Winter Rice 296.06 269.00 -27.06 262.85 "302.00 39.16 Autumn Rice 19.85 67.00 47.16 51.03 114.00 62.97 Summer Rice 0.05 4.86 4.8 10.24 13.42 13.18 Jowar 0.15 0.74 0.59 3.00 10.13 7.13 Bajra 0.04 0.09 0.05 3.08 2.86 -0.22 Maize 1.96 11.04 9.08 4.54 59.44 54.90 Ragi 0.09 0.19 0.10 13.37 123.41 110.05 Wheat 0.57 0.85 0.28 0.81 0.65 -0.16 Small Millet 0.45 5.68 5.23 2.03 31.63 29.61 Pulses Gram 2.76 3.79 1.03 1.82 4.92 3.10 Arhar or Tur 0.58 8.81 8.23 0.36 34.03 33.67 Oth Pulses, Rabi 11.25 31.52 20.27 2.15 97.66 95.51 Oth Pulses, Kharif 0.57 21.54 20.97 1.58 51.33 49.75 Vegetables Potato 0.22 0.07 -0.15 0.08 0.46 0.38 Other Vegetables NA 63.93 NA 93.01 Spices Chilli 0.91 2.31 1.40 0.77 5.93 5.16 Ginger 0.01 1.27 1.26 0.02 1.91 1.89 Other Spices NA 4.43 NA 4.47 Oilseeds Ground nut 1.66 4.12 2.46 0.81 9.32 8.51 Sesamum 3.18 7.00 3.82 6.16 39.46 33.30 Rape and Mustard 1.85 5.13 3.28 8.10 18.12 10.02 Linseed 2.04 11.95 9.91 0.36 2.73 2.37 Castor 0.12 0.80 0.68 8.26 8.50 0.24 Other Oilseeds NA 17.73 NA 91.76 Fibre Cotton 0.69 4.07 3.38 Jute 0.69 0.37 -0.32 0.53 0.06 -0.47 Mesta 1.39 5.45 4.06 0.34 5.00 4.66 Other Fibres NA 1.42 NA 1.12 Other Crops Sugarcane 0.42 0.90 0.48 4.82 6.28 1.46 Tobacco 0.20 0.00 -0.20 1.22 7.17 5.96
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Source: Government of Orissa (1966), Orissa District Gazetteer: Koraput, pp.183-84. Government of Orissa (1967), Orissa District Gazetteer: Mayurbhanj, p.234. Government of Orissa (1996b), Orissa Agricultural Statistics, 1994-95, Floppy Diskette (Provisional Figures).
75
Table 3.9: Change in Yield per Hectare for Different Crops in Koraput and Mayurbhanj. (Kg/Hectare)
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Crops Yield per Hectare Yield per Hectare
in Mayurbhanj in Koraput -------------------------------------------- --------------------------------------------
1964-65 1994-95(3)-(2)1959-60 1994-95 (5)-(4) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
( 1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Cereals Winter Rice 1076.76 1394.00 317.24 816.76 1546.00 729.24 Autumn Rice 814.00 1000.00 186.00 585.24 833.00 247.76 Summer Rice 770 82 2454.00 1683.18 466.72 2048.00 1581.28 Jowar 204.88 703.00 498.12 551.24 646.00 94.76 Bajra 364.74 556.00 191.26 335.34 535.00 199.66 Maize 742.34 1028.00 285.66 502.55 1344.00 841.45 Ragi 232.44 579.00 346.56 356.47 853.00 496.53 Wheat "437.32 1634.00 1196.68 963.76 1401.00 437.24 Small Millet 229.69 546.00 316.31 446.51 529.00 82.49 Pulses Gram 718.46 644.00 -74.46 446.51 667.00 220.49 Arhar or Tur 958.25 785.00 -173.25 661.49 795.00 133.51 Oth Pulses Rabi 478.66 462.00 -16.66 819.52 621.00 -198.52 Oth Pulses Kharif 477.75 508.00 30.25 459.37 537.00 77.63 Vegetables Potato 6890.56 8429.00 1538.44 3351.57 10130.00 6778.43 Oth Vegetables NA 9292.00 NA 7689.00 Spices Chilli 918.74 884.00 -34.74 334.42 826.00 491.58 Ginger 918.74 1512.00 593.26 927.93 1361.00 433.07 Other Spices NA 952.00 NA 1378.00 Oilseeds Ground nut 701.92 1590.00 888.08 1250.41 1356.00 105.59 Sesamum 331.67 567.00 235.33 187.42 562.00 374.58 Rape and Mustard 497.96 503.00 5.04 430.89 455.00 24.11 Linseed 326.15 542.00 215.85 274.70 524.00 249.30 Castor 192.94 613.00 420 06 231.52 522.00 290.48 Other Oilseeds NA 441.00 NA 465.00 Fibre Cotton NA 0.00 NA 1.60 Jute NA 3.89 NA 5.00 Mesta NA 3.90 NA 5.36 Other Fibres NA 3.40 NA 4.84 Other Crops Sugarcane 2458.55 7040.00 4581.45 1887.09 5825.00 3937.91 Tobacco 734.99 0.00 747.85 654~00 -93.85
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Source: Government of Orissa (1966), Orissa District Gazetteer: Koraput, pp.183-84. Government of Orissa (1967), Orissa District Gazetteer: Mayurbhanj, p.234. Government of Orissa (1996b), Orissa Agricultural Statistics, 1994-95, Floppy Diskette (Provisional Figures).
76
An increase in yield would explain an increase in the intensive nature of cultivation. However, a
decline in yield does not necessarily explain a decrease in intensity. Rather, it may suggest
that the crop is either being grown in marginal lands or as a second crop. Thus, from Table 3.9
one can say that there has been an increase in the intensive nature of cropping for all cereals
in both the districts. This is also true for most other crops in Koraput but for other Rabi pulses
and Tobacco. The former being a combination of crops it is difficult to give any reason but the
latter might have been relegated to more marginal lands. In Mayurbhanj, there has been a
decline in the yield rates for almost all the pulses (except for other kharif pulses) and chilli. This
might be because of a shift to marginal lands so that the essential crops (either from
consumption point of view or from an economic point of view) such as paddy/rice; oil seeds and
vegetables are being grown iri better lands. The next section highlights the contemporary
agrarian scenario such as distribution of occupational holdings and cropping pattern in the
districts of Mayurbhanj and Rayagada.
3.3.2 Operational Holdings and Cropping Pattern
The distribution of operational holdings among various social groups for the districts of
Mayurbhanj and Rayagada as given in Table 3.10 shows that a larger proportion of Scheduled
Caste households have marginal holdings. The figure for Scheduled Tribe households is lower
than that of the Scheduled Castes but higher than that of All Groups. As the landholding size
increases the scenario changes. For instance, under the category of large holdings the
proportion of households under All Groups is greater than that of the two sub-groups, that is,
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. In other words, it may be stated that as the
landholding size increases the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe households as a
proportion of total households decrease.
77
Table 3.10: Area-wise Distribution of Households (HHs) and Area of Operational holdings in the district of Mayurbhanj and Rayagada, 1990-91.
(Per cent) -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------DistricU Scheduled Castes Scheduled Tribes All Groups Landholding ------------------------- ------------------------ -------------------------Size in %of %of %of %of %of %of Acres HHs Area HHs Area HHs Area -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) ---~-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
MAYURBHANJ Marginal 76.85 43.03 59.26 27.22 57.04 23.88 Below 1 hect (7.32) (5.99) (63.54) (65.04) (100.00) (100.00)
Small 17.46 32.74 27.78 34.59 27.75 32.77 1.0-2.0 hect (3.42) (3.32) (61.23) (60.22) (100.00) (100.00)
Semi-Medium . 4.62 16.90 10.43 25.47 11.76 26.93 2.0-4.0 hect (2.13) (2.08) (54.29) (53.95) (100.00) (100.00) Medium 1.04 6.78 2.45 11.50 3.34 14.69 4.0-10.0 hect (1.70) (1.53) (44.73) (44.58) (100.00) (100.00) Large 0.03 0.55 0.07 0.76 0.10 0.97 10.0-20.0 hect (1.79) (1.88) (46.95) (45.13) (100.00) (100.00)
Very Large 0.00 0.00 0.01 0.46 0.02 0.76 20.0 hect&above (0.00) (0.00) (34.88) (34.30) (100.00) (100.00)
All Size 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 (5.43) (3.32) (61.16) (57.04) (1 00.00) (100.00)
RAYAGADA Marginal 54.45 20.90 48.94 17.57 47.66 16.46 Below 1 hect (11.71) (11.03) (72.65) (72.49) (100.00) (100.00)
Small 23.95 21.10 26.08 23.60 26.34 22.81 1.0-2.0 hect (9.32) (8.03) (70.06) (70.21) (100.00) (100.00)
Semi-Medium 15.76 27.18 17.91 30.77 18.33 30.10 2.0-4.0 hect (8.81) (7.84) (69.14) (69.39) (100.00) (100.00) Medium 5.16 24.33 6.55 23.44 6.94 24.12 0-10.0 hect (7.62) (8.76) (66.76) (65.98) (100.00) (100.00)
Large 0.62 5.65 0.48 3.93 0.65 5.23 10.0-20.0 hect (9.86) (9.38) (51.97) (50.96) (100.00) (100.00)
Very Large 0.06 0.84 0.04 0.69 0.08 1.28 20.0 hect&above (7.14) (5.67) (35.71) (36.72) (100.00) (100.00)
All Size 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 (10.25) (8.68) (70.75) (67.88) (100.00) (100.00)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Note: Figures in the parenthesis denote percentage to All Social Groups. Source: Government of Orissa (1993a), District Statistical Handbook: Mayurbhanj, pp.22-24. Government of Orissa (1993b), District Statistical Handbook: Rayagada, pp.21-23.
78
Table 3.10 also shows some differences between the two districts, particularly among the
Scheduled Tribes. The proportion of households under marginal and small holding is more in
Mayurbhanj (87 per cent) than in Rayagada (76 per cent) whereas the proportion of medium
and semi-medium holdings is more in Rayagada (24 per cent) than in Mayurbhanj (13 per
cent).
Table 3.11: Season-Wise Cropping Pattern as per cent of Gross Cropped Area (GCA) in the Districts of Mayurbhanj and Rayagada, 1994-95.
Crops
(1)
Paddy Oth Cereals Tot Cereals Tot Pulses Tot Fgrains Tot Oilseeds Tot Vegetables Tot Fibres Tot Spices Sugarcane Tobacco All Crops (GCA)
Mayurbhanj
Kharif
(2)
76.12 3.94
80.06 6.88
86.94 2.99 7.25 1.64 1.19 0.00 0.00
100.00
Rabi
(3)
4.49 1.12 5.60
32.60 38.21 30.98 24.28
0.00 5.70 0.83 0.00
100.00
Total
(4)
62.01 3.38
65.39 11.94 77.34
8.50 10.61
1.32 2.08 0.16 0.00
100.00
Kharif
(5)
30.72 27.49 58.21 21.66 79.87 13.18 4.39 1.07 1.48 0.00 0.00
100.00
(Per cent of GCA)
Rayagada
Rabi
(6)
1.84 1.29 3.13
41.98 45.11 35.16 14.30 0.00 2.39 0.48 2.57
100.00
Total
(7)
21.74 19.34 41.08 27.98 69.06 20.02
7.47 0.74 1.76 0.15 0.80
100.00
Note: Oth=Other, Tot=Total, Paddy plus Other Cereals equals Total Cereals, Total Cereals plus Total pulses equals Total Foodgrains. Source: Government of Orissa ( 1996b), Orissa Agricultural Statistics, 1994-95, Floppy Diskette (Revised Estimates).
Data on cropping pattern for the districts are given in Table 3.11. The gross cropped area is
about 549.69 thousand hectares (80.3 per cent in Kharif and 19.7 per cent in Rab1) in
Mayurbhanj and 269.33 thousand hectares (68.9 per cent in Kharif and 31.1 per cent in Rab1)
in Rayagada. In Mayurbhanj paddy area constituted around three-fourths of the gross cropped
area in Kharif but it is only three-tenths in Rayagada. This is so because in many parts of
79
Rayagada the agro-climatic conditions, especially the hilly terrain, are suitable only for dry
cultivation. Hence, the emphasis is on other cereals and pulses. This scenario would be
different for regions coming under the Baunsadhara and Nagavali valley. For instance, in
Kharif 1991 around 85 per cent of the gross cropped area in the Gunupur sub-division, which
comprises the Baunsadhara valley, were under paddy cultivation. As the village surveyed in
Rayagada district falls under Gunupur sub-division it can be said that both the villages
surveyed are from regions where paddy is the predominant crop. This shows that what is true
at the district level need to be true at the sub-division or. block level. Hence, the subsequent
analysis highlights the situation at the block level. The next section discusses the land-use
pattern.
3.3.3 Land Use Pattern
The land use pattern during the year 1992-93 in the blocks of Jamda and Ramnaguda can be
discerned from Table 3.12. The absence of scope to increase cultivation extensively in
Mayurbhanj/Jamda is also evident from the fact that about one-third of the total land (more
than half in Jamda) is the net sown area whereas the comparable figure for
Rayagada/Ramnaguda is about one-seventh (15 per cent) only. Large tracts of land in
Rayagada/Ramnaguda are either under forest cover or barren and uncultivable.
However, significant changes have taken place during the last five years. Enterprising
cultivators from the neighbouring state of Andhra Pradesh have taken large tracts of land on
lease. They have been raising cotton and tobacco on these lands. Cotton crop has been
raised on lands that are closer to the banks of river Baunsadhara. These lands were
considered earlier as barren and uncultivable.7 Tobacco has been grown on the lands in the
higher altitudes of Ramnaguda. Earlier different crops were raised on these lands. 8 In
Rayagada district for the year 1994-95 about 2.15 thousand hectares of area is under tobacco
and nearly 1.99 thousand hectares under fibre (cotton accounting for about 64 per cent)
7 This observation is true for large tracts of land in the blocks of Gudari, Gunupur, Padampur and Ramnaguda of Gunupur sub-division in Rayagada district.
8 Neither cotton nor tobacco has been grown in Narayanguda, the study village.
80
cultivation. An analysis with regard to the population at the district and block level has been
taken up in the next section.
Table 3.12: Land Utilisation Pattern in the study Blocks (Jamda and Ramnaguda) and Districts (Mayurbhanj and Rayagada), 1992-93.
(Hectares)
Land Use Pattern Jamda Mayurbhanj Ramnaguda Rayagada
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
Total Area in Hectares 22527 1041800 34635 758470 (100.00) (1 00.00) (100.00) (100.00)
Forest area 576 75619 8712 115911 (2.56) (7.26) (25.15) (15.28)
Miscellaneous tree crops 76 31502 186 3221 and grooves (0.34) (3.02) (0.54) (0.42)
Permanent pastures and 1912 24688 393 7275 other grazing land (8.49) (2.37) ( 1.13) (0.96) Culturable waste 1985 53210 1350 10649
(8.81) ( 5.11) (3.90) (1.40) Land put to Non-agr uses 2018 55167 1716 24937
(8.96) (5.30) (4.95) (3.29) Barren and uncultivable 145 17361 10874 160463 land (0.64) (1.67) (31.40) (21.16)
Current fallows 574 44793 2650 44618 (2.55) (4.30) (7.65) (5.88)
Other fallows 1222 46695 1869 19730 (5.42) (4.48) (5.40) (2.60)
Net area sown 12524 343415 5392 115187 (55.60) (32.96) (15.57) (15.19)
Others 1495 349350 1493 256479 (6.64) (33.53) (4.31) (33.82)
Note: Figures in the parenthesis denote percentages to Total Geographical Area. Source: Government of Orissa (1993a), District Statistical Handbook: Mayurbhanj, pp.17 -18. Government of Orissa (1993b), District Statistical Handbook: Rayagada, pp.17-18.
3.3.4 Occupational Structure, Dependency Ratio and Poverty
The population in the blocks of Jamda (Mayurbhanj district) and Ramnaguda (Rayagada
district) according to the 1991 census was 49,441 and 42,259 respectively. From among
these, substantial proportions (nearly 75 per cent in Jamda and 65 per cent in Ramnaguda)
81
are Scheduled Tribes. Scheduled Caste population constituted about 5 per cent in Jamda and
10 per cent in Ramnaguda. The proportion of main workers is more or less the same (nearly
45 per cent) in both the blocks.
Table 3.13: Occupational Structure of Main workers, Dependency Ratio (Non-Workers/ Workers) and Proportion of Families Below Poverty Line (BPL) in the study Blocks (Jamda and Ramnaguda) and Districts (Mayurbhanj and Rayagada), 1991. (Per cent)
Category Jamda Block
Mayurbhanj District
Ramnaguda Block
Rayagada District
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------~~---------------------
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) -~---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Main Workers as percent of Population Cultivator Agricultural Labourers Livestock and allied activities Mining and Quarrying Manufacturing in HH Manufacturing less HH Construction Trade and Commerce Trans, Storage and Commerce Other Services Dependency Ratio, Male Dependency Ratio, Female Dependency Ratio, Total Proportion of Families BPL
44.20 66.19 22.31
0.63 0.00 2.16 0.48 0.11 2.49 0.32 5.31 0.80 1.07 0.93
95.58
37.28 48.49 31.83
1.15 0.22 5.26 1.60 0.41 3.30 1.00 6.74 0.84 1.70 1.18
90.77
Note: BPL=Below Poverty Line. Also see footnote 9 of this chapter.
42.94 35.05 52.82
1.05 0.00 1.64 0.84 0.24 3.27 0.35 4.74 0.61 1.09 0.81
90.33
41.25 40.20 41.13
1.45 0.14 1.23 2.89 0.89 3.97 1.32 6.78 0.67 1.64 1.05
81.56
Source: Government of Orissa (1993a}, District Statistical Handbook: Mayurbhanj, pp.10-13, 86. Government of Orissa (1993b), District Statistical Handbook: Rayagada, pp.1 0-13, 73.
From the occupational structure of main workers given in Table 3.13 it can be seen that both in
Jamda and Ramnaguda more than 85 per cent of the main workers are dependent on
agriculture. The difference being that the cultivators constitute a major proportion (65 per cent)
in Jamda whereas agricultural labourers are found predominant in numbers (more than 50 per
cent) in Ramnaguda. The dependency ratio, among all categories, for Jamda and
Ramnaguda, were lower than the respective districts of Mayurbhanj and Rayagada whereas
the proportion of rural families below the poverty line was higher than the respective districts.
82
However, more than 90 per cent of the rural families in both the blocks are below the poverty
line. 9
From the above discussion it can be inferred that increasing pressure on land has brought
about extensive and intensive developments in cultivation. Nearly 85 per cent of the main
workers are dependent on agriculture and about 70 per cent of the acreage are under
foodgrains. However, there are some basic differences between the two districts. Among
those dependent on agriculture cultivators are relatively more in Mayurbhanj whereas
agricultural labourers are relatively more in Rayagada. From the landholding households, a
larger proportion are marginal and small farmers in Mayurbhanj (87 per cent) than in
Rayagada (76 per cent) whereas the proportion of medium and semi-medium farmers are
more in Rayagada (24 per cent) than in Mayurbhanj (13 per cent). This implies that the
inequity is more pronounced in Rayagada as compared to Mayurbhanj. The next section
portrays some broad features about the study villages.
3.4 The Study Villages
The purpose of the study, as mentioned earlier on, is to explain some interlinkages of village
economies, situated in inland regions, with those of the larger economy. Further, to highlight
the specific details in the interlinkages the villages/regions chosen ought to be in different parts
of the state. As the purpose here is to conduct an intensive survey and collect detailed
information for at least one village in each region, the two villages of Dighi (from Mayurbhanj
district) and Narayanguda (from Rayagada district) have been selected. The approximate
location of the study villages of Dig hi and Narayanguda can be visualised from Figure 3.1. The
layout of the village settlement has been given in Figures 3.2 and 3.3 respectively (also see
Appendix 30). It is easy to ascertain from Figure 3.1 that both the villages are close to the
state borders. For instance, Dighi would be around 2 Km from the state's border with Bihar in
the North whereas Narayanguda is around 12 Km from the state's border with Andhra Pradesh
in the South.
9 In 1992 a survey was conducted through the District Rural Development Organisation, Government of Orissa in which all rural families who had an annual income below Rs 11,000/- were considered to be below the poverty line (BPL). A general criticism of the BPL survey is that the figures are a gross overestimate. However, this is the only estimate of poverty available at the block level.
83
co -1:>.
From Heselpata 0 0 0 To Ulidihi (fair weather road) ... . ______-:--: - - ~
-, -0
00 0 0 0 m~{ijr}JYJ ooo 0
oooo 0 0
Vy v v Vvv
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fJ(\ /0 D N JJN ~ ~ ~
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v vv v v vvVvv
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CJDSettlement showing homestead fil Lower Primary School
@Water bodies- Tanks/Ponds'-"' v ~Rivulet · . vvv
vv Paddy Fields (d] Anganwadi building under construction o Well
1J'TllbewcH
fj Threshing Floor 9 Sal Plantation in Jahira := Unrnetallecf Road
Note: Not to Scale. Also see Appendix 30.
To Gudta (fair Weather road)
y'
v v Vv v
v v v v v v
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v v v v
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CD Settlement showing homesteads 0 Independent homesteds CZZ3 Cow sheds C!J Lower Primary School o Well
y
v
v v v v y
'if! Tubewell ;:Canal ::t" Stream v.., Paddy Fields COGarden Lands
(X) (]1 Note: Not to Scale. Also see Appendix 30.
y'
v' v
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v
v v
v v
v ' \1 v'
v v' v
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v v v v v
v v v v v v. v
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v y v v v
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The present study is based on a complete enumeration of the two villages Dighi and
Narayanguda. However, these two are not revenue villages. This needs to be explained. Dighi
is a revenue village but the village settlement is such that it has a hamlet (Baleghutu) that is
separated from the main village (Dighi) - Baleghutu is situated 200-300 metres east of Dighi. In
the present study as enumeration was restricted only to the main village of Dighi, households
in Baleghutu were not included. The hamlet of Baleghutu has been excluded because for
certain social and economic activities the hamlet was considered as a separate entity. For
instance, the grain bank that was operational in Dig hi (discussed in section 5.3.4.1) was
confined only to the households of the main village.
In case of Narayanguda the settlement is such that it is considered to be a hamlet of the
revenue village Jhara. The household settlement of Jhara proper would be about 2 to 3
kilometres north of Narayanguda. However, the cultivable land belonging to the people of
Narayanguda comes under two revenue villages - Jhara and Rajbikrampur. This is so because
the revenue villages of Jhara and Rajbikrampur are separated by a road that runs north south
connecting Gunupur to Ramnaguda. Whereas the household settlement of Narayanguda,
which is adjacent to the road, is on one side (east) of the road but with ownership right on
lands which are on both sides of the road. During the present survey (August 95-February 96)
there were four families who have constructed their houses on land which comes under the
Rajbikrampur revenue village. 10 These households also form a part of Narayanguda
settlement and have been included in the census carried for Narayanguda.
3.4.1 Land Distribution Pattern in the Study Villages
The two villages are predominantly agrarian with paddy being the major crop. It is in this
context that the agrarian structure in terms of land distribution becomes relevant. The land
holding pattern in general is given in Table 3.14 whereas the caste- wise distribution pattern is
given in Table 3.15. It can be inferred from these tables that there are no large farmers in the
villages under study. A large number of households are either marginal farmers or small
farmers. The predominant communities in Dighi and Narayanguda are Santals and Saoras
10 The household settlement of Rajbikrampur proper will also be 2 to 3 kilometres west of Narayanguda settlement ·
86
respectively and it is in these communities that some inequality in land distribution is to be
found. This is so because these communities have households who are landless and at the
same time all the households with more than 10 acres also belong to the same communities.
Further, around 35 per cent of the households in Narayanguda are landless, of which more
than two-thirds (26 households) are Dombas (a Scheduled Caste community). As nearly two
fifths of the population of Narayanguda are Dombas who hardly have any land, it may be
worthwhile to give a separate profile for this community.
Table 3.14: Land Holding pattern in the Study Villages.
Landholding Size in Acres
(1)
Dig hi Landless 0.01-2.00 2.01-5.00 5.01-10.00 Above 10.00 All Classes Narayanguda Landless 0.01-2.00 2.01-5.00 5.01-10.00 Above 10.00 All Classes
Number of Area in Households Acres
(2)
5 30 32 13
1 81
38 28 22 15
3 106
(3)
38.00 108.33 92.67 12.00
251.00
38.57 73.14
113.69 59.26
284.66
Percent of Households
(4)
6.17 37.04 39.51 16.05
1.23 100.00
35.85 26.42 20.75 14.15
2.83 100.00
Percent of Area
(5)
15.14 43.16 36.92
4.78 100.00
13.55 25.69 39.94 20.82
100.00
Avg Area in Acres
(6)
1.27 3.39 7.13
12.00 3.10
1.38 3.32 7.58
19.75 2.69
Note: As 1 hectare::::2.47 acres the size-wise classification according to Table 3.10 would correspond to the following: 0.01-2.00 acres (Marginal: Below 1 hectare), 2.01-5.00 acres (Small: 1-2 hectares), 5.01-10.00 (Semi-Medium: 2-4 hectares) and Above 10 acres (Medium: 4-10 hectares, Large 10 hectares and above). Source: Field Survey.
87
Table 3.15: Land Distribution across castes in Dighi and Narayanguda.
Village/ Caste
(1)
No of HH
(2)
Per cent of Population
(3)
Per cent of Land Owned
(4)
Avg Land in Acres
(5)
Variance of Land
(6) -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------. Dighi
Santa/ 63 80.93 84.06 3.35 6.96 Tamudia 11 10.42 6.64 1.52 1.32 Gop 5 5.77 8.50 4.27 1.71 Lahar 2 2.88 0.80 1.00 1.00 All Castes 81 100.00 100.00 3.10 6.31 Narayanguda Sa ora 65 58.54 94.06 4.12 20.05 Domba 38 38.13 5.94 0.45 1.07 Others# 3 3.33 0.00 0.00 0.00 All Castes 106 100.00 100.00 2.69 15.94
Note: HH denotes households. 26 out of 38 Domba households were landless. Others constitute 1 Komati 1 Dera and 1 Te/i household. The three households are immigrants into the village. The former two have a provision shop each whereas the Teli has an enterprise of making puffed rice. Source: Field Survey.
3.4.2 Demographic Features of the Study villages
Some of the demographic features of the two villages have beeQ given in Table 3.16. This
table also highlights differences between the Dombas and Saoras of Narayanguda. First,
Dombas seem to have a higher proportion of population in the younger cohorts (age group 0-5
and 6-14) as compared to Saoras. Second, on an average the family size of Dombas is larger
than that of the Saoras. Third, the sex ratio for Dombas is lower for every successive age
class.11 The decline in sex ratio with an increase in age group is also true for Saoras but the
sex ratio for ·the age group of 15-30 is so low that in the next age group the sex ratio has
shown an increase. The low sex ratio in the 15-30 age group is also true for the population of
Dig hi.
11 Does this indicate a possible relationship between landlessness, higher family size and greater female mortality? To reply in the affirmative would require further analysis that is beyond the scope of the present study.
88
Table 3.16: Age-wise Distribution, Sex Ratio and Average Family Size of the people of Dighi and Saoras and Dombas in Narayanguda.
Age Group
(1)
0-5 6-14 15-30 31-49 50 & above All Class
Population No of HHs Avg Fam Sz
Population of Dig hi
Per cent Sex of Popn Ratio
(2) (3)
19.29 1023 14.19 1462 36.14 791 20.40 1140
9.98 2000 100.00 1069
451 81
5.57
Saoras of Narayanguda
Per cent of Popn
(4)
13.47 14.81 35.69 19.53 16.50
100.00
Sex Ratio
(5)
1000 1200 672 966 815 856
297 68
4.37
Dombas of Narayanguda
Per cent of Popn
(6)
19.67 22.40 32.79 15.30 9.84
100.00
Sex Ratio
(7)
1250 1158 935 866 636 989
183 38
4.82
Note: No of HHs=Number of Households. Avg Fam Sz=Average Family Size. Saoras includes three non-Saara households, 1 Komati, 1 Oera and 1 Teli. Source: Field Survey
This may be partially explained by the existence of a larger proportion of unmarried males in
this age group. In these regions It may be mentioned that boys get married in their early or
mid-twenties whereas girls get married as teenagers. The adverse sex ratio in the 15-30 age
group is not very evident among Dombas of Narayanguda because the Domba males also
marry at a young age. This is so because the male youth (early 20's age group) among
Saoras and the population in Dighi who delay the marriage are the ones who are educated
(beyond High School) but such a group. among the Oombas of Narayanguda is almost non
existent. There could be other possible reasons explaining the adverse sex ratio but this is
beyond the scope of the present study.
Contrary to the declining sex ratio among Dombas of Narayanguda the population of Dighi
shows an increasing sex ratio with every successive age group (Table 3.16). Further, the
oldest living member being a female is more likely among the older cohorts in Dighi (Table
3.17). This indicates that there might be a higher male mortality among the older cohorts.
89
Such an eventuality might be explained by excessive consumption of liquor (rice beer that is
locally known as hand!). The social construction, on the one hand, explains the restrained or
low consumption of handi by females. On the other, it leads to excessive drinking by males. A
causal relationship linking consumption of handi and higher male mortality in the older cohorts
needs further research work, which is beyond the scope of the present study.
Table 3.17: Age group and Sex of of the Oldest Living member of each househod in Dighi and Narayanguda.
(Per cent) --------------------------------------~--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Age group Dighil Narayanguda Saoras Dombas
Male Female Male Female
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)
20-24 2.47 0.00 0.00 0.00 25-29 9.88 0.00 7.35 0.00 30-34 2.47 1.23 11.76 0.00 35-39 3.70 0.00 7.35 0.00 40-44 4.94 2.47 8.82 0.00 45-49 14.81 6.17 11.76 1.47 50-54 11.11 13.58 11.76 4.41 55-59 2.47 9.88 5.88 2.94 Above 60 3.70 11.11 16.18 10.29 All Ages 55.56 44.44 80.88 19.12
Note: The figures denote proportion of households in that category. Source: Field Survey.
Male Female
(6) (7)
5.26 0.00 18.42 0.00 10.52 0.00
7.89 2.63 7.89 0.00 5.26 2.63 7.89 2.63 5.26 2.63
15.78 5.26 84.12 15.79
Further, in Dighi the proportion of population in the 6-14 age group is quite low. One possible
explanation could be a high infant mortality during the 80's. Now, if higher male mortality
among the older cohorts and high infant mortality occurred in many parts of the district then
this may possibly explain the increase in crude birth rate or total fertility. This need to be
probed further because the state of Orissa as well as most parts of the country have been
experiencing a fertility decline (see footnote 6 of this chapter).
90
3.4.3 Health Care and Basic Amenities in the Study Villages
The reasons for high incidence of mortality are specific to age, sex and region. The nearest
health centre is 8-10 kilometres away from the village. People/patients would go to the Health
Centre only when sickness prolongs beyond a particular time.12
Further expenses on health
being unanticipated the additional burden adds to their ignorance. This increases the apathy of
the people.
Added to this there are no proper facilities to take a patient to the nearest hospital. Using an
ambulance is ruled out because the time taken to inform the authorities (which is possible only
by sending a person), its availability apart, would be more or less the same if the patient is
taken to the hospital with the conveyance that is available. 13 The people of Dighi take the help
of households who have two wheelers (four households in Dighi had two wheelers during the
period of survey) to take the patient to the hospital. The households of the patient may also
plan it in advance (as the patient has been suffering for quite some time) so as to take the bus
to Rairangpur. From this region there are two mini buses, privately owned, which leave for
Rairangpur Jamda early in the morning and return later in the evening. The nearest bus stop
for the people of Dighi is about 500 metres away in Jarkani, the adjacent village, which also
happens to be the gram panchayat. As mentioned earlier, Narayanguda is adjacent to a
metalled road that connects Gunupur to Ramnaguda. In this route there are some buses and
treckers which ply during the day. It may however be mentioned that the frequency of these
buses/treckers is not very regular and waiting for them may be quite frustrating but there is no
other alternative for unlike in Dighi, no household in Narayanguda owns a vehicle.
Besides an account on the health and transport facilities, some discussion on the availability of
basic amenities like water, electricity and toilet may be called for. The latter two amenities are
12 In Narayanguda as in most parts of erstwhile Koraput district malaria is very common. The most dreadful of this being cerebral malaria (meningitis). However, meningitis can be detected very easily by the persistence of headache and would become fatal only if the headache persists beyond 24 hours. The cure is also quite simple - administration of saline. Local health workers in Kujendri, which is 3 Km to the south of Narayanguda (towards Gunupur), when informed come with saline immediately and administer it to the patient. For the treatment the patients pay for the saline, a disposable syringe and service charges for the health worker. This system of treatment can be considered as the emergence of a new institution.
13 It may also be mentioned that there are no telecom facilities available in the study villages.
91
non-existent in the study village but the households do have access to different sources of
water within the village. People in Dighi use water from three sources for their daily
requirements. A tubewell situated in the centre of the village suffices for drinking/cooking
purposes, water in the tanks/ponds is used for bathing and washing clothes, and water from
wells situated in the backyard of some of the households is used for all other requirements of
water within the household. In Narayanguda the residents draw water from their respective
community wells for most of their daily requirements. 14 There are also two tubewells - one
from which the Dombas are excluded and the other that is exclusiv~ly theirs - but water from
them is not meant for drinking or cooking as the water smells of iron. Families of Narayanguda
who have constructed houses in the land under Rajbikrampur revenue village have access to
different sources of water. The analysis on infrastructure shows that the study villages/region
are not very well developed with regard to the availability of health facilities, transportation and
communication, and some basic amenities in the households. The next section analyses the
changing nature of production conditions in the recent past. This is based on oral history
collected during the field survey (August 95-February 96).
3.4.4 An Overview of the recent Past
About fifty years ago the forest cover in both the regions was said to be much more than what
was observed during the period of survey. A discussion with the older generation revealed that
the forest cover, over the years became less dense (Narayanguda) and the larger stretches of
barren land was non-existent - trees were there in every direction (Oighi). The forest growth
also enabled a variety in plant and animal kingdoms to exist. Hunting and gathering ;''"f)virlAd
different kinds of edible products for the people. Nowadays hunting and gathering is almost
non-existent. However, it should be ·mentioned that 50 years ago (mid-twentieth century)
hunting and gathering was not the predominant mode either in the Dighi or Narayanguda
region. Nevertheless, it substituted cultivation of different crops - today it is extinct. For
instance, the festival of Disom sendra (Annual hunt) among Santals [Archer (1974), Sodding
14 There are two wells in the village referred to as the village well and the domba sahi well. Dombas being lower in the social hierarchy do not have access to the village well. Similarly, others also do not use the domba sahi well. Dombas exclusion only prevents them from fetching the water but they can very well use it if someone else fetches it for them but others cannot use the water from the domba sa hi well.
92
eta/ (1994) and Troisi (1979)] in which a number of villages participate is not prevalent in the
study region.
Indebtedness and usury over the years put the agriculturist under the control of the
moneylender. Not only land but also labour was controlled by the sahukars (moneylenders). 15
McAlpin (1981) for the districts of Birbhum, Bankura, Midnapore and Balasore and Sen (1984)
for the Jungle Mahals have shown how indebtedness led to widespread land alienation and
bondage of Santals. In this aspect Troisi's (1979) study on Santal Pargana refers to Man
(1867). However, after independence such restrictive operations by the moneylenders were
sought to be controlled under Orissa Money Lenders' Act 1948 and Debt Bondage Abolition
15 Various methods of indebtedness leading to bondage and land alienation in Koraput have been discussed, following Mohanty (1983 and 1987), in Mishra (1993). Land alienation and debt bondage was also prevalent in Mayurbhanj. Among Santals there is a folklore that explains the methods of a diku (outsider), who also claims to be a creditor. The folklore is as follows.
In a jungle there lived a tiger couple with their cubs in a cave. Everyday the tiger couple used to go to the jungle in search of food. The food should be sufficient enough so as to satisfy the requirements of theirs and their cubs till they are out in the jungle the next day. However, over time the tiger couple realised that their cubs were not growing properly and looked malnourished. After inquiring from the cubs they found out that a jackal (diku) used to come to the cave after the couple left for the jungle. The jackal claimed to have given loans to the tiger couple and he was coming to collect the dues. The absence of the couple substantiated the jackal's point that the couple left the place early so that they can avoid the jackal. Having come the jackal ought to take something and for this the cubs had no other option but to part with the food meant for them.
Having heard the story from the cubs the following day the tigress stays back and as usual the jackal comes but after seeing the tigress the jackal immediately said that "it is your husband who had taken the loan and very cunningly he has asked you to stay back". When the tigress questioned it the jackal said: "Then why is it that your husband, the tiger, did not stay back? He must have kept the loan a secret from you." With this the tigress is not only taken aback but also yielded by parting with the food meant for the cubs.
The next day the tiger stays back and when the jackal comes in his regular trip he is attacked by the tiger. The jackal runs into the jungle with the tiger after him. In the jungle there was a hollow log lying somewhere which is big enough for the jackal to go inside but not so big for the tiger. However, the tiger in his rage follows the jackal into the log and as a result his head gets stuck inside the hollow tree trunk. The jackal comes out from the other end and sEpeing the tiger stuck pushes the tiger further into the log and in the process the tiger dies. The tigress is told that the tiger's death was a punishment and the fact that he died indebted it was for his wife and children to redeem the debt. In the process the tigress gets married to the jackal so as to serve the latter. So goes the story.
However, the above account explains how indebtedness was a creation of the jackal, a diku, through his shrewdness.
93
Regulation, 1948. Added to this, the Orissa Tenants' Protection Act, 1948; Orissa Tenants'
Relief Act, 1955 and Orissa Land Reforms Act, 1964 helped in giving land to the tiller. Further
the Orissa Scheduled Areas Transfer of Immovable Property (By Scheduled Trib~s)
Regulation, 1956 also restricted the transfer of land owned by Scheduled Tribes to non-tribals.
These Acts brought about some significant changes in the region in general and th~ study
villages in particular. Around late 1960' and early 1970's a grain bank came up in Dighi by the
contribution of the villagers. Its purpose was to provide loans to the villagers during the time of
need in the lean period and then collect the principal with some interest after the harvest. 16
Similarly, in Narayanguda most of the households could get ownership rights for the land, this
was not the case earlier. 17
The 1980's saw the coming of canal irrigation to Narayanguda. This brought about a shift in
the cropping pattern fr-om dry crop cultivation to cultivation of irrigated paddy. This period also
saw the spread of HYV seeds and fertilisers in both Dighi as well as Narayanguda. More
recently, in the Nineties, diesel pumps/halers are being used for irrigating land under
horticulture cultivation in Dighi during the Rabi season. Similarly, in Narayanguda the use of
tractors for ploughing the fields after the initial showers is increasingly becoming more
popular. 18 Further, in both the villages, more and more land was being used for cultivating
paddy of the shorter variety, which requires water for fewer days. This brief discussion
highlights some important changes in the production process that occurred over the last fifty
years.
16 It may be mentioned that the during the 1970's grain banks came up in almost all the villages in this region but during the period of survey they were not functional in most of the villages. However, the grain bank of Dighi is still functional. The emergence of grain banks was all through the district after its amalgamation with the state of Orissa (January 1, 1949). It was not a new creation but an outcome of the existing hamars (granaries of the feudatory state of Mayurbhanj), which provided paddy loans to the peasantry.
17 This also required some effort from the people that was made possible by the involvement of a freedom fighter, Sri Gobardhan Gomango, who hailed from this village.
18 The village youth came together to form a club during the period ofsurvey and with some help from the Block officials a formal co-operative society was registered and through government subsidies the society has acquired a tractor of their own in early 1997. For Kharif 1997 this tractor has been used for ploughing the land of the village as well as neighbouring villages by hiring out the tractor.
94
The above analysis on land distribution, demographic structure, infrastructure and an overview
of the recent past is meant to serve as a background for an analysis of the agrarian production
(chapter 4) and distribution systems (chapter 5) in the two villages surveyed.
3.5 Conclusion
The study regions are land-locked inland regions where the population is predominantly tribal,
rural and agrarian. It was observed that the inland regions in general and the study villages in
particular have not been well developed in terms of communication network, availability of
basic amenities and other infrastructure. The absence of a class of large farmers either at the
village or the district level also needs to be highlighted. Thus, on the one hand the various
socio-economic conditions are at a very low level compared to that of Orissa, which itself is a
poor State. On the other, the absence of a class of farmers who operate in the more
prosperous regions of Punjab or Coastal Andhra serve as distinct features of the study
regions.
One also observed some subtle differences between the two regions· under study. An increase
in area and yield has been relatively more in undivided Koraput (Rayagada) as compared to
Mayurbhanj. Though the proportion of population dependent on agriculture is the same in both
the districts yet the proportion of agricultural labourers are more in Rayagada and as a
corollary cultivators are more in Mayurbhanj. Among cultivators marginal and small farmers
are proportionately more in Mayurbhanj whereas medium and semi-medium farmers are more
in Rayagada. Thus, inequity in land distribution is relatively more in Rayagada as compared to
Mayurbhanj.
It is in this background that the subsequent chapters look into the evolution of institutions,
impact of persisting institutions on transaction costs, and the micro-processes (sequential and
specific activities) with emphasis on the production organisation in agriculture in chapter 4 and
the distribution of the produce in chapter 5. Conclusions are given in chapter 6.
95
Appendix 3A
Distribution of Scheduled Tribe Population in India, 1991
State/ Union Territory (UT)
Andaman and Nicobar Islands Andhra Pradesh Arunachal Pradesh Assam Bihar Chandigarh Dadar & Nagar Haveli Daman & Diu Delhi Goa Gujurat Haryana Himachal Pradesh Jammu and Kashmir Karnataka Kerala Lakshadweep Madhya Pradesh Maharashtra Manipur Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland Orissa Pondicherry Punjab Rajasthan Sikkim Tamil Nadu Tripura Uttar Pradesh West Bengal INDIA
Per cent of Scheduled Tribe in State/UT to
Total Population of State/UT
9.94 6.31
63.66 12.82
7.66
78.99 11.54
0.03 14.92
4.22
4.26 1.10
93.15 23.27
9.27 34.41 85.53 94.75 87.70 22.21
12.44 22.36
1.03 30.95
0.21 5.59 8.08
Per cent of Scheduled Tribe in State/UT to Total Scheduled Tribe
Population of India
0.04 6.20 0.81 4.24 9.77
0.16 0.02
0.001 9.09
0.32
2.83 0.47 0.07
22.73 10.80 0.93 2.24 0.96 1.57
10.38
8.08 0.13 0.85 1.26 0.42 5.62
100.00
Note: Enumeration did not take place in Jammu and Kashmir in 1991 and as per the presidential order there are no Scheduled Tribes in the States/UTs of Chandigarh, Delhi, Haryana, Pondicherry and Punjab. Source: Census of India, 1991, Union Primary Census Abstract for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, pp.11, 44, 50, 56 and 62.
96
Appendix 38
List of Scheduled Tribes of Orissa -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------1 Bagata 24 Holva 43 Lodha
2 Baiga 25 Jatapu 44 Madia
3 Banjara, Banjari 26 Juanga 45 Mahali
4 Bathudi 27 Kandha Ganda 46 Mankidi
5 Bhottada, Dhotada 28 Kawar 47 Mankirdia
6 Bhuiya, Bhuyan 29 Kharia, Kharian . 48 Matya
7 Bhumia 30 Kharwar 49 Mirdhas
8 Bhumji 31 Khond, Kond, 50 Munda,
9 Bhumjia Kanda, Munda Lohara,
10 Binjhal Nanguli Kandha, Munda Mahalis
11 Binjhia, Binjhoa Sitha Kandha 51 Mundari
12 Birhor 32 Kisan 52 Omanatya
13 Banda Poraja 33 Kol 53 Ora on
14 Chenchu 34 Kolah Loharar, 54 Parenga
15 Dal Kol Loharar 55 Paroja
16 Desua Bhumij 35 Kolha 56 Pentia
17 Dharua 36 Koli, Malhar 57 Rajour
18 Didayi 37 Kondadora 58 Santa I
19 Gadaba 38 Kora 59 Saora, Saura,
20 Gandia 39 Korua Savar, Sahara
21 Ghara 40 Kotia 60 Shabar, Lodha
22 Gond, Gonda 41 Koya 61 Sounti
23 Ho 42 Kulis 62 Tharua
Note: Two points need to be mentioned. First there are some tribes which have been identified with different names. They are (1) Binjhal and Binjhia; (2) Birhor, Mankidi and Mankirdia; (3) Ho, Kol and Kolha; (4) Koli and Kulis; (5) Munda and Mundari; (6) Mahali and Munda Mahali; and (7} Lodha and Shabar or Lodha. Second there are some cases where two different tribes are identified under the same category. They are (1) Kolah Loharar and Kol Loharar; (2) Koli and Malhar; (3) Munda, Munda Lohara and Munda Mahalis; and (4) Saara and Sahara. The highlighted tribes are the ones under study. Source: Mahapatra and Das ( 1980: 9} and Shashi ( 1995: 34-36).
97
Appendix 3C
Outflow of Paddy/Rice Prior to Independence
During the pre-independence period paddy/rice constituted one of the major exports from the
study regions. This process gained mom,entum in the late 19th and early 20th century with the
building up of transportation network that connected these regions with other parts of the
country. This network was presumably meant for facilitating the exploitation of forests and
mineral wealth of these inland regions. The opening up of the Rupsa-Baripada railway line in
January 1905 resulted in the influx of rice traders who penetrated into the interior parts of
Mayurbhanj district. This had also raised the price of rice by about 50 per cent [Government of
Orissa, hereafter GOO (1967: 283)]. The operation of these traders was so pervasive that in
1912 rice and foodgrains were exported from almost every village in Mayurbhanj and in spite
of a bumper harvest the price of rice and other foodgrains rose [GOO (1967: 316, 320)]. The
shortage of foodgrains in the district was more severely felt during years of crisis and the
government had to intervene from time to time to regulate rice exports [GOO (1967: 320-322)].
In the Sixties a large quantity of rice was exported to other states (particularly Bihar and West
Bengal) from this district. This was facilitated by a large number of trucks that shuttled between
Calcutta-Kharagpur region to Baripada and between Chaibasa-Tata region to Rairangpur to
facilitate the flow of commodities [GOO (1967: 256)]. It may be mentioned that Rairangpur is
also linked with rail by the Tata-Badampahar railway line that has been operational since 1922
[GOO (1967: 284)]. It connected some iron ore mines in the Bamanghaty sub-division to
TISCO.
Similarly, the construction of roads in the late 19th century facilitated the penetration of bullock
carts to the hilly terrain of Koraput. This facilitated the in-migration of plains people with carts
into the region in search of grain. Prior to this caravans of pack bullocks were used to carry
merchandise [GOO (1966: 221, 223)]. A further impetus was added by the introduction of
motor trucks from 1930 onwards [GOO (1966: 211 )]. The Naupada-Parlakhemindi-Gunupur
light railway that was operational from Gunupur since 1931 also facilitated the export of the
highly prized rice crop of Gunupur [GOO (1966: 211, 234)]. Many of the trade links for
Gunupur have been with Srikakulam and Vijaynagaram in Andhra Pradesh. During the Sixties
around 180,000 mounds of agricultural products valued at Rs 40 lakh were exported to
different markets from Gunupur [GOO (1966: 214)].
98
It may be noted that the study villages of Dighi and Narayanguda surveyed during August
1995-February 1996 are closer to Rairangpur and Gunupur, their respective sub-divisional
headquarters. It is for this reason that features of these two regions have been highlighted
while discussing the export of grains from Mayurbhanj and undivided Koraput. The discussion
shows that the outflow of paddy/rice is to urban centres of the neighbouring states (particularly
urban centres). The sequence of interaction leading to the outflow as was in vogue during the
early part of the 20th century would have undergone changes. It would be difficult to analyse
the changes in detail, as the present study does not deal with archival sources. Nevertheless,
it would be interesting to analyse the sequence of interactions leading to the outflow of
paddy/rice in the regions/villages under study. This has been taken up in chapter 5.
99
Appendix 30
A Note on Village Sketches
At the outset it needs to be mentioned that the village sketches (Figures 3.2 and 3.3) are not to
scale. They portray some major features of the two villages surveyed and their relevance is
only for broad impressions rather than for showing specific details and topographical accuracy.
Figure 3.2: Sketch of Dighi
According to the settlement pattern, the neighbouring villages of Dighi are Jarkani (Gram
Panchayat) to the south and south-west, Heselpata to the north of west, Ulidihi to the east of
north, Badakulaibira to the north-east corner, and Gudta to the east and south-east. A rivulet
separates the latter two villages and the roads connecting these villages are not the all
weather roads. The approach road to Dighi is an offshoot of Jamda-Bahalda (block
headquarters) unmetalled fair weather road and passes through Heselpata before reaching
Dighi settlement.
The settlement pattern showing the residential structures are, as mentioned above, sketches
drawn to give an impression. They do not represent the total number of households in the
village. Similarly, the position of the wells in the sketch is more to portray the fact that there are
a number of wells in the backyard of the houses and not to give the total number of wells in the
village and their exact location. In the village there is only one tube well. All the households for
cooking and drinking purposes use water from this tubewell.
In case of the patches of paddy field drawn the purpose was to show that they are located
near some water bodies, either a tank or the rivulet. The portrayal is not an exact replica for
the extent of paddy cultivation in the village. Further, the extent of paddy fields shown in single
patches are not independent plots; they are owned and cultivated by different households.
One common feature of all Santa/ villages in this region is that the Jahira (the sanctum
sanctorum of the village) is located in one or the other corner of the village settlement. It may
be mentioned that the Jahira, unlike other place of worship, is an open space but its sanctity
requires that the Jahira. is planted with sa/ trees. It is for these sal plantations that a Jahira can
be easily identified from far.
lOO
Each household in the village has . a khala (threshing floor). However, almost all the
households have their threshing floors adjacent to each other. Like the Jahira, the khalas are
also situated in one or the other corner of the village settlement.
Figure 3.3: Sketch of Narayanguda
Narayanguda is situated besides an all weather road that joins Gunupur, the subdivision
headquarters with Rayagada the district headquarters via Ramnaguda the block headquarters.
Gunupur as well as Ramnaguda will be around 12 kilometres each from Narayanguda. The
approach road to the village is unmetalled and branches into two streets within the village. The
longer one is the older of the two and the shorter one is relatively recent.
The longer street has two parts. In the first part there are stretches of homesteads on both the
sides of the road. These are Saqra quarters and this part of the village is referred to a Saora
sahi (Saara colony). The second part of the road has most of the homesteads constructed to
the north side of the road and two to the south. This part is referred to as Damba sahi (Domba
colony). Similarly, the shorter street also has a stretch of homesteads only on one side of the
road (to the south). These homesteads are also owned by Saoras and this part of the village is
referred to as Nua sahi (New colony). Three non-Damba non-Saara households also stay in
this Nua sahi. They are a Kamati, a Dera and a Te/i household. The first two have a provision
shop each whereas the Teli household runs an enterprise of making puffed rice. Another
Kamati has a provision shop in the Saora sahi but he does not stay in the village. Besides
these three colonies there are two Domba hamlets and six independent Saara homesteads.
A particular feature of the household structures of this region, unlike that of Dighi, is that the
adjacent structures have a common wall. It is to highlight this that the household structures
have been drawn in a stretch with partitions but the number of partitions do not portray the
number of households. Similarly, the cowsheds are also constructed in long stretches but they
are also partitioned and each household has their own cowshed.
The wells shown in the figure are those that are used for cooking and drinking purposes only.
The locations of wells constructed in the million-well scheme have not been shown. The
purpose was to highlight that the Dambas are excluded from drawing water from the gaan kua
(village well) -the one situated in between Saara sahi and Nua sa/Ji- and the other exclusively
meant for Dambas (at the end of the longer street). This selectivity is also true with regard to
101
the use of tube well. Hence, there are two tube wells one in the beginning of Saara sahi and
the other in the beginning of Oomba sahi.
As in the case of Dighi, the paddy fields and garden lands are shown in single patches. This
has been done to show that the reach of canal water restricts the cultivation of paddy. The
single patches are actually multiple plots and are owned and cultivated by a number of
households. Further, the households staying in homesteads situated within these single
patches are not the owners of the whole patch. They may own some land surrounding their
homestead. In one case, the homestead surrounded by a small patch of paddy field, near the
stream shown in the extreme left of the map, is owned and cultivated by this household only.
On the contrary, another household, staying in the homestead situated in the garden land near
the above-mentioned stream, is landless. The homestead or rather hut belongs to another
household staying in the village. This hut was constructed to serve as an outpost for someone
to sleep as a night watchman warding of animals from destroying the crops.
In the case of Narayanguda, unlike Dighi, the settlement patterns are not the revenue villages.
In point of fact, Narayanguda itself is not a revenue village. Its settlement comes under the
revenue village of Jhara. The settlement of Jhara is about 3 kilometres on the road towards
Ramnaguda situated on the eastern side of the road. A substantial amount of the land
cultivated in Narayanguda (west flank of the metalled road) also comes under Rajbikrampur
revenue village. This is also true for all the lands of Goiguda, the nearest settlement from
Narayanguda, which is situated half a kilometre away on the west flank of the above
mentioned road. The settlement of Rajbikrampur will be about 2.5 kilometres to the west of
Goiguda. Another settlement close by is Gajiguda, a revenue village situated towards the north
east of Narayanguda. It is separated from Narayanguda by a canal. The Gram Panchayat
headquarters, Kujendri is situated 3 kilometres to the south, on the road to Gunupur.
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