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International African Institute Social and Moral Concepts in Swahili Islamic Literature Author(s): Jan Knappert Source: Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 40, No. 2 (Apr., 1970), pp. 125-136 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the International African Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1159569 . Accessed: 15/06/2014 01:42 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . Cambridge University Press and International African Institute are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Africa: Journal of the International African Institute. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 62.122.72.154 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 01:42:11 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

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Page 1: Social and Moral Concepts in Swahili Islamic Literature

International African Institute

Social and Moral Concepts in Swahili Islamic LiteratureAuthor(s): Jan KnappertSource: Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 40, No. 2 (Apr., 1970), pp.125-136Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the International African InstituteStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1159569 .

Accessed: 15/06/2014 01:42

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

Cambridge University Press and International African Institute are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,preserve and extend access to Africa: Journal of the International African Institute.

http://www.jstor.org

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Page 2: Social and Moral Concepts in Swahili Islamic Literature

I25]

SOCIAL AND MORAL CONCEPTS IN SWAHILI ISLAMIC LITERATURE

JAN KNAPPERT

IN this paper I shall attempt to set out the ideas of morality and of the structure of society in so far as they can be found reflected in Swahili Islamic literature. This

literature is of two kinds. Firstly the didactic literature, mainly in prose, in which rules of conduct are given by Islamic teachers; secondly the narrative, legendary literature, mainly in verse, in which many social and moral concepts may be found,2 either expressed in a straightforward didactic form, as versified proverbs, or as it were by implication, in which case the underlying ideas can be made explicit by extrapolation.3

The Swahili literary tradition is a very extensive one, and since Swahili authors love weaving words of wisdom into their works, many hundreds of those proverbial sentences can be gleaned from the texts so that a fairly full picture of their moral concepts may be formed. These will be discussed briefly under the following head- ings: I. The ideal concept of society; II. Social structure; III. The place of women; IV. Moral obligations; V. Morally reprehensible acts: the behaviour of the villain; VI. Islamic cosmology and how this world view functions in society as a regulatory mechanism.

There are many textbooks in circulation, in Arabic and English as well as in Swahili, prescribing the correct manner of performing the ablution in order to acquire ritual purity, the correct procedure for performing the five daily prayers, and all the other orthodox duties of Islam. This subject can be found set out in detail in the handbooks on Shafi'itic law and need not be discussed here.4 One aspect of the sharia (Islamic law), remains of interest to the social anthropologist: its effects on social attitudes, behaviour, and ideas. The social behaviour of people is best studied in loco, but their attitudes and ideas can be found abundantly reflected in the literature. Of course we must distinguish between popular literature produceds by and for the common people, and intellectual literature, written by individual authors for their own class, or for the lower classes, but not necessarily reflecting what the latter do or think, or would like to do, but only what they ought to do. This distinction, however, exists for all peoples who possess a literary tradition: some use it for pleasing, some for preaching, and some for self-expression.

In so far as the official laws of orthodox Islam bear any relation to society, as do for

I I wish to express my gratitude to Miss M. A. 3 See Knappert, 1967, chapters I and II, esp. Bryan and Professor A. N. Tucker for their many pp. I3-I4; also Knappert, 1965. useful suggestions. 4 I am working on a book, Swahili Islam, in which

2 The legendary literature dates back mainly to I hope to treat this material in detail. the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and looks 5 ' Produced' is here meant to include ' written' back on a still earlier period with idealizing nostalgia. (i.e. in the first place available in MSS. in Arabic The social and moral concepts found in it all relate script) and ' recited' or ' narrated' because it is to the precolonial period. Even where I use the irrelevant here whether this literature is oral or present tense, I am discussing concepts which are written. largely of the past.

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Page 3: Social and Moral Concepts in Swahili Islamic Literature

SOCIAL AND MORAL CONCEPTS IN instance the laws of marriage and divorce, they will inevitably have an effect on the mutual attitudes of men and women, parents and children, and so enhance feelings of pride or inferiority, of respect or contempt that are of interest to the sociologist.

I. The ideal concept of society The Swahili as a ' national' unit refer to themselves as an umma, a term for which

there is no English equivalent. Its original meaning is ' nation ', but in Swahili literature it is normally employed in the sense of' community of the faithful'; the Muslims, Christians, and Jews are referred to as umma, congregations or 'nations' in the old-fashioned English sense which goes back directly to the ancient Roman sense of 'nation' as an ethnic group with its own religion.

In the Utenzi wa Herekali, the oldest epic in the Swahili language, the Prophet Mohammed writes a letterI to Heraklios, the Emperor of the Christians, saying: 'If you will come to me with your submission (islam), we shall become one umma2 together.' The submission to the religion of Islam makes a man part of the com- munity, the nation of Mohammed.

This basic concept of the unity of all Muslims is presented in the literature as the fundamental ideal of Swahili society. It is the ideal of an open society into which all those are received who pronounce the confession of faith: There is no God but Allah and Mohammed is his Prophet. Whether they are truthful or not is God's preroga- tive to examine, for He knows the breasts of men3 and will punish the hypocrites. In practice it may be found that particular Swahili communities in some places are not open at all, but are based on birthright rather than on conversion. Yet I think that the average Mu'allim would admit that all Muslims together form one community. The essential purpose of this community of the Faithfulis repeatedly stated in Swahili literature. It is the concept of intercession (Sw. uombezi, Ar. shufa'a), without which no soul, Muslim, Christian, or Jew, can hope to enter Paradise on the Last Day. After Judgement, Mohammed will pray the Lord for unhindered admission of all his faithful followers. The prayer will be granted, and behind Mohammed's banner (liwa), all the devout Muslims will march into Paradise.4 This is what they live for and suffer for, this fundamental point of faith makes life and death worth facing. It is this hope that makes Muslims adhere to their faith: the belief that on the Last Day they will have a guaranteed entry into the Garden of Delights. This is the central part of the myth of Islam, at least in East Africa.

For the ideal of the umma to come to fruition in the after-life, it must, at least once, have been attempted in reality during this life. The way to achieve this is the road to Mecca, and this link of mythical belief with the concept of the Holy City accounts for the incredible popularity of the pilgrimage, in spite not only of the material hardships, but also of the many bitter disappointments the faithful are likely to meet. It is the pilgrimage to Mecca, where all the faithful from the farthest corners of the earth gather, that gives reality to the mythical umma and the promised entry into the City of Light. Every year the umma becomes reality, when the Muslims from all nations worship together in the Sacred Mosque that is the replica of the Celestial House of

I See Knappert, 1967, pp. 152-3. 3 Koran: 17, 25; 57, 6; 64, 4; 67, 13. 2 See below. 4 Knappert, op. cit., p. 256.

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SWAHILI ISLAMIC LITERATURE

Worship in the seventh Heaven, straight above it, the very place where the souls of the pious will arrive after Judgement.

The political structure of the Islamic community is in principle a very simple one and rests on one basic doctrine: that secular power must in every way be subservient to religious power. The latter is anchored in the Koran, the Word of Allah, and in the words of His Prophet which have been collected in the Hadithi Kudusii, 'the Sacred Tradition ', of which various anthologies in Arabic and Swahili circulate on the East Coast. In theory, every aspect of social and moral behaviour of the individual is regulated by the Islamic tradition, so that there is no unanswered question with regard to the fundamental Kantian problem: 'What must I do?'. Whenever there is a conflict between the commands a person receives from his worldly authorities, and the immutable precepts of the Sacred Tradition, there can be no doubt whatsoever: it is infinitely more dangerous to disregard the com- mandments of the Almighty than to disobey one's temporal ruler. A tyrant may imprison or torture his subjects on this earth, but all that is merely a temporary test. Soon life will be over and the soul will emerge purified from this period of trials and live on in peace. The history of Yusufu (Joseph) is a very popular illustra- tion of this belief; there is a long Swahili epic describing his patience (saburi). If a person obeys the terrestrial ruler to the point where he would transgress the laws of Allah, for fear of loss of property or even physical pain, what use will be his wealth and his health in the after-life? Tapatikana na nari says the Swahili poet, 'the eternal fire will get him '. This goes afortiori for the tyrant who will face his Judge (Dayani), for having abused the authority (mamlaka) lent to him by Allah. And so the sacred law (sharia) comes before the worldly authorities; wordly power corrupts as it is a source of temptation: rulers may wish to appropriate their subjects' possessions or their subjects' wives and so destroy their own chances in the after-life. The stories of ancient kings like Katirifu and Muhariki are lively illustrations of this danger. In the Swahili epic the end for both of them was the blazing fire. The pious man shuns power like the plague. In the ideal society, power is exercised at all levels by the ulema, Swahili waalimu, comparable to the scribes of the Bible. In Mombasa, for instance, it is the kadhi, who is always chosen from among the scholars, who an- nounces the beginning of the new month, thereby regulating the life of the people, including of course all their festivities such as Ramadhani, 'Idi 1-Kabiri, etc.

In the mosque, prayers are not led by the most powerful man in the community, but by the most learned. It is in the mosque that the ideal of the umma acquires reality every day; it becomes tangible when the community of the faithful bow down in unison to worship the Almighty. It is then that the difference between prince and beggar becomes unimportant, for who knows how Allah regards and values us ?

It is the scribes also who regulate matters of vital importance such as circumcision, marriage, burial, and inheritance, because only scholars know all the answers to the questions of daily life. These men have acquired the prestige of the holy books they studied. In this manner the ulema wield more power than the medieval clerus ever had.

II. Social structure Three main classes of society are reflected in Swahili literature, in accordance with

what we find in other parts of the Islamic world: (i) The ' nobility ' (masharifu), most

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128 SOCIAL AND MORAL CONCEPTS IN

of whom claim descent from the Prophet's family. The role of this upper class is mainly confined to religious offices, medical practice, and legal advice in matters of daily interest. They also perform the recitations at weddings, funeral ceremonies, and so forth, although they certainly have no monopoly in these functions. In the light of what we have seen in the previous section, it will be clear that they have considerable real power, even if their functions are defined as purely religious. (2) The 'Free Men ', Swahili Waungwana or Wangwana, Ar. .Hur, the core of Swahili

society. These call themselves free because they are not 'owned' by any master, either as slaves or as subjects of a ruler. They are under their own headmen or chiefs who are the heads of the leading families, and so primi inter pares. In pre-European times every town had its own ' king' or ' sultan ', and he too was no more than the most prominent patrician, reminiscent of the Medici in Florence or the doges of Venice. Descendants of these old families, like the Nabahani of Pate or the Mazurui of Mombasa, are still alive today, and though of Arab descent (Nabhani, Mazru'i), they are regarded as genuine Swahili, as opposed to the Arab immigrants of the eighteenth and nineteenth century who came in the wake of the Omani sultans.

The Swahili towns were independent city-states, like the poleis of ancient Greece or the cities of renaissance Italy, and like these they were constantly at war with each other, and constantly in different alliances.

In Swahili literature, the word Waungwana is used to refer to the Swahili people, the term Sawahili is mainly employed for the language; rarely, the word Ajemi or

Ajamiya is used in reference to Swahili language and people. In other Bantu lan-

guages, the word Balungwana is the normal name for the Swahili people, i.e. the Mus- lims from the Coast in so far as they are not Waarabu, Arabs. Luganda, for instance, distinguishes between Muluggaana, a Swahili, Muwalabu, an Arab, Mulsiraamu, a Mohammedan, Munuubi, the same, but coming from the Sudan.

In the eastern districts of the Congo (Kivu, Kisangani) the word for the Swahili-

speaking Muslims is Walungwana, which is rendered in French rather dubiously as ' Arabises'. An interesting fact is mentioned by Henri Junod' who reports the tradi- tion of the Ronga in southern Mozambique according to which circumcision was

brought to them by the Balungwana, a people coming from the North. This would seem to confirm Trimingham's view that it was the Muslims who introduced circum- cision into East Africa. (3) The third class in Swahili society, mentioned in the literature, is the slaves (Sw. watumwa, Ar. abidi, pl. of abudi, from Ar. 'abd, pl. 'abid). The slaves have to do all the menial work in the house as well as in the field.

Under Islamic law, slavery as an institution is carefully regulated. Slaves may be

bought and sold, lent and borrowed, hired out or pawned. They may own property and earn income of their own; they may borrow property or money to do business with; thrifty slaves may redeem themselves in a few years. A master may put his slave in a store as his shop-keeper or in a plantation as his overseer; he may decide to pay him a regular salary for this, or keep this in stock for him until such time as it will have accumulated to the equivalent of the price of the slave. It is considered meri- torious if the master adds part of this sum himself or remits the slave before the total sum has accumulated. It is even more meritorious for the master to tell the slave that

1 Junod, 1927, pp. 446-7; Bonawasi, a Swahili folk hero (especially in the rogue stories) occurs among the Tsonga, ibid., p. 432.

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SWAHILI ISLAMIC LITERATURE I29

he will be free after a given period (usually ten years) and manumit him after that. Slave owners who are in debt with God, i.e. who have neglected their obligatory prayers or not kept the fast, may, in order to atone for this, either feed the poor (i.e. give a karamu, a free meal), or manumit one or more slaves. In general, it is regarded as highly meritorious to free slaves after they have served a couple of years, or redeem them from other masters, for instance from those who are in debt and so cannot free their slaves.' It is believed that on the Day of Judgement these slaves will pray for

(kuombea) their redeemers (wakombozi), and in so doing they may well sway the balance (mizani)2 in favour of the rich man. This belief implies that in the after-life God makes no class distinction but will judge his creatures by their merits. This manner of looking at the conditions in this world sub specie eternitatis must have had a strongly mitigating effect on the practical aspects of slavery, and on the life of the slaves.3

If the slave is a woman, her master may give her as a wife to one of his male slaves; any children born from such a union will be the slaves of their father's master. The master may also cohabit with his female slaves, for the Koran says: 'Use what your right hand possesses.' If a slave-concubine bears a son to her master, she may not be sold, she becomes inalienable, and after her master's death she automatically gains her freedom. Her son will not only be a free man from the day of his birth, but he must even share in the estate of his father, with his other brothers born from free wives, on an equalfooting. It is probably this last clause in the law of slavery which is

responsible for the rapid spread of a dark-coloured Muslim population, who called themselves Arabs, over large portions of the African continent.

The freed slaves were called maula or mola in Swahili, from Ar. mawld, pl. mawdli, the

equivalent of the Romanfamuli. They retained a special relationship with their former masters as their proteges, and were often kept on as employees in shops or offices. They often had great responsibility and ex-slaves of sultans are known to have risen to the rank of vizier. This again indicates how conscious Muslims are that fate may change a man's life in a short time. Yusufu (Joseph), too, rose from slavery to king- ship.

III. The place of women

Apart from horizontal divisions in Swahili society, such as the distinction between bondmen, freedmen, and freemen, there is also a vertical one between men and women, though this could also be called horizontal, for the women are supposed to

obey their fathers and their husbands. This is reflected ethnolinguistically in words like bwana, which means not only ' lord of the household ' but also ' husband ', and wives will address their husbands as bwana wangu' my lord '. Mwana Kupona advises her daughter to obey her husband whatever he says, for her entry into Paradise is

dependent on his intercession. This poem4 gives a lively illustration of the ideal relationship between husband and wife: the wife must always anticipate her husband's smallest desires and never push her own wishes. To serve and to suffer is her duty!

I Taylor, I891, no. 480. time, although it has not entirely died out; the class 2 See Knappert, op. cit., p. 255. of people called watumwa on Pate Island (Faza) is now 3 Ibid., pp. 5 et seq. It is of course not possible to more or less equivalent to house servants.

study slavery as a social institution at the present 4 Werner, I934. K

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The attitude to women in Swahili literature is of two types, as women can be divided into two genera, the devout and patient wives on the one hand, and the lascivious temptresses on the other. The History of Woman in Swahili epic opens with Eve, for whom Adam had prayed to God. Adam felt lonely; alas, if only he had realized that God is sufficient (kafi) as a friend (walii) ! Now his new carnal companion will lead him away from God into disobedience. Eve falls an easy prey to the machina- tions and persuasions of Satan. First, he makes her jealous by telling her that Adam

might run off any day with one of the lovely nymphs of Paradise; then he makes her believe that if only she would bear children to her husband, Adam would be dis- tracted from the other damsels by concern for his offspring. Since the desire to have children is inborn in woman, and since she is always prone to jealousy, she eats the

apple. Adam, knowing that she will now be banned from Paradise, decides to help her and eats the apple too, giving up both Paradise and God's favour out of nobility and loyalty, for such are the qualities of a man. However, it is also a man's duty to decide in all matters of importance, and here Adam failed: he knew the rules God had set. Instead of being tempted to trespass against them, he should have given his

nagging wife a sound beating, then he would have had peace and maintained friend-

ship with God. Men must rule their wives so that both may keep the Commandments of the Lord, such is the moral of the Utenzi wa Adamu na Hawaa.'

All the many temptresses in Swahili literature are instruments of the Devil. The

princesses Hamsaz and Baidha3 lead the men who have the misfortune to fall in love with them into perdition. Being seduced sexually, these men also act against God's will and so end in Hell or prison. Princess Hasina fails in her objective because the man of her choice, Rashidi ('Righteous') is a saint and scholar who perceives the

danger in time and prefers self-castration to the risk of the Fire. The Swahili poet describes the actions of Rashidi with apparent approval, although to modern readers it may seem that he pays a rather heavy price for virtue. One is led to believe that for

pious Muslims, seductive women are like a disease-to be avoided at any cost. There is a strong tendency towards ascetism (zuhutdi) in Swahili Islamic literature, often

verging on mysticism (sufiya). There are good women too, in Swahili literature, such as the wife of Ayubu (Job),

who remains faithful to her husband throughout his trials.4 There is Wafira, the queen of the Yemen (Yamani), who remains faithful to Mohammed's religion although the

tyrant king Rasi' l-Ghuli destroys her kingdom and massacres her family. There is

Asiya, handmaid of the Pharaoh's daughter, who refuses to adore the Pharaoh as a God and remains faithful to Allah, even when she is boiled in a cauldron of oil. There is Hajari, the first wife (sic) of Burahimu (Abraham), who roams the desert with her baby son, the young Ismaili, the ancestor of Mohammed.

Finally, there are the women of Mohammed's family: Amina, his mother, Hadija, his first wife, Aisha, his second wife, and Fatuma his daughter. All these women are described as models of piety, loving wives and devoted mothers, of exemplary dedication, chastity, and virtue. For this they are richly rewarded in this world as well as in the next.

I Knappert, I964. 4 For the History of Job see Knappert, I967, 2 See Knappert, I969. P. 91. 3 Knappert, I968, p. i8.

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SWAHILI ISLAMIC LITERATURE

Men are admonished to treat their wives with gentleness; the proverb says: mke wako, dada yako 'your wife is your sister', and this is explained by the Swahili author as meaning that wives must be cared for and protected. Women in this society are completely dependent on the goodwill of men, fathers, brothers, or husbands; they have to wait to be given the first necessities of life, even clothes and money to

buy food. Wives must show no initiative, except in the care of the children. The inferiority of women is expressed in the following ways:

(I) Men are considered to have more intelligence (akili) than women. This is why men should take all the decisions.

(2) Women have stronger desires (tamanni) or even passion (shauku) for earthly pleasures, so they must be protected against themselves.

(3) Women are weak, physically as well as mentally, so they will not be able to resist temptation and succumb easily to tricksters and impostors.

(4) Although women are encouraged to study the Koran, the Holy tradition, and the law, and some women are known to have been scholars and even saints, it is

accepted that men have a better grasp of these things, and so men have the last word.

(5) Women must obey men but men would never consent to obey women. (6) Women are keener to marry than men, and so they are expected to sacrifice

more for it: only having borne children will give them status in society. A woman with many children is treated with respect.

(7) Although one wife is the ideal, polygamy is quite respectable, as one has to be a man of means to afford it. The Prophet Mohammed, who gave the example, set the limit at four, not counting concubines; the Koran also commands that all women must be married, for it is not considered right that a woman should stay alone, un- protected and without children: men do a favour to spinsters by marrying them.

(8) It is easy for a man to divorce his wife. Indeed the word talaka is closer in meaning to repudiation in Roman law. The talaka is strongly discouraged by pious writers as it leads to abuse, and is a form of unfaithfulness: if you cannot stay faithful to your wife, can you to God ? If you want another wife, consider first whether you are not doing an injustice to anybody. ' An old bed is most comfortable to sleep in. '

(9) Men have complete freedom of movement, women have not. Unmarried girls of standing cannot go out at any time without a chaperon. With one of the sects in Mombasa the rules are so strict that a girl of I 3 must wear a mask so as not to seduce young men. This is an extreme case and in general Swahili women have more freedom than their sisters in the Sudan or Morocco. However, since women cannot take up a profession in the traditional society, except teaching girls, which can be done at home, there is no reason why they should go out, the more so since wealthy families can send their cook to the market to do the shopping.

The word pazia 'curtain ' occurs in the literature with the meaning of Persian pardeh, Urdu purdah 'curtain, women's apartments', although the rules do not seem to be very severe. These apartments are invariably described as orofa or dari, ' upper floor', exactly as one can see them in the houses of the well-to-do in Mombasa and elsewhere. In the literature, the ladies can watch the life of the town going on at their feet, while sitting on this upper veranda, and they always have some servant or slave girl at hand to send messages to someone they may see in the street, for instance a

1 3 I

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handsome young man. And it is not only the sinful Hasina who does this, but also the respectable Hadija.

IV. Moral obligations The ideal moral obligations, as they are advocated in Swahili literature, may be

summarized briefly under the following headings: Obligations regarding (i) food and drink. There is a long list in Swahili of which

animals may be eaten, provided they are properly slaughtered, and which are an abomination under any conditions. To the latter belong dogs, pigs, and all beasts of

prey; all fish is permitted. All alcoholic beverages are strictly forbidden, and contact with drunkards is regarded as pollution. (2) Hospitality, which is highly praised, especially feeding the poor.

Family obligations. (i) Housewives are reminded to clean the house as well as their own bodies every day. (2) Husbands are reminded that the Prophet ordered strict fairness and equality of treatment towards the wives in a polygamous household; a man must be capable of satisfying his wives regularly. (3) Children are reminded that

they must respect and obey their parents and all people with grey hair; they must not

expect to understand the reason for everything they are told to do. If they disobey they must expect to be beaten, for temporary suffering is better than eternal con- demnation to the Fire, so it is for their own good.

Obligations in society. (i) Hard work is strongly recommended, and illustrated with the history of Adam, who, as soon as he landed on Earth, had to work hard, tending his cattle, climbing trees to cut the fruits, and planting crops. Kutafuta riziki ni

jihadi ' seeking one's sustenance is a meritorious exertion ' is a quotation from the

Prophet's own instructions.

(2) Business: all forms of trade are permitted, except riba, which is usually trans- lated as usury, but includes any form of interest: the moneylender may not claim more than the sum he originally lent.

(3) It is recommended that one should show huruma to animals, not to make them suffer overmuch. Huruna is usually translated as 'pity, compassion', but its original meaning is ' respect'. We must respect animals because they are creatures of the Lord, just as we are.

(4) Study is strongly recommended for both sexes and all ages. Kusonma si ukarani

'studying is not the same as being a clerk'. Study is the acquisition of knowledge, which is the most esteemed occupation. All knowledge in traditional Islamic society is elimu, i.e. knowledge of the road to Paradise. This knowledge is acquired by study- ing the Koran, the Hadithi, i.e. the Sacred Tradition of the Prophet, and all other learned works on law, history, astronomy, as in theory all knowledge may help us on the thorny path to Heaven.

(5) Travelling is regarded as more than a pastime, it is a way of acquiring know-

ledge; most Swahili men will travel for business, but many also travel to visit scholars of wide renown and sit at their feet. One form of travelling is regarded as so meri- torious that whoever dies on the way dies in the condition of a worshipper, like one dying in the midst of prayer, or in the Holy War, that is the Pilgrimage to Mecca (hija). Every Muslim dreams of visiting the 'House of Allah ', the central mosque in Mecca, at least once in his life. When he comes back, often after a period of addi-

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SWAHILI ISLAMIC LITERATURE 133 tional study in the Holy City, he is a hajji, a man treated with the greatest respect, and an authority in his village on all questions of religion and law.

(6) Social intercourse. Many are the precepts as regards associating with people. Wema ' goodness ', uzuri ' niceness ', lutufu ' kindness ', utamu wa ulimi' sweetness of tongue' are repeatedly recommended. Linda ulimi 'watch your tongue' and other proverbs about caution in one's conversations with others abound in the literature. Courtesy (adabu) and eloquence (ufasaha) are marks of a good education. So much attention is paid by authors to prudence and friendliness that this must be one of the most important aspects of human behaviour in Swahili society.

Apart from huruma towards all mortal beings, and rehema 'charity' towards the poor and suffering (by giving sadaka, alms), the words pendo and pendano 'mutual love' occur frequently in the didactic literature. Udhili 'humility' and haya ' modesty' are virtues, not only for women. Uadilifu 'justness, fairness' and uami-

nifu 'honesty, trustworthiness' are also often recommended. Uwongo 'lying' will make the soul dirty; usafi' purity ' in mind and body is even a religious duty: no one is allowed to pray without it.

Character. The most highly praised virtues are saburi 'patience', being makini ' quiet', seeking amani 'peace'. The worst of all evil features of character is hasira ' ire ', because it entails the danger of being ' entered ' by Satan. Uasi' rebelliousness, disobedience', i.e. against the will of God, is likewise an evil inspired by Satan. Td'a ' obedience' is often mentioned as one of the highest virtues, in fact it follows logically from isilamu ' submission ', the very name of the religion, to which belongs the verb kusilimu ' to surrender, to confess Islam '. The ideal state of mind as praised in Swahili literature is one of quietism, peacefulness, and meekness. Uvumilivu ' endurance ' and unyenyekevu ' humbleness ' are expected of the pious. Mungwana hufa kama kondoo' a gentleman dies like a sheep' is a well-known Swahili proverb. It refers to Ismaili (Ishmael) whom his Father Abraham was commanded to sacrifice; at the last moment a sheep was put in his place by God. In a similar manner we should all go submissively through the trials and temptations of this hostile valley of tears, looking neither to right nor left (usioneyamini wala shimali), walk straight on along the path to Heaven. Usiache kazi, zidi kuomba, do not leave off working, continue praying.I This world should be approached with extreme caution (taratibu), lest one get in- volved in its snares. The world is a trap (mtambo) and he who desires to have a pleasant life here as well as in the next world is like the sailor who wants to hold two ropes,2 ' one of them will give him the slip '. A pious man is patient in this life, soon it will be over and he will have gained eternal bliss. It follows that the expected attitude of wives and children towards their husbands and parents is the same as God expects of all of us; in relation to men it may even be the harder life as men have more responsi- bilities and therefore more worries. Women and children just wait for what comes, expecting their bwana to solve all their problems. We must all be scrupulously just because we shall want not only justice but mercy from God. In this way, men, having more freedom and more responsibility, may expect harder justice from God who will judge women and children with lenience. Thus a kind of equilibrium is created by the expectation of the other life. It is the fear of punishment as well as the hope of reward in eternity that keeps all believers within the boundaries of the permissible.

I Taylor, 1891, no. 358. 2 Ibid., no. 354.

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Page 11: Social and Moral Concepts in Swahili Islamic Literature

SOCIAL AND MORAL CONCEPTS IN

This shows that faith is, the strongest regulating factor in the behaviour of people in an Islamic society and has a vital function in keeping every member of society from harming his neighbour. It is faith that controls the behaviour of all Muslims; where faith becomes weak, society disintegrates. The whole system of concepts of Islamic

cosmology is kept together by the conviction people have that it is a description of reality. We may call it myth and speak of mythical ideas of Hell and Paradise, but for all believers it is reality: God exists, the Garden and the Fire are there, somewhere in the Universe, and the coming of Judgement Day cannot be doubted. As soon as belief in its reality begins to fade, the very motivation of our actions will wither

away, and life will have lost its reason and its purpose.

V. Morally reprehensible acts: the behaviour of the villain

The villain in Swahili literature is always a very clearly marked character, and the reader is left in no doubt as to the author's opinion. The villain in the Holy War, for instance, is called' the Jew, the Christian, the Kafir, the Pagan, the Liar .. .', and all these terms are used almost interchangeably. It is obvious that the first requisite for

anyone to be called 'good' in Swahili traditional literature is that he must be a follower of Mohammed, a person who has submitted to Allah and regards the Koran as His sacred Word. If he does not he is not only a liar but also a denier (mukadhibu). The word of Allah is so obviously true that whoever denies it must have been blinded

by God's will, Allah has ' blocked his ears ', he may even be a Satan walking on earth in human form to tempt the virtuous. In any case it is advisable to have nothing to do with such a character and to stay out of his way: meeting him will only lead us astray.

The first characteristic of villains in Swahili literature is their quick temper. They fly into a rage whenever they are contradicted or whenever things happen contrary to their will. This lack of self-control is further aggravated by the villains' alcoholism. Heathens and Christians are supposed to be drunkards and the heroes detect this by the smell of liquor that hangs round the mouths of evil men. Another abominable habit causes yet more evil smell: eating pork, and this also intensifies their beastly nature. The moral of all these motifs is that the ideal behaviour is determined by Islam: it is abstention from enjoyment, it is patience and restraint.

In one respect the ideal seems to be the opposite of restraint: polygyny is en-

couraged. A man who is infatuated with one woman is weak and morally reprehen- sible. The right balance is found when a man has married more than one wife, so that one woman will not have too much influence on him. The ideal is to have four wives, for which great virility is needed, but also a sense of fairness. The Koran encourages men to marry all the ' left-over ' women in a community; it also stresses that men must divide their attentions equitably between their wives so that all have an equal chance of having children, for that is their purpose in life. A woman who wants a man for love alone is not good: to give birth is the law for women. The motif of the lecherous woman who tempts the hero is extremely common in Swahili literature; women with children are always pictured as good, except of course when the children are not the husband's, but there is no example of this in the literature. It is only in the descriptions of Hell that these women are found, undergoing the most hideous punishments.

I34

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Page 12: Social and Moral Concepts in Swahili Islamic Literature

SWAHILI ISLAMIC LITERATURE 3 5 Greed is strongly condemned. The Prophet Mohammed ate very little, only bread

and a few dates; he drank only water and milk. Gluttony arouses suspicion; in Swahili folklore, the gobbling creatures are invariably evil spirits. Avarice is often mentioned as the capital sin that includes hoarding money (instead of giving it to the poor, the orphans, and the widows), taking riba (not only usury but any form of interest), and lending money on pawns. Special departments in Hell have been created where the misers have to swallow the silver (= money) they hoarded, in molten form, burning hot.

VI. Islamic cosmology and how this world view functions in society as a regulatory mechanism

The one aspect that strikes the Western reader most in the cosmology of Islam as represented in Swahili literature, is that the universe is a closed system. In that respect it is fundamentally different from our own modern world view in which space is 'outside', and in principle unlimited. In Islamic philosophy, only God is unlimited, He is the one who 'stretches out' (aenea), whereas all other things are created and perishable, i.e. limited in time, as well as limited in space. It follows that God surrounds His own creation on all sides; in Arabic He is therefore called al- MuhitI ' the Surrounding One', but in Swahili this is not made explicit.

The universe in Swahili-Islamic cosmology is built up of strata: there are seven heavens,2 the seventh one is the stratum which contains the seven gardens of Para- dise. There are also seven infernal strata below the earth. In conformity with these stratified structures of space there are hierarchies of creatures; to each category is assigned a certain department of the creation where they exercise their proper functions. The good beings are called angels (malaika, malaki), the evil ones devils (mashetani, shayatini). The hideous monsters whose function it is to torture the sinners in Hell are often called malaika, because they are the servants of Justice, tools in the Hand of the Judge of judges. The whole structure of the universe is therefore morally significant, each part of it has a function in the divine system of rewards and punishments. Nothing is accidental, nothing just happens. If a beggar receives alms, if a man becomes wealthy, there is a reason for it: either Allah wishes to reward him for some good deed or to tempt him, for money buys evil things as well as good. Each man, woman, or child has an angel accompanying him or her on the right, a devil on the left side. Each moment the human soul is pulled towards evil and towards good at the same time, and is being tested in this manner. Ever since the fall of Adam and Eve their children have had to live in this world, torn between the temptations of evil, and the promise of Paradise for the price of abstention. On the other side there threatened the torturing chambers of Hell, with their special depart- ments for the adulterers, the hypocrites, the apostates, the deniers, the deceivers, the highway robbers, the murderers, and the slanderers. It is on the fear of Hell and on the hope of Heaven that moral behaviour in Swahili culture rests. Every single writer on religious subjects inserts prayers at the beginning and at the end of his works, that he may be granted a good station in Paradise, that he may avoid the terrors of the Fire. Similar prayers are added for the benefit of the readers of his works, and for the listeners to its recitation. Special prayers are quoted having a puri- ficatory power, which give baraka (divine blessing) to the reciter, or help him to

I Knappert, 1960, p. I89. 2 Knappert, I967, chapter IV; I966, pp. I46-7.

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Page 13: Social and Moral Concepts in Swahili Islamic Literature

136 SOCIAL AND MORAL CONCEPTS IN SWAHILI ISLAMIC LITERATURE

escape from the House of Smoke. Hope of Heaven, fear of the Fire, are the two fundamental motivating factors in the life of every devout Muslim.

REFERENCES

JUNOD, HENRI. 1927. The Life of a Soutih African Tribe. London. KNAPPERT, JAN. I960. ' The divine names ', Journal of the East African Swahili Committee, 31, pp. I80o-99.

964 (ed.). ' Utenzi wa Maisha ya Nabii Adamu na Hawaa ', Journal of the East African Swahili Com- mittee, 34, I.

-- 965. ' Rhyming Swahili proverbs ', Afrika tnd Uebersee, xlix, pp. 59-68. I966. ' Miiraji, the Swahili legend of Mohammed's ascension ', Swahili, 36, pp. 105-56. I967. Traditional Swahili Poetry. Leiden. 1968. Brief Survey of Swahili Literature. S.O.A.S. I969. ' Utenzi wa Katirifu', Afrika und Uebersee, lii, pp. 8I-104, 264-313.

TAYLOR, W. E. 1891. African Aphorisms. London, S.P.C.K. WERNER, ALICE. I934. The Advice of Mwana Kupona. Medstead.

Resuwe

CONCEPTS SOCIAUX ET MORAUX DANS LA LITTERATURE

ISLAMIQUE SWAHILI

CET article a pour but de souligner les idees relatives a la moralite et a la structure sociale telle qu'elle se presente dans la littdrature islamique Swahili. Cette derniere revet deux formes: l'une didactique, generalement en prose, dans laquelle les regles de conduite sont dictees par des maitres islamiques; l'autre narrative, legendaire, le plus souvent versifiee, dans laquelle nombre de concepts sociaux et moraux peuvent etre releves, soit sous une forme purement didactique soit sous forme de proverbes en vers.

Les concepts moraux des Swahili, tels que les presentent ces formes litteraires, sont decrites par l'auteur a divers points de vue: I. Le concept ideal de la societe; II. La structure sociale; III. La situation des femmes dans la societe; IV. Les obligations morales; V. Les actes reprehensibles: le comportement du malfaiteur; et VI. La cosmologie islamique, con- ception du monde fonctionnant comme un mecanisme regulateur.

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