‘To be a patriot and to be a writer’: Piaras Béaslaí and An t-Óglach

Shane O‘Brien B.A.

A dissertation submitted to Dublin City University in partial fulfilment of the

requirement of the degree of M.A. in Humanities (History)

Taught Masters Programme, History Department, St. Patrick‘s College

Supervisor: Dr Daithí Ó Corráin

Date of Submission: June 2012

I hereby certify that this material, which I now submit for assessment on the

programme of study leading to the award of M.A. in Humanities is entirely my own

work and has not been taken from the work of others save and to the extent that such

work has been cited and acknowledged within the text of my work.

Signed: ________________________

Student Number: ________________________

Dated: ________________________

Contents

Abstract i

Acknowledgements ii

Abbreviations iii

Introduction 1

Chapter 1: A mind ‗more literary and constructive than militaristic‘ 6

Chapter 2: ‗To guide, cheer and encourage those who were fighting bravely 18

for the freedom of Ireland‘

Chapter 3: The Propaganda War 40

Conclusion 55

Appendices 58

Bibliography 63

- i -

Abstract

‘To be a patriot and to be a writer’: Piaras Béaslaí and An t-Óglach

Shane O’Brien B.A.

The purpose of this study is to explore the role of Piaras Béaslaí as editor of the IRA‘s

in-house journal, An t-Óglach, during the Irish War of Independence. An t-Óglach

was the mainstay of Béaslaí‘s contribution to the struggle for Irish freedom. The

focus of this thesis is on Béaslaí‘s efforts with the newspaper, the production,

circulation and difficulties encountered and An t-Óglach’s role in the so-called

Propaganda War. The first chapter examines the credentials Béaslaí held that were

essential in obtaining the editorial position, namely his republican ideology, bound up

with his journalistic, linguistic, and dramatic skills. Chapter two serves as an

analytical overview of An t-Óglach, explaining how and why it was established, how

it was produced, its content, internal difficulties for the newspaper, and Béaslaí‘s

editorial role. The final chapter is devoted to the role of An t-Óglach in the

propaganda war. The relationship between Béaslaí and the Dáil Éireann Department

of Propaganda will be examined. The response of the British authorities is assessed

and provides an indication of the propagandist value of the newspaper. This thesis

highlights the importance of Béaslaí‘s contribution to the struggle for independence.

This has conventionally been overlooked by historians, possibly because Béaslaí

played no active role in the field during the struggle. The importance of An t-Óglach

has also been neglected. This thesis explains how and why the newspaper was

important in maintaining morale among Volunteers from its establishment in August

1918 up to the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in December 1921. Béaslaí‘s role in

the War of Independence is significantly greater than that attributed to him in previous

historical assessments which make only minor references to a man and journal.

Béaslaí may well have been a ‗literary general‘ but that claim seems unduly flippant

given his contribution to the cause of Irish freedom.

- ii -

Acknowledgements

There are a number of people I would like to thank who aided me in preparing this

thesis. First and foremost I wish to thank my thesis supervisor, Dr. Daithí Ó Corráin.

I am very grateful to Daithí for his professional approach and enthusiasm in my

chosen topic; for his good humour, determination, punctuality and willingness to help.

Any criticism made by Daithí was always constructive and backed up by helpful and

welcomed suggestions. I am greatly indebted to him for his efforts.

I would like to thank the staffs of the following libraries and archives: The National

Library of Ireland, The National Archives (London), UCD Archives, Military

Archives (Cathal Brugha Barracks) and the Cregan Library at St. Patrick‘s College. I

wish to thank the members of the History Department at St. Patrick‘s College, not

only for their efforts during my time as a postgraduate but also as an undergraduate,

leading to an enlightening and enjoyable four years in the college. I am extremely

grateful to my family, namely Mam, Dad, Kelly and Colin, and to the rest of my

close-knit family; Gran and Mary, ‗our‘ Fiona, Ollie, Jamie and Amy for supporting

and encouraging me throughout the year. Thanks must go to my friends and class-

mates, and also ‗my‘ Fiona for putting up with random Piaras Béaslaí quotes during

the year!

I would like to dedicate this piece of work to Nana, who unexpectedly passed away as

I began to undertake this study.

- iii -

Abbreviations

BMH Bureau of Military History

CO Colonial Office

DIB Dictionary of Irish Biography

DMP Dublin Metropolitan Police

D/T Director of Training

DORA Defence of the Realm Act

GHQ General Headquarters

IMA Irish Military Archives

IPP Irish Parliamentary Party

IRA Irish Republican Army

IRB Irish Republican Brotherhood

MP Member of Parliament

NLI National Library of Ireland

O/C Officer in Charge

RIC Royal Irish Constabulary

TD Teachta Dála

TNA The National Archives, London

UCDAD University College Dublin, Archives Department

WO War Office

WS Witness Statement

- 1 -

INTRODUCTION

The central aim of this thesis is to explore the role of An t-Óglach, the secret

IRA journal, during the Irish War of Independence. This study assesses the

importance of the journal as a propagandist organ. It seeks to outline the importance

of An t-Óglach during the Propaganda War by examining its efforts in conjunction

with the Dáil Éireann Publicity Department, the manner in which it was sought by the

Crown forces, and the fact that the newspaper was distributed secretly and held in

high regard by Volunteers throughout Ireland. Another key aspect of the study is the

role played by Piaras Béaslaí, the journal‘s editor, whose ambition since early

childhood was ‗to be a patriot and to be a writer‘.1 It is intended to show how Béaslaí

gained the position of editor and to assess how successful he was in this role.

Despite the abundance of historical research on the Irish Revolution, certain

individuals and aspects have nonetheless remained relatively neglected. Béaslaí and

An t-Óglach are a case in point. Although utilised by historians, the journal itself, and

the part carried out by Béaslaí in the independence struggle have not received much

attention in their own right. While neither Béaslaí nor his role in the revolution have

been written out of history, it is fair to say that he has been in many respects

overlooked. A literary figure, Béaslaí is perhaps best remembered for his biography

of Michael Collins. First published in 1926, Michael Collins and the Making of a

New Ireland received a largely hostile reception from literary critics, with one

reviewer regarding it merely as a chronicle of facts, and contemporaries such as

Richard Mulcahy, Collins‘s successor as Commander-in-Chief of the Free State Army

in 1922, suggesting that Béaslaí simply did not understand how the GHQ functioned.2

Patrick Maume describes the work as ‗hagiographical‘.3 Mulcahy‘s son, Risteárd,

was correct in asserting that ‗a broad autobiographical thread‘ runs through the pages

as Béaslaí describes events and happenings that he witnessed such as meetings with

1 Béaslaí, Literary Scribbling Book, [13-2-1910], (National Library of Ireland (hereafter NLI), Béaslaí

Papers, Ms 33,943/5). 2 Piaras Béaslaí, Michael Collins and the Making of a New Ireland (2 vols, Dublin, 1926); W.J.W.

‗Michael Collins and the Making of a New Ireland by Piaras Béaslaí‘, Studies, 16:61 (1927), pp 152-4;

Richard Mulcahy, ‗Notes on the text of Piaras Beaslaí‘s (sic) Michael Collins‘, (University College

Dublin, Archives Department (hereafter UCDAD), Richard Mulcahy Papers, P7/D/67). 3 Patrick Maume, ‗Piaras Béaslaí‘ in DIB.

- 2 -

Collins, the foundation of the Volunteers, and the organisation of An t-Óglach.4

Despite its flaws, the biography has remained highly influential.

Apart from Ó Siadhail‘s An Béaslaíoch, there has been no biographical study of

Béaslaí.5 Of course, this book is inaccessible to those who do not speak the Irish

language. For those who can, however, it offers the reader a good narrative overview

of Béaslaí‘s life, utilising his diaries and writings. However, An t-Óglach and

Béaslaí‘s role with the newspaper does not receive detailed attention. Maume‘s

overview of Béaslaí in the Dictionary of Irish Biography merely provides a skeletal

background, describing him as a ‗writer, revolutionary, politician, language revivalist,

and journalist‘.6 General histories of the revolutionary period make brief references

to Béaslaí in passing. For example, T.P. Coogan described him as ‗a gifted polemical

journalist‘, while Arthur Mitchell simply referred to him as ‗the editor of An t-

Óglach‘.7 Likewise there has been little written on An t-Óglach with Brian Hanley‘s

documentary history of the IRA offering only a very basic description of the journal.8

Considering that many of Béaslaí‘s contemporaries wrote accounts of thereof or

certain aspects of their lives relating to this period, it is surprising that Béaslaí himself

did not write a memoir given that he was a literary figure who was quite confident in

his own writing abilities.9 He did, however, contribute regular articles to the Irish

Independent throughout the 1950s and 1960s recalling events as he saw them.

Béaslaí‘s last contribution appeared less than a week before he died in June 1965.10

Primary sources that were essential for this study can be divided into three

categories.

4 Risteárd Mulcahy, ‗Michael Collins and the Making of a New Ireland‘, Studies, 67:267 (1978), p.

190. 5 Pádraig Ó Siadhail, An Béaslaíoch: Beatha agus Saothar Phiarais Béaslaí (1881-1965) (Báile Átha

Cliath, 2007). 6 Maume, ‗Piaras Béaslaí‘ in DIB.

7 Tim Pat Coogan, Ireland in the Twentieth Century (London, 2003), p. 25; Arthur Mitchell,

Revolutionary Government in Ireland: Dáil Éireann 1919-22 (Dublin, 1995), p. 95. 8 Brian Hanley, The IRA: A Documentary History, 1916-2005 (Dublin, 2010), pp 9-12.

9 Examples of contemporary memoirs include J.J. Walsh, Recollections of a Rebel (Tralee, 1949);

Robert Brennan, Allegiance (Dublin, 1950); David Hogan (Frank Gallagher), The Four Glorious Years

(Dublin, 1953). 10

Béaslaí‘s series in the Irish Independent were titled ‗Nation in Revolt‘ (Jan.-Feb. 1953; 25 articles),

‗A Veteran Remembers‘ (May-June 1957; 21 articles), and ‗Moods and Memories‘ (Oct. 1961-June

1965; 184 articles).

- 3 -

The obvious starting point is Béaslaí‘s personal papers. Deposited in the

National Library in 1966, a year after his death, the collection was catalogued in 1999

by Marie Coleman. Although Béaslaí‘s biography of Collins has been used in a

number of secondary works relating to the revolutionary period, his papers in the NLI

have not been utilised in any studies of the Irish Revolution. The ‗Irish Revolution‘

section of the collection contains IRA sources and material written by Béaslaí

himself. His diaries and correspondence with others from the revolutionary period are

also extremely important.

Secondly, British government papers in The National Archives (TNA), London

focus on the concerns of the government and Crown forces and the issue of control of

seditious literature. Police files and reports along with other miscellaneous files of the

British authorities can be found in the Colonial Office series which is particularly

useful for studying An t-Óglach. Likewise, some War Office files also shed some

light on the events, occurrences and individuals of the time.

Thirdly, there is an abundance of Republican source material. Many individuals

were in contact with Béaslaí during the struggle for independence and their personal

papers shed light on aspects of Béaslaí‘s work. For example, in UCDAD the papers

of Desmond FitzGerald, the Dáil Éireann Director of Propaganda, provide

communications and reports of the department that was in direct communication with

Béaslaí. Witness statements given to the Bureau of Military History, which was

established in 1947, are also highly useful. This collection holds statements from

well-known figures as well as more obscure but nonetheless worthy individuals who

may never have never been heard of until the establishment of the bureau. Statements

in this collection are particularly useful in that Béaslaí and An t-Óglach are frequently

mentioned. Memoirs of Béaslaí‘s contemporaries offer a great insight to what people

thought of him and also offer useful perspectives on certain events of the time.

The first chapter of this thesis focuses on aspects of Béaslaí‘s life outside his

position as editor of An t-Óglach, which demonstrate that he held an impeccable

republican CV, and was well-suited to take on the role. By providing a brief

background biography, Béaslaí‘s republican ideology becomes clear. His credentials

are fully appreciated when his journalistic, literary and dramatic achievements prior to

- 4 -

becoming editor are taken into consideration. Another aspect of Béaslaí‘s career that

deserves mention is his unheralded role, through his Irish language skills, in the

creation of the First Dáil. This chapter proposes that in the years preceding his

appointment as editor to An t-Óglach, Béaslaí‘s mind ‗was essentially more literary

and constructive than militaristic‘.11

Chapter two focuses on all aspects of Béaslaí‘s role as editor of An t-Óglach.

The origins of this newspaper will be traced, and it will be established how Béaslaí

gained the position as editor. The function of the journal will be discussed as will the

content of the various sections that comprised the publication. The production and

printing of the newspaper as well as its distribution was a difficult task and it is

intended to show who else, apart from Béaslaí, was involved in putting it together.

Additional challenges, such as Béaslaí‘s imprisonment and the struggle to gather

material from GHQ for publication will also be considered.

The final chapter looks at the contribution of An t-Óglach to the propaganda

war. It is intended to show how Béaslaí maintained a good working relationship with

the Dáil Éireann Department of Propaganda and how the secret journal was a useful

weapon during the War of Independence. It is intended to show how the British

authorities attempted to suppress the newspaper in the form of raids, arrests, counter-

propaganda and other measures. Nonetheless, An t-Óglach remained in circulation

until the end of the conflict and the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in December

1921. The response of the Crown forces to the journal also acts as a good indicator of

its propagandist value.

This thesis will argue that Piaras Béaslaí played a significant, yet somewhat

overlooked, role in the struggle for independence. Although an active combatant in

the Easter 1916 Rising, there is no evidence to suggest that following his release in

the general amnesty of June 1917 Béaslaí was ever actively involved in fighting

during the War of Independence. His role as editor of An t-Óglach was however of

great importance to the nationalist cause, and for this reason it is intended to put

forward the argument that Béaslaí‘s contribution to the movement was chiefly

11

Irish Times, 24 June 1965.

- 5 -

through the power of his pen. The main focus of this thesis will be on Béaslaí‘s role

with An t-Óglach, the function and importance of the journal, and the British response

to it. In a diary entry from 1915, Béaslaí confidently believed:

I have it in me to be a leader – and have proved it upon occasion. But my

strongest gift is my pen – Let us put it this way, I have certain abilities, certain

knowledge. I have many ideas, wide reading and study, a great deal of fire,

passion, enthusiasm, a power of waking enthusiasm in others – a power of

expressing myself well & powerfully with the pen in Irish and English. 12

12

Diary 1915, n.d. (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,957/14).

- 6 -

CHAPTER ONE

A MIND ‘MORE LITERARY AND CONSTRUCTIVE THAN MILITARISTIC’1

This chapter seeks to give an overview of Béaslaí‘s career and

republican/nationalist activities before becoming editor of An t-Óglach. The main

purpose of this chapter is to demonstrate Béaslaí‘s republican ideology, determining

the reasons why he was an able and suitable person to take on the role of editor when

called upon to do so by Michael Collins. It is also important to understand the

restrictive powers in place under the Defence of the Realm Act and how this

legislation affected newspapers in Ireland. Béaslaí‘s previous journalistic experience,

his involvement with Irish-language and dramatic circles, and his involvement with

the Irish Volunteers prior to the 1918 General Election will be addressed. His

unrecognised role in the creation of the First Dáil also deserves attention and

underlines the extent to which Béaslaí was of greater use to the nationalist cause with

his pen than any weapon.

Background Biography

Born Percy Beazley in 1881 in Liverpool, Béaslaí was the son of Irish

nationalists, Patrick and Nancy Beazley who were originally from County Kerry.

Patrick Beazley was an editor with the Catholic Times in Liverpool. He held

nationalist tendencies and a high regard for languages while his wife was an admirer

of the Young Irelanders. This helps explain Béaslaí‘s ideological formation and

outlook. Béaslaí was well educated from a young age, and spent many summers of

his youth in Ireland, staying with his uncle, a parish priest, in Tuosist near Kenmare,

where he developed a flair and love for the Irish language. Like his father, Béaslaí

too was a literary figure, working as a freelance journalist and dramatist. He joined

the Keating Branch of the Gaelic League, and became producer to Edward Martyn‘s

amateur acting company Na hAisteoirí. Béaslaí also founded the Fáinne, an

organisation which promoted Irish speakers to wear a ring to show their commitment

to speak the native language.

1 Irish Times, 24 June 1965.

- 7 -

In 1913 Béaslaí was instrumental in the foundation of the Irish Volunteers and

was strongly opposed to any Volunteer association with Redmond when he called for

Volunteers to support the British Army in the Great War. The split in the Volunteers

resulted in the formation of two Volunteer groups with the majority faction of

approximately 180,000 remaining loyal to Redmond and adopting the name National

Volunteers. The minority group of about 12,000 retained the name Irish Volunteers.2

Although a large majority of Volunteers supported Redmond, twenty out of twenty-

five of the original members of the Provisional Committee signed a manifesto to oust

Redmond‘s nominees on 24 September 1914. Those who signed the manifesto

represented the majority of the original Volunteer Provisional Committee, not the

reconstituted committee that was ordered by Redmond.3 Béaslaí, along with other

republicans such as Patrick Pearse, Thomas Mac Donagh, and Seán Mac Diarmada

(who were signatories of the 1916 Proclamation), signed the manifesto.4 During the

Easter 1916 Rising, Béaslaí served as deputy commanding officer to Edward Daly in

the Church Street area. He was subsequently sentenced to five years penal servitude

for his role in the Rising but was released in the general amnesty of June 1917 and

was quickly appointed to the Sinn Féin central committee. Béaslaí was arrested for

making a seditious speech in Killarney in April 1918 and after breaking the terms of

bail was a man on-the-run from May of the same year.5

World War I and the Defence of the Realm Act (1914) – Censorship of

Newspapers

When Britain entered the Great War in August 1914 it was unsurprising that the

government implemented stern emergency measures to maintain law and order during

the war period. Legislation came in the form of the Defence of the Realm Act

(DORA), 1914 and subsequent amendments. It aimed to keep morale high and

prevent invasion. Essentially, under the new act, the British government ‗assumed

sweeping regulatory powers to secure the public safety in wartime and accomplish

2 Coogan, Ireland in the Twentieth Century, p. 44.

3 Charles Townshend, Easter 1916: The Irish Rebellion (London, 2005), p. 68.

4 Cited in Marnie Hay, Bulmer Hobson and the Nationalist Movement in Twentieth-Century Ireland

(Manchester, 2009), p. 152. 5 Maume, ‗Piaras Béaslaí‘ in DIB.

- 8 -

everything deemed necessary for the better prosecution of the war‘.6 First passed on 8

August 1914, the act was amended six times and combined with the Defence of the

Realm Consolidation Act of 27 November 1914 provided ‗blanket authority for

hundreds of regulations‘.7

Under the Consolidation Act, one clause was of utmost

importance in trying to combat Irish nationalist propaganda: Article 1.1(c) sought ‗to

prevent the spread of false reports or reports likely to cause disaffection to His

Majesty‘.8 Regulations under the act, such as article 27(c) ‗Printing and circulation of

leaflets‘, offered legitimacy to the Crown forces in searching individuals for seditious

literature and in carrying out organised raids.9 Under DORA censorship was heavily

imposed on newspapers and personal correspondence sent through the postal system.

Although the Chief-Secretary, Augustine Birrell, regarded drink and firearms much

more hideous than seditious newspapers, he believed that he could not overlook

censoring newspapers which was favoured by English public opinion.10

The passing

of DORA was of great advantage to the intelligence operatives in Ireland as its

provisions, in the view of one Volunteer, ‗had plenty of scope to arrest and convict,

for even slight offences‘.11

Before August 1914 police intelligence (both the RIC and

DMP) was highly disorganised while military intelligence was ‗absolutely ineffectual,

and was rarely practised‘.12

DORA was responsible for what the Chief Press Censor, Lord Decies described

as a ‗mosquito press‘.13

Following the Easter Rising press censorship was tightened

up greatly.14

Newspapers that fell victim to DORA and were forced to close included

The Spark, Irish Freedom, Sinn Féin and Scissors and Paste.15

Todd Andrews, a

Dublin Volunteer, recalled in his memoir that Scissors and Paste ‗was great fun to

read because it published extracts from British and pro-British Irish papers, often

6 John A. Hutcheson, ‗Defence of the Realm Act (DORA)‘, in Spencer C. Tucker (ed.), The

Encyclopedia of World War I: A Political, Social, and Military History, Vol. 1 (Santa Barbara, 2005)

p. 341. 7 Ibid.

8 Defence of the Realm Consolidation Act, 27 Nov. 1914.

9 Defence of the Realm (Consolidation) Regulations, 1914.

10 Leon Ó Broin, The Chief Secretary: Augustine Birrell in Ireland (London, 1969), p. 121.

11 Jeremiah Murphy, When Youth was Mine: A Memoir of Kerry 1902-1925 (Dublin, 1998), p. 125.

12 Ben Novick, ‗Postal Censorship in Ireland, 1914-16‘, Irish Historical Studies, 31:123 (1999), p. 344.

13 Maurice Walsh, The News from Ireland: Foreign Correspondents and the Irish Revolution (London,

2008), p. 120. 14

Ian Kenneally, The Paper Wall: Newspapers and Propaganda in Ireland 1919-1921 (Cork, 2008), p.

5. 15

Coogan, Ireland in the Twentieth Century, p. 46.

- 9 -

deliberately taken out of context, which highlighted British hypocrisy and self-

righteousness‘.16

The British government kept a watchful eye on nationalist

propaganda in Ireland with monthly reports being compiled by the Chief Press

Censor. These reports continued into 1919 even though the European war had come

to a conclusion. One such report indicated that as the Dáil Éireann counter-state was

created in early 1919, Sinn Féin was causing censorship problems for the British

government. Decies noted that ‗During the month of February [1919] the Press, with

the exception of the Sinn Fein weeklies, has submitted little undesirable matter‘.17

The continuation of ‗undesirable matter‘ by Sinn Féin remained, nevertheless, and

counter-propaganda was produced to counteract such nationalist efforts.

Béaslaí believed that the policy of press censorship put in place under Birrell

was a clever one. No action was taken against editors of newspapers/pamphlets that

were anti-English in tone, but rather against the printers who actually produced them.

The result was that printers were liable to be closed down and therefore would be

afraid to produce such seditious literature. Béaslaí remarked that ‗the one thing that

would have rallied support to our [republican] side was drastic coercion on the part of

the English Government; but Mr. Birrell cleverly contrived to appear as not

interfering with us, while taking care that we were effectually silenced‘.18

The only

printers, according to Béaslaí, who continued to defy the DORA regulations were

Stanley and Mahon with their printing works at Liffey Street and Yarnhall Street

respectively.19

Even before Béaslaí began editing the Irish language An Claidheamh

Soluis, the newspaper was printing seditious material in April 1917. Following a

translation of certain columns being carried out, Decies decided that proofs of the

newspaper would need to be submitted to the authorities before they could be

published.20

Béaslaí was therefore in a position to understand the restrictions that

were being placed on newspapers at this time.

16

C.S (Todd) Andrews, Dublin Made Me: An Autobiography (Dublin, 1979), p. 82. 17

Report of Chief Press Censor, Feb 1919 (The National Archives, London (hereafter TNA), CO

904/167). 18

Béaslaí, Michael Collins, Vol. 1, p. 59. 19

Ibid. 20

Dublin Metropolitan Police Report on An Claidheamh Soluis, 17 Apr. 1917 (TNA, CO 904/161/9).

- 10 -

Sinn Féin Candidate

Following the conclusion of the Great War on 11 November 1918, a general

election, the first since 1910, was called by the British Prime Minister, David Lloyd

George. Béaslaí‘s diaries indicate the extent and nature of Sinn Féin‘s preparations

with frequent contributions showing that he had attended meetings and was often at

IRA GHQ. On one occasion, 19 November 1918, he maintained that the particular

Sinn Féin meeting held that evening, in the company of Collins, Boland, and JJ

Walsh, went on until 5.30am. The building was surrounded by G-Men (police

detectives) and following the meeting he noted that they were lucky to escape.21

Béaslaí was a believer of the Sinn Féin policy ‗Put him in to get him out‘, most

notably used in the election of Joseph McGuinness, whereby imprisoned republicans

went forward as election candidates. This approach was favoured by Collins and

Ashe, who were both old-style IRB men, but realised that by putting forward election

candidates the Irish people would be given the opportunity to support Irish freedom.22

This view demonstrated that Béaslaí was pragmatic in the pursuit of his political aims.

This practical, realistic way of thinking would be necessary in editing a secret journal

like An t-Óglach.

Béaslaí began to receive funds as early as January 1918 for the forthcoming

general election campaign. Dick Fitzgerald, the renowned Kerry footballer, passed on

a sum of £5 for the cause.23

By November, Béaslaí received a modest £52 from the

Roger Casement Club in his native Liverpool. He thanked the Liverpool Sinn

Féiners, acknowledging their support as an organisation ‗who can be confidently

relied on to stand steadfastly by the basic principles of Irish Nationalism‘. He did,

however, admit that the need for such funds by that stage in late November might not

be needed: ‗It is probable that there will be no contest in East Kerry‘.24

It was

expected that Timothy O‘Sullivan, who was the elected MP for that constituency

since a by-election in December 1910 would stand again for the IPP.25

The local

Kerryman newspaper noted before the war had ended that it would be difficult for any

21

Diary, Apr.-Dec. 1918 [19-11-1918], (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,957/16); ‗Dates from my Own

Diary‘, May 1917-Dec. 1918 [19-11-1918], (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,957/17). 22

Townshend, Easter 1916, p. 328. 23

Dick Fitzgerald to Béaslaí, 17 Jan. 1918 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,917/8). 24

Béaslaí to Secretary of Liverpool Roger Casement Club (draft), 29 Nov. 1918 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers,

Ms 33,919/7). 25

Brian Walker (ed.), Parliamentary Election Results in Ireland (Dublin, 1978), p. 179.

- 11 -

candidate to compete with O‘Sullivan given his respectable quiet manner, being ‗One

of the best, if not the best of the Dillonite crowd, he stands in the peculiar position of

being highly respected by east Kerry‘.26

In the month preceding the election a

triangular contest was expected in East Kerry with rumours mounting that an

independent candidate would also put his name forward. In the event, O‘Sullivan did

not stand.

Kerry was split into four constituencies and in all cases the Sinn Féin

representatives were elected unopposed: James Crowley (North), Fionán Lynch

(South), Béaslaí (East), and Austin Stack (West).27

The election of four Sinn Féin

men demonstrated the demise of the IPP and the growing support of the Kerry

population, and indeed throughout the country, for the Sinn Féin cause. Béaslaí‘s

election was also of importance when preparations were underway for the First Dáil,

and he played an unheralded role in its establishment. A huge gathering was held in

Killarney in support of Béaslaí on 4 December but illness prevented him from

attending. After travelling from Dublin, he caught the flu on 3 December, and only

felt better four days later when he visited the Bishop of Kerry.28

At the meeting a

letter from Béaslaí, addressed to the people of East Kerry, was read by Fr Finucane in

which Béaslaí stated: ‗This is a great and glorious day in Ireland‘s history – a day

when a great blow is struck for Ireland‘s independence, and the people of East Kerry

have their share in its greatness and glory‘. He concluded with a promise ‗to give all

my best energies, all my wholehearted endeavours to the work you have appointed me

to do‘.29

Although Béaslaí, like other newly elected MPs, was still on the run, he

maintained that Collins held inside information that ‗an order bill was issued that

those of them [the Sinn Féin candidates] who were candidates for election should not

be arrested during the election in their own constituencies‘.30

Whether this was true

or not is irrelevant given that Béaslaí was not arrested, but a secret police file from

October 1918 revealed that the authorities knew a great deal about the republican

candidates who had been approved by the Sinn Fein Executive. Each candidate was

matched up with their constituency, with offences and actions taken marked beside

26

Kerryman, 12 Oct. 1918. 27

Walker (ed.), Parliamentary Election Results, p. 189. 28

Diary, Apr.-Dec. 1918 [3/4/5/7-12-1918] (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,957/16). 29

Kerryman, 7 Dec. 1918. 30

Piaras Béaslaí, Michael Collins, Vol. 1, p. 244.

- 12 -

their name. The notes actions/offences were Easter Week (E.W), Deported 1916-17

(D.), Interned (I.), and Prison (P.). For Béaslaí it read:

‗Kerry (E.) Piaras Beaslaoi, E.W. On the run‘.31

The reason Béaslaí was a wanted man ‗on the run‘, was that he had been given bail

from Belfast prison (arrested for making a seditious speech in Killarney), on 17 May,

the night of the ‗German Plot‘. He never returned to Belfast and Collins informed

him that a deportation order had been sent to Belfast, where the British authorities

believed him to be.32

Once elected, however, Béaslaí and his party colleagues began

to carry out their promise of creating a new parliament in Dublin.

A Dublin Parliament

The inaugural meeting of Dáil Éireann took place on 21 January 1919 in the

Mansion House, Dublin.33

Proceedings were conducted solely through Irish. All

elected Irish MPs, including Unionists and Home Rulers were invited to attend.

Unsurprisingly, no Unionist or Home Ruler did. De Valera was in Lincoln Prison and

Griffith was imprisoned in Gloucester, so under the proposal of Count Plunkett,

Cathal Brugha, the Waterford deputy, presided. The roll was taken with a total

number of twenty-seven Republican deputies present. With the proceedings being

carried out through the medium of Irish, the answer ‘Fé ghlas ag Gallaibh’

(imprisoned by the foreign enemy) was given on behalf of the thirty-six Republican

representatives still in jail. Béaslaí was the only Kerry representative present at the

first Dáil as Stack, Lynch and Crowley were all imprisoned.34

When the names of

Collins and Boland were read out, it was organised for others to answer as present on

their behalf. At that time, the two were in England planning to get de Valera out of

prison. The new Constitution of Dáil Éireann was read and provisionally approved,

followed by the Declaration of Independence, the appointment of three Dáil members

to represent the Republic at the Paris Peace Conference, and a Message to the Free

Nations of the World was issued. The Democratic Programme of the Dáil was then

adopted and standing orders were postponed until the following day before the session

was adjourned.

31

Report on Censorship, Oct. 1918, Appendix: The Republican Candidates (TNA, CO 904/167). 32

Béaslaí, Michael Collins, Vol. 1, pp 202-4. 33

For an overall study of the First Dáil see Mitchell, Revolutionary Government in Ireland. 34

Dáil Éireann, Miontuairisc and Chéad Dála, 1919-1921, pp 10-12.

- 13 -

The Sinn Féin deputies present that day were the chosen representatives selected

at the 1918 general election the preceding month. They were elected because they

had made a promise to abstain from attending parliament at Westminster and to

establish an independent assembly at home in Ireland instead. Béaslaí was no

exception to this. In his election manifesto as Sinn Féin representative of East Kerry,

Béaslaí demonstrated his excellent literary skills and clearly stated that he was

unwilling to accept British rule in Ireland, finding himself in no different a position

than he held in 1916, as ‗an uncompromising opponent of English rule in this

country‘. He noted that the general election of 1918 was largely different to any other

election that had taken place before. This, he claimed, was due to the fact that small

nations would gain recognition as a result of the Paris Peace Conference: ‗Oppressed

nations, long suffering and struggling under the yoke of foreigners, are now emerging

into the full sunlight of freedom‘. The manifesto was anti-Home Rule, declaring that

a vote for Home Rule was a vote against independence. He closed by stating that he

will remain in Ireland, if elected, and left the people of East Kerry with the following

question: ‗Are you going to vote for Irish independence or for Ireland a Province of

England?‘35

Béaslaí and the Irish Language

Béaslaí played a significant part in the formation of the First Dáil, largely due to

his Irish language and literary skills. Indeed, the selection of Béaslaí as Sinn Féin

election candidate for Kerry East was partially due to his proposal at the 1917 Ard-

Fheis that only Irish speaking-persons should be nominated for the Gaeltacht areas.36

Béaslaí was passionate about the promotion of the Irish language. He was a member

of the Keating Branch of the Gaelic League, a group strongly associated with Munster

people living in Dublin. Béaslaí was also a playwright and actor who was actively

involved with the Na hAisteoirí company for amateur Irish actors. Plays written by

Béaslaí include Cormac na Coille (1907), Cluiche Cartaí (1914), and Fear na Milliún

Punt (1915). In 1916 he founded the Fáinne, an organisation whereby members wore

a ring badge demonstrating their readiness to speak the Irish language. Seán T.

O‘Kelly attributes the translation of Sinn Féin‘s 1918 manifesto into Irish to Béaslaí

35

Election Manifesto of Piaras Béaslaí, 1919 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,912/13). 36

Brian Farrell, The Founding of Dáil Éireann: Parliament and Nation-Building (Dublin, 1971), p. 26.

- 14 -

with some assistance given by JJ O‘Kelly (Scelig).37

Béaslaí was well-suited to his

new role as editor for the Volunteer journal. When approached by Collins in July

1918 he was editing An Claidheamh Soluis, the official newspaper of the Gaelic

League. It is plausible that this led to Collins‘s approach. Since An t-Óglach was to

be a secret journal solely for Volunteers, there could not simply have been a formal

application process to find a suitable candidate for the job; Collins was well aware of

Béaslaí‘s abilities as an editor and knew he was a trustworthy person to fill the

position given that he was a close personal friend and founding member of the

Volunteers. As well as providing editorials, Béaslaí, a noted freelance journalist, had

to write leading articles. Before the Rising, along with others, such as Fionán Lynch

and Gearóid O‘Sullivan (who both trained together as students in St. Patrick‘s

College, Drumcondra), Béaslaí contributed to Seán Mac Diarmada‘s IRB newspaper,

Irish Freedom.38

Established in 1910, it ‗marked the reassertion of the Fenian ideal‘.

39 He also worked for the Evening Telegraph and provided the Irish language column

for the Freeman’s Journal.40

In terms of creating propaganda, Béaslaí would most

definitely have been a well-sought candidate, given that he was also a dramatist.

An Claidheamh Soluis or ‗The Sword of Light‘ had been published since 1899,

with Eoin Mac Néill as its first editor. Patrick Pearse served as editor from 1903-9.

At the turn of the century, the newspaper took over the bilingual Fáinne and Lae

merging as An Claidheamh Soluis agus Fáinne an Lae. The function of the

newspaper was to promote and advance the study of the Irish language and literature,

but perhaps more importantly, in terms of Béaslaí‘s future post with An t-Óglach, it

served as the principal medium for the spread of Gaelic League propaganda.41

Seán

Mac Giollarnáth edited the paper after Pearse until 15 September 1917 when a notice

in the newspaper announced that Béaslaí had assumed the role.42

During his term as

editor, the paper changed its name to Fáinne an Lae on 12 January 1918. Béaslaí

regularly communicated through letters with his father Patrick Beazley, editor of the

37

Seán T. O‘Kelly (IMA, BMH WS 1765/2, p. 258). 38

T. Ryle Dwyer, Tans, Terror and Troubles: Kerry’s real Fighting Story, 1913-1923 (Cork, 2001), p.

145. 39

M.J. Kelly, The Fenian Ideal and Irish Nationalism. 1882-1916 (Woodbridge, 2006), pp 187-8. 40

Maume, ‗Piaras Béaslaí‘ in DIB. 41

Pádraigín Riggs, ‗An Claidheamh Soluis‘ in John T. Koch (ed.), Celtic Culture: A Historical

Encyclopaedia, Vol. 1, (Santa Barbara, 2006) p. 451. 42

An Claidheamh Soluis, 15 Sept. 1917.

- 15 -

Catholic Times in Liverpool. In a letter marking the jubilee issue of Fáinne an Lae,

produced under Béaslaí‘s editorship, Beazley commended the work of his son:

Accept hearty congratulations on the jubilee number of Faínne (sic) an Lae.

Considering the difficulty it must have been necessary to face, the issue was a

great triumph for the old language. May the paper continue to do its most

valuable work for Ireland with ever-increasing success.43

Although this could be regarded as the sympathetic praise of a father for a son, this

argument, however, appears unlikely given Beazley‘s editorship of a leading

newspaper in Britain. Béaslaí continued his editorship until July 1919, but irregularly

due to imprisonment. When in prison, Risteárd Ó Foghlú, who regularly contributed

articles to the paper, took over as editor under his regular pseudonym ‗Fiachra

Éilgeach‘.44

Terminology for the First Dáil

In his biography of Collins, Béaslaí acknowledged his delight in playing a role

in the foundation of the Dáil: ‗It is a source of pride to me to have played a

considerable part in the arrangements for what proved to be a dramatic historical

event‘.45

Private sessions were held before the first Dáil meeting with various sub-

committees. Béaslaí played a part in the drafting of the Democratic Programme

along with George Gavan Duffy, Robert Barton, Collins, Walsh, and Harry Boland.46

He was also on a sub-committee that came up with the exact Irish terminology to be

used in official notices, statements, and documents of the new Irish Parliament. Seán

T. O‘Kelly noted that although Mac Néill and Pádraic Ó Máille got most of the credit

for creating the new terms, it was Béaslaí, Sceilg and journalist Risteárd Ó Foghlú

who did the majority of the work.47

One point of disagreement among the sub-

committee was the translation of the word ‗Republic‘, which was to have fatal

consequences when negotiations were held in the run-up to the Anglo-Irish Treaty in

1921. Béaslaí, Sceilg, Mac Néill, and Ó Máille could not agree on a suitable term for

a long time, eventually opting for ‗Saorstát‘ as ‗the proper equivalent of the English

43

P.L. [Patrick Langford] Beazley to Béaslaí, 10 Aug. 1918 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,972/14). 44

Regina Uí Chollatáin, An Claidheamh Soluis agus Fáinne an Lae, 1899-1932: Anailís ar

Phríomhnuachtán Gaeilge Ré na hAthbheochana (Dublin, 2004), p. 153. 45

Béaslaí, Michael Collins, Vol. 1, p. 255. 46

Seán T. Ó Ceallaigh, Seán T; Scéal a Bheatha ó 1916 go 1923 á insint ag Seán T. Ó Ceallaigh; in

eagar ag Pádraig Ó Fiannachta (Dublin, 1972), p. 59. 47

Ibid., p, 61; Lesa Ní Mhunghaile, ‗Risteard Ó Foghlú‘ in DIB.

- 16 -

word‘.48

At the first meeting, Béaslaí made a passionate speech in which he noted the

honour he held in being part of the establishment of the first Dáil, a privilege he owed

to his role in the Easter Rebellion of 1916. Although he noted many of the great

leaders from 1916 had passed, he remembered that their spirit lived on and with the

help of God the members present that day should follow their example: ‗le congnamh

Dé leanfaimíd an sompla d'fhágadar san in ar gcomhair‘. He continued, explaining

the need to uphold the new constitution, whether it be through abstention,

imprisonment or blood, before concluding that the Dáil will do everything in its

power to achieve peace for the Irish people.49

As well as drafting the Democratic Programme, Béaslaí also read it aloud in

Irish at the opening public session. Due to the fact that the programme had to be fully

supported by the Labour representatives, Béaslaí was only given the complete

document in English on the morning of the public session. Without time to spare, he

could not have properly translated the document. When called to read the Irish

version, he stood up with the English version in hand, and pretended to be reading.

Béaslaí later noted: ‗I think not one of the large audience suspected that I was only

making a rough-and-ready impromptu translation of the English document. The Irish

version which appears in the official records was written by me subsequently, with

more time and care‘.50

The Constitution was the only document adopted at the first

meeting that was read only in Irish. Originally drafted in English, the constitution

was then given to Béaslaí and translated into Irish. An English text was supplied to

the press on 22 January 1919. Farrell notes of this English version that it is ‗the text

usually printed and referred to but is not the original English text but a clumsy

retranslation of Béaslaoí‘s (sic) Irish version‘.51

Following the Easter Rising, Béaslaí was not involved in any military

operations whatsoever. Indeed, his active involvement with the Volunteers ceased,

save his duties as editor of An t-Óglach. This chapter has background context to the

restrictions placed on newspapers throughout the Great War under DORA. The

48

Seán T. O‘Kelly (IMA, BMH WS 1765/2, p. 259). 49

Dáil Éireann Debates, 21 Jan. 1919, vol 1, col. 16. 50

Irish Independent, 26 Jan. 1953. 51

Farrell, Dáil Éireann, p. 63.

- 17 -

difficulties faced by An t-Óglach, which is discussed in detail in the next chapter,

were formidable. Béaslaí‘s contribution to Irish drama, the Gaelic League, and his

role in the formation of the First Dáil, which went largely unknown, demonstrate the

depth of his commitment to both the development of the Irish language and the

establishment of an independent parliament in Dublin, and also suggested that he

would be a suitable candidate to edit the secret IRA journal.

- 18 -

CHAPTER TWO

‘TO GUIDE, CHEER AND ENCOURAGE THOSE WHO WERE FIGHTING BRAVELY FOR THE

FREEDOM OF IRELAND’1

Every Volunteer is entitled, morally and legally, when in the execution of his

military duties to use all legitimate methods of warfare against the soldiers and

policemen of the English usurper, and to slay them if it is necessary to do so in

order to overcome their resistance. He is not only entitled but bound to resist all

attempts to disarm him. In this position he has the authority of the nation

behind him, now constituted in concrete form.

An t-Óglach, 1919

2

This chapter will examine Béaslaí‘s role as editor of An t-Óglach, the new

official Volunteer organ, from its establishment in August 1918 to the conclusion of

the War of Independence with the signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty in December

1921. The founding of the journal was motivated by a concern that a lack of

communication and unity within the Volunteer organisation had arisen and that a

secret in-house journal was necessary to maintain morale. An underground journal

was required due to the Defence of the Realm Act, 1914. This legislation, with the

aim of preventing invasion, granted the government wide-ranging powers during the

war, sought to keep wartime morale high, and imposed heavy censorship throughout

Britain and Ireland. A notable measure of the act was ‗to prevent the spread of false

reports or reports likely to cause disaffection to His Majesty‘.3 By the time An t-

Óglach was established, the Irish Volunteers had no journal, given that the Irish

Volunteer had ceased publication in 1916. It is intended to assess Béaslaí‘s

contribution to the new organ by examining various aspects of his role as editor, the

production and significance of the new organ, and the difficulties encountered.

Béaslaí realised the importance of propaganda and the written word in the struggle:

The pen, the written word, would have been of little avail without the printed

word. The power of the press was realised and used with great effect in the fight

for Ireland‘s freedom. 4

1 ‗The Underground Press‘, undated article draft by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2).

2 An t-Óglach, 31 Jan. 1919.

3 Defence of the Realm Consolidation Act, 27 Nov. 1914.

4 ‗The Underground Press‘, undated article draft by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2).

- 19 -

The Irish Volunteer

Following the 1916 Rising, the Volunteers had no independent journal or

newspaper of their own. Established in February 1914, The Irish Volunteer was

edited initially by Larry de Lacy and then by Eoin Mac Neill. This newspaper was

the predecessor of An t-Óglach. It generally consisted of eight pages with the opening

article from the editor followed by different pieces such as news from the European

war, artillery, training methods, poetry, obituaries, advertisements, and notices of Na

Fianna Éireann, the republican boy-scout organisation. Interestingly, a section was

also included in some issues containing accounts of various Anglo-Irish battles, such

as the Battle of Castlebar in 1798 and the Battle of Benburb in 1646.5 Contributions

to the newspaper came from many different nationalists, such as JJ O‘Connell,

Terence Mac Swiney and Patrick Pearse. The Irish Volunteer came into existence,

just three months after the formation of the Irish Volunteers, because the IPP

dominated the country‘s political outlook at the time and therefore dictated what was

published in the press. It also acted as a medium of communication between the

Volunteer Headquarters staff and rank and file Volunteers. This newspaper differed

to An t-Óglach in that it was twice the physical size and was not circulated secretly,

but was similar in that it had a leading article by the editor, contributions from other

individuals, and served as a form of communication between the ranks.

A New Journal

For almost two years the Volunteers had no journal of their own. In July 1918

(most likely the weekend of 12-14 July), Béaslaí was approached by Michael Collins

to edit a new newspaper for the Irish Volunteers.6 Béaslaí recalled meeting Collins in

Vaughan‘s Hotel and the latter coming straight to the point: ‗we‘re greatly

handicapped by the want of a journal. You know how useful the ‗Irish Volunteer‘

was before 1916?‘7 Béaslaí‘s initial reaction was that any new journal would

immediately be suppressed by the authorities and even if it were to come into

existence heavy censorship would ensure that nothing of importance, military or

otherwise, could be published.8 Collins, however, maintained that ‗it will be possible

5 Irish Volunteer, 26 Dec. 1914 & 16 Jan. 1915.

6 Béaslaí, Michael Collins, Vol. 1, p. 203.

7 ―An t-Óglach‖ – Secret IRA Journal – How It Was Produced – Black & Tans Baffled – Raids and

Escapes‘, hand-written, undated article by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2). 8 Ibid.

- 20 -

to print a small journal secretly and circulate it secretly, to Volunteers only‘.9 The

new journal was backed by IRA GHQ. Béaslaí duly agreed to take the role which

entitled him to attend meetings of the Volunteers/IRA GHQ as Director for Publicity.

After becoming director, Béaslaí‘s diary from 1918 indicates that he attended GHQ at

least once a month.10

He noted that this new editorial position ‗was to be a purely

military job‘.11

This statement by Béaslaí is not entirely true as there appears to be no

evidence to suggest that he was to engage in any military operations during his term

as editor. The importance of propaganda to the IRA was clearly recognised by

Collins from an early stage in the struggle for independence.

The function of the new journal was set out in April 1921:

It is the duty of An tOglach to keep the true position clearly before Volunteers, to

expose enemy misrepresentations and lies, to emphasise the lessons of the military

campaign, to explain the point-of-view of G.H.Q, to provide useful instructions on

methods of guerrilla warfare, end (sic) to give information of value or interest

which could not be obtained elsewhere.

Above all it is its duty to endeavour to interpret and inculcate the true Volunteer

spirit – that spirit which has inspired and guided so many brave and noble men in

the doing of great deeds for Ireland….It should be the duty of officers to secure

the widest possible circulation for the contents of An tOglach among their men,

and the careful study of it.12

Members of GHQ were to pass information to Béaslaí for publication. Béaslaí served

as editor of the newspaper for five years, although while in prison in 1919 the

newspaper ceased publication from May until October but resumed in December.13

According to Townshend, An t-Óglach became ‗the nearest thing that the I.R.A. had

to a general order sheet.14

The first issue appeared on 15 August 1918. It consisted of

three major sections: a leading article/editorial by Béaslaí, a section devoted to ‗Notes

from Headquarters‘, with contributions from the various GHQ department directors,

and a ‗General Notes‘ section. This general format continued throughout Béaslaí‘s

editorship with slight deviations such as the inclusion of separate sub-sections titled

‗Training Notes‘ and ‗Organisational Notes‘ instead of ‗Notes from Headquarters‘,

9 ―An t-Óglach‖ – Secret IRA Journal – How It Was Produced – Black & Tans Baffled – Raids and

Escapes‘, hand-written, undated article by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2). 10

Diary, Apr.-Dec. 1918 [21 Aug./4 Sept./2 & 25 Oct./13 Nov. 1918] (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms

33,957/16). 11

―An t-Óglach‖ – Secret IRA Journal – How It Was Produced – Black & Tans Baffled – Raids and

Escapes‘, hand-written, undated article by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2). 12

An t-Óglach, 8 Apr. 1921. 13

It is unclear if any issue of the newspaper was published in Nov. 1919. See Appendix 1. 14

Charles Townshend, The British Campaign in Ireland (Oxford, 1975), p. 19.

- 21 -

and in later editions ‗Notes from Reports‘ were also be incorporated into or took the

place of ‗General Notes‘. An t-Óglach was a small newspaper consisting of four

pages and throughout the struggle remained at a price of two pence. The price was

similar to weekly provincial newspapers such as the Meath Chronicle which was also

two pence, and double the inexpensive daily Irish Independent.15

From 1919 to

March 1921 it appeared at irregular intervals of 2-4 weeks, and from 1 April 1921 it

became a weekly publication until after the Anglo-Irish Treaty.16

During Béaslaí‘s

editorship, the newspaper went through three unequal volumes during the War of

Independence which indicates the difficulties that faced Béaslaí in producing the

secret and illegal journal. The first volume ran from 15 August 1918 until 27 March

1919. Volume two ran from 5 April 1919 to 1 March 1921, and the third volume ran

from 15 March 1920 into the civil war period. Although printed by Joe Stanley at the

Gaelic Press on Liffey Street, no imprint was placed on the newspaper as this would

lead to immediate suppression if a copy was found by the British authorities.

Content of An t-Óglach

In the first issue of An t-Óglach on 15 August 1918, Béaslaí‘s leading article

addressed the role of the Irish Volunteer, noting that ‗Volunteers are not politicians;

they were not created for the purposes of parades, demonstrations, or political

activities; they follow no political leader as such; their allegiance is to the Irish

Nation‘. He insists that the Volunteers obey the command of their local leaders, who

co-operate with other departments of the national life, and do their utmost ‗to make

our Irish Republic a tangible reality‘.17

The leading articles contributed by Béaslaí

were always propagandist and morale-boosting in nature as the following example

from January 1920 shows:

The Army of Ireland is now more numerous, better organised, armed, and

equipped than ever before; and the men throughout the country have answered

splendidly to the calls made upon their courage and endurance.18

Throughout the struggle, An t-Óglach always put forward the notion that the

Volunteers were winning the war at all times:

The enemy, hopelessly beaten in guerrilla warfare and unable to strike effective

blows against the armed soldiers of the Irish Republic has fallen back upon a

15

Meath Chronicle, 16 Aug. 1918; Irish Independent, 15 Aug. 1918. 16

See Appendix 1. 17

An t-Óglach, 15 Aug. 1918. 18

Ibid., 15 Jan. 1920.

- 22 -

campaign of murder and arson against women, children and unarmed non-

combatants of the Irish Republic.19

Although treating contemporary events, Béaslaí‘s articles dealt with the same

recurring propagandist themes of self-praise, increasing morale and criticism of the

British military position. Each article gave a brief overview of the military position of

the IRA at that time. Many articles opened with statements such as ‗Since the last

issue of An tOglach‘, followed by accounts of recent occurrences.20

When Béaslaí

came across foreign newspaper reports that were sympathetic to the republican cause

he often inserted quotes from these newspapers in an effort to legitimise his cause.

For instance, in the issue of 1 March 1920 Béaslaí included references from American

and French newspapers.21

The title of the leading article was often duplicated in

different issues, but the content of the article was always different (see Appendix 1).

The most recurrent theme in Béaslaí‘s articles was an appeal to the Volunteers,

regardless of the situation, to continue the struggle. In May 1920, Béaslaí noted that

the present time ‗is not a time for halting to report progress nor for indulging in self-

gratulation, but for pushing forward our campaign with energy and efficiency‘.22

Over a year later, and even with the Truce in place, Béaslaí was still putting forward

this notion: ‗Nothing has yet happened which should cause the Irish Republican Army

to relax its vigilances‘.23

Many of the editorials written by Béaslaí in the early issues dealt with

conscription. Following the arrest of leading Sinn Féin leaders, including de Valera

and Griffith, following the ‗German Plot‘ in May 1918, Béaslaí felt it necessary to

publicise that the threat of conscription still prevailed. In the mid-September issue of

An t-Óglach Béaslaí noted that it was the responsibility of the Volunteers ‗to resist

Conscription actively, working together as an armed, organised and disciplined body,

acting under the orders of our responsible leaders‘. He continued, stating that the

British government, discontent with simply occupying the island with force of arms,

instead proposed to inflict ‗upon the manhood of Ireland a fate worse than death‘,

claiming power:

19

Ibid., 1 Oct. 1920. 20

See for example, Ibid., 15 July 1920. 21

Ibid., 1 Mar. 1920. 22

Ibid., 1 May 1920. 23

Ibid., 22 July 1921.

- 23 -

not only over our lives, but over our souls; it dares to threaten us not merely with

death (for which we have shown how little we care), but the most degraded of

deaths; to die fighting as slaves for our enemies in a fight that is not ours.24

The anti-conscription editorials penned by Béaslaí reflected the popular view among

all shades of nationalists. Sensing that the European war was coming to a close at the

end of October, it seemed to Béaslaí that the risk of conscription was greatly receding.

He noted that regardless of the situation, there should be no relaxation on the part of

the ‗Army of Ireland‘. Following his plea for continued attentiveness, he pointed out

that ‗there never was a moment since Easter Week, 1916, when it was more

absolutely essential and imperative that Irish Volunteers should concentrate upon their

work and bring their military efficiency up to the highest pitch‘; after all the

Volunteers, according to Béaslaí, were ‗the grim reality that England cannot get rid

of‘.25

In conclusion, Béaslaí noted that the Volunteers should have themselves

properly ready for any eventualities that may arise, especially given that ‗The future

of Ireland depends on them, and any slackening of tension or weakening of interests

and efficiency at the present time might prove fatal‘.26

The section ‗Notes From Headquarters‘ contained contributions from the

various department directors of the IRA GHQ. The GHQ was established in March

1918 with Richard Mulcahy as Chief-of-Staff and Collins as Director of

Organisation.27

With few arms or ammunition and no real means of control, GHQ

could impose little authority over local commands but importantly had the potential

for educating the Volunteers. Given that the new GHQ staff was ‗far more energetic

and professional than its predecessor before 1916‘ the policy of education and co-

ordination was realised with the introduction of An t-Óglach.28

Practical methods of

training were promoted throughout the journal. For example, in an issue from

February 1920, the training notes section described the possible use of firearms as

clubs: ‗At close quarters the rifle, even without a bayonet, is a formidable weapon in

hand to hand conflict…there are two ways in which the butt of the rifle or shot-gun

can be used‘.29

The newspaper was not, however, confined to notes relating to

24

An t-Óglach, 14 Sept. 1918. 25

Ibid., 29 Oct. 1918. 26

Ibid. 27

Michael Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence (Dublin, 2002), p. 16. 28

Townshend, Easter 1916, p. 341. 29

An t-Óglach, Feb. 1920.

- 24 -

physical training. For example, in some issues notes were included which gave

translations of military terms in Irish.30

JJ O‘Connell, as first Assistant Director and

from November 1920 Director of Training, contributed Training Notes.31

Thomas

Meldon, a musketry instructor, as well as giving lectures to Volunteers on musketry

also submitted ‗a series of articles on all branches of training were written for ―An t-

Oglach‖‘ from 1918 until 1920.32

In one of the earlier issues Béaslaí‘s section on general notes outlined the

necessity for Volunteers to understand the topics addressed in each issue and

recommended that ‗Company commanders shall read the issues of ―An t-Oglach‖ to

their companies slowly and carefully, explaining and amplifying the various points

dealt with, and going fully into details‘.33

Following the non-appearance of the

newspaper due to Béaslaí‘s arrest in 1919, it was announced in the December issue

that the problem had been rectified: ‗The difficulties which caused a delay in the

publication of ―An t-Oglách‖ have now been overcome, and we hope in future to

issue each number with perfect promptness and regularity‘.34

Following the Truce,

the ‗General Notes‘, and indeed the newspaper in general, became less rigidly

structured. Reports were often directly quoted by Béaslaí and sections such as

‗Mentioned in Despatches‘ and ‗Ambushes Notes‘ could sometimes be found in place

of, or accompanying, the ‗General Notes‘.35

It is difficult to assess the importance of An t-Óglach as a military newspaper

given that the IRA were not a unified professional army fully controlled and regulated

by GHQ. Local IRA column leaders, such as Seán Moylan and Tom Barry, held little

regard for the ‗pen pushers‘ of the GHQ and preferred to place an emphasis on direct

military action. Indeed, actions or policies were more often brought about by local

IRA initiative such as the formation of flying columns in Limerick, before gaining

30

Ibid., 4 & 11 Nov. 1920. 31

Marie Coleman, ‗Jeremiah Joseph O‘Connell‘ in DIB; for O‘Connell‘s own notes relating to

Training of Volunteers see chapters 9, 10, and 11 in his draft copy of his ‗History of the Irish

Volunteers‘ in Hobson‘s Papers in the National Library (NLI, Bulmer Hobson Papers, Ms 13,168). 32

Note by JJ O‘Connell on Mr Thomas Meldon (NLI, JJ O‘Connell Papers, Ms 22,117/1); Thomas J.

Meldon (IMA, BMH WS 734, p. 30). 33

An t-Óglach, 14 Oct. 1918. 34

Ibid., 15 Dec. 1919. 35

See for example Ibid., 28 Oct. 1921.

- 25 -

official sanction from GHQ.36

Nonetheless, Béaslaí‘s leading articles did serve as a

means of instruction in terms of training and procedures (whether or not the local IRA

leaders chose to read the notes to their men). As well as boosting morale, notes on

training produced useful information for Volunteers. Richard Mulcahy, IRA Chief-

of-Staff, although a strong critic of Béaslaí‘s later biography of Collins, recognised

the importance of Béaslaí‘s contribution to the journal:

The leading articles of An tÓglach at the particular time are well worth

examining. They are excellently done in the light of the circumstances of the

time, and the ―face‖ that they put on the activities and work and spirit of the

volunteer (sic).37

Production of An t-Óglach – the contribution of Joe Stanley

It might be presumed that Béaslaí would have been instrumental in the

practicalities of setting up of the new organ. This, however, was not the case with

much of the early preparations already underway: ‗I found that all the details had been

planned out already by the far-seeing Collins‘.38

Apart from providing ‗Notes on

Organisation‘, Collins helped in the smooth-running of the newspaper in other ways.

Although busy with his own labours, Collins found time to instruct Béaslaí

occasionally about the newspaper. For example, on 11 December 1918, he wrote a

note to Béaslaí making arrangements for publication:

The proofs will be ready by 7 o‘clock this evening and it will be necessary to

correct them at once as [Joe] Stanley has to have them first thing in the morning

so as to be ready for the machining arrangements I have made for tomorrow

evening.39

Collins had arranged for the newspaper to be published by Joe Stanley, proprietor of

the Gaelic Press. He was obviously aware of Stanley‘s capabilities as a printer and

that he was also a very trustworthy republican. Stanley bought the Gaelic Press in

1913 from Matthew Walker, father of Charles Walker who helped Stanley print An t-

Óglach. He soon also took over the ‗Art Depot‘ on Mary Street.40

Stanley printed

nationalist newspapers such as The Spark and Honesty, and he edited and printed the

Gaelic Athlete, ‗The only Journal in Ireland entirely devoted to Gaelic Pastimes‘.41

36

Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence, p. 75. 37

Richard Mulcahy, ‗Notes on the text of Piaras Beaslaí‘s (sic) Michael Collins‘ (UCDAD, Richard

Mulcahy Papers, P7/D/67). 38

―An t-Óglach‖ – Secret IRA Journal – How It Was Produced – Black & Tans Baffled – Raids and

Escapes‘, hand-written, undated article by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2). 39

Collins to Béaslaí, 11 Dec. 1918 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,917/8). 40

Tom Reilly, Joe Stanley: Printer to the Rising (Dingle, 2005), p. 21. 41

Gaelic Athlete, 22 July 1916.

- 26 -

He also acted as a wholesale stockist of newspapers and other leaflets that he did not

print himself such as An Claidheamh Soluis, The Eye Opener, The Catholic Bulletin,

and Arthur Griffith‘s Nationality.42

Stanley continued to print and distribute

nationalist and republican publications irrespective of the restrictions imposed by

DORA. Given Stanley‘s activities, it is unsurprising that the Gaelic Press was

frequently raided. The first major raid occurred on 24 March 1916 with a sizeable

police force carrying out the operation just weeks before the Easter Rising. During

this search printing machinery on the premises was confiscated with Stanley

estimating the loss at £1,525.43

This raid was not, however, enough to prevent him

from continuing to lend whatever assistance he could to the struggle for

independence. Instrumental in printing the Proclamation, Stanley also printed the first

and only issue of Irish War News on 25 April 1916.44

This four-page bulletin acted as

Pearse‘s first communiqué from the GPO. Stanley was arrested for his role in the

Rising and was detained in Frongoch internment camp in Wales.45

Ben Novick notes

that in the six months after the Easter Rising newspaper propaganda came to an

effective halt as most propagandists had been deported and imprisoned.46

Stanley was determined to continue his business when released and was

unwilling to cease publishing or selling articles that could be deemed ‗seditious‘. In

December 1917 the premises of Fergus O‘Connor at 44 Eccles Street was raided and a

large quantity of seditious literature seized. The raid report noted that O‘Connor had

no printing machines on his premises but that ‗He gets his printing done by Joseph M.

Stanley, ―The Gaelic Press‖, 30, Upper Liffey Street, especially songs and music‘.47

For almost a year, all businesses suspected of distributing seditious literature in

Dublin were searched. A report in November 1918 by the superintendent, G Division,

DMP noted that these distributors included Stanley at the Gaelic Press and Art Depot,

and other businesses belonging to JJ Walsh, Fergus O‘Connor, and others. Stanley

was again held mainly responsible for the printing of any unfavourable material:

42

Reilly, Joe Stanley, p. 28. 43

Ibid. 44

Charles Walker (IMA, BMH WS 241, p. 3). 45

Reilly, Joe Stanley, pp 52-9. 46

Ben Novick, Conceiving Revolution: Irish Nationalist Propaganda during the First World War

(Dublin, 2001), p. 36. 47

DMP Search and raid report: Fergus O‘Connor, 44 Eccles Street, Dublin, Publisher, 13 Dec. 1917

(TNA, CO 904/161/10).

- 27 -

Practical printers and others of trustworthy character skilled in the trade have been

approached with a view of tracing the printers of the anonymous productions, but

they failed to establish anything tangible beyond expressing the belief that most of

them were printed by the Gaelic Press.48

Commenting on the report, the Chief Inspector agreed that Stanley ‗was

responsible for the printing and publication of the greater part of this seditious

literature‘, but that he should no longer be a nuisance to the authorities given that ‗the

printing machinery had been dismantled by the Police and taken some time ago from

the Gaelic Press Office, and a Magistrate‘s Closing Order was obtained against the

Irish Art Depot‘.49

He also added that the constant raiding of Mahon‘s shop caused

him to stop printing and selling seditious literature. Most importantly the Chief

Inspector was now almost certain that An t-Óglach came from Stanley‘s printing

machines:

I may add that ―An Toglac‖ – The Irish Volunteer – a fortnightly publication

(copy herewith) was shown to a practical City Printer, who stated in his opinion it

was printed by the Gaelic Press.50

Stanley was eventually forced to shut his business because of frequent unannounced

raids. Fortunately, the newspaper was never actually discovered but there were

instances when disaster was only just averted. One such unexpected raid was recorded

by Charles Walker, an employee of Stanley. Walker wrote to Béaslaí in 1938, telling

him of his experiences:

we had printed the paper & it was sent out to [the] dispatch place, but a

supplement which was with that Issue about atrocities [in] Belfast Jail was left

behind to be called for later it was made up in bundles just like the way it came to

Plant from Paper Mills. I placed it under the plain paper when we had a surprise

raid, and what luck on ―G‖ man sat on the very bundle that the printed copies

were in while the rest of them [officers] searched the place they opened reams of

paper but forgot the one the man was sitting on.51

On a different occasion the type for the newspaper was actually sitting in the printing

machine, and even though ‗the detectives ransacked the whole place, they did not

think of looking on the machine.‘52

By the time the First Dáil convened on 21

January 1919, Stanley had finished printing An t-Óglach. Paddy Mahon then printed

48

DMP Report on Seditious Literature, 13 Nov. 1918 (TNA, CO 904/161/10). 49

Ibid. 50

Ibid. 51

Charles Walker to Béaslaí, 27 Jan. 1938 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2). 52

Cited in Reilly, Joe Stanley, pp 131-2.

- 28 -

An t-Óglach for a short period in Yarnhall Street but he too was suspected and

arrested, and his business was closed down.53

A New Premises

The ever present threat of a police swoop endangered the very survival of the

newspaper and was the greatest danger that faced Béaslaí as editor. Indeed Béaslaí

found himself in prison on two occasions and was arrested for charges linked to An t-

Óglach. After Mahon was put out of business, Collins and Dick McKee, GHQ

Director of Training and a compositor by trade, proposed printing An t-Óglach

themselves, demonstrating Collins‘s commitment to keeping the journal in print.

Mahon was commissioned to get a printing machine from England. A small office at

the back of Donegan‘s tobacconist shop at 10A Aungier Street was used to print the

newspaper. The small windowless room, however, made Béaslaí‘s task particularly

difficult. There was very little light in the room ‗in which you could not swing a cat‘.

McKee acted as printer in Aungier Street but the new machine was dated, slow, and

difficult to use. Having to kick manually the platen machine (essentially a die

punching machine) to create print, it was a very menial and tiring task. McKee told

Béaslaí that it would take ‗32,000 kicks per issue‘.54

Such an amount of kicks seems

to be exaggerated, although some issues could range from three to four thousand

words per issue which could require up to c.25,000 characters with spaces. On a

platen machine this could mean excessive kicking.

Given the tedious nature of the task and poor plant, it is unsurprising that some

issues of the journal have minor grammatical and spelling errors. For example, the

late July 1921 issue contained exceptionally poor grammar and careless spelling (see

Appendix 2). This particular issue, taken from the Truce period, shows many printed

errors but it is unfair to suggest that other issues of the newspaper contained such

glaring flaws. By then, Walker (assisted by Joe Cullen) had become the printer of An

t-Óglach following McKee‘s murder in Dublin Castle on 21 November 1920 along

with Peadar Clancy and Conor Clune.55

The printing inaccuracies within the

53

―An t-Óglach‖ – Secret IRA Journal – How It Was Produced – Black & Tans Baffled – Raids and

Escapes‘, hand-written, undated article by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2). 54

‗The Underground Press‘, hand-written article by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2). 55

For a brief account of the killings of McKee, Clune and Clancy see Seán O‘Mahony, Three Murders

in Dublin Castle (Dublin, 2000).

- 29 -

newspaper were partially due to the cramped conditions of the small office and the

inadequate machinery used for printing. Walker noted that the task of preparing An t-

Óglach ‗was not an easy job‘. He remembered that another assistant of his, Paddy

Caldwell, had to work with materials on the floor because there was no space for a

table! Given that the newspaper was a secret one, it had to be wrapped carefully due

to the fact that it was often carried by couriers on trains and by other means

throughout the country and anyone was liable to be stopped and searched. Recalling

his time as printer, Walker noted that it was ‗some job‘, working ‗in a bad ventilated

room with a[n] old oil stove which smelled badly‘.56

Another possible reason for the

poor production of the newspaper was simply Walker‘s writing ability with very poor

grammar and punctuation.57

Poor platen machinery was also a probable cause of poor

production quality. Whereas Béaslaí must be credited for the content of the written

articles and notes, it is unfair fair to suggest that he was also responsible for any

printing errors. Indeed, Béaslaí was a talented writer and propagandist, and this

argument can clearly be backed up by looking at any surviving documents he edited

for An t-Óglach (for an example of an edited article draft see Appendix 3). Mistakes

generated during printing were less Béaslaí‘s fault than that of the printer.

Distribution of An t-Óglach

The collection and distribution of proofs and other materials was carried out by

members of Collins‘s staff, most notably Tom Cullen and Joe O‘Reilly.58

Cullen was

a volunteer from Wicklow who later joined Collin‘s GHQ staff. O‘Reilly took part in

the Easter Rising and following release from Frongoch Prison acted as assistant to

Collins taking the role as secretary to the National Aid Association and Prisoner‘s

Dependant Fund. David Neligan recalled that Cullen was ‗one of his best intelligence

men‘, and that O‘Reilly was Collins‘s ‗confidential courier and often carried

important despatches‘, and ‗could be seen at all hours pedalling an old bicycle

furiously‘.59

The distribution of the journal was a very delicate task due to the fact

that if someone was caught in possession of a copy they could be arrested for

substantial spells. At a local level the newspaper was distributed by appointed

56

Walker to Béaslaí, 27 Jan. 1938 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2). 57

For examples of Walker‘s writing see ibid., and a more contemporary note from Walker to Béaslaí

regarding the purchase of printing machinery, n.d. (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,914/2). 58

―An t-Óglach‖ – Secret IRA Journal – How It Was Produced – Black & Tans Baffled – Raids and

Escapes‘, hand-written, undated article by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2). 59

David Neligan, The Spy in the Castle (London, 1968), p. 64 & 71.

- 30 -

Volunteers. One such Volunteer was Patrick Crowe from Kerry, who noted that the

distribution of the newspaper became increasingly difficult as time passed. Initially

he remembered Volunteers picking up the newspaper in a particular shop but as it

became more difficult, they had to be given out by individuals. He also recalled that

no person could keep a copy of the journal in their possession: ‗No longer was it

possible for these to be kept in the pockets or even in any visible part of vans,

engines, etc‘.60

Almost inevitably, An t-Óglach found its way into the hands of the authorities.

This was most likely due to the decision of the GHQ to make the journal somewhat

less secret. From the start of 1921, due to increasing British censorship over the Irish

media, ‗it was decided to circulate ―An t-Oglach‖ among outsiders for propagandist

purposes, and to make known facts suppressed in other publications‘.61

Copies of the

organ were sent to domestic, British and international press correspondents and also

to public figures who were likely to spread the news from its pages. Lily Mernin

recalled an occasion when the newspaper reached enemy hands. Mernin, a cousin of

Béaslaí, worked as a typist in Dublin Castle. Béaslaí introduced Mernin to Collins

who referred to her as ‗Lt G‘ or the ‗little gentleman‘ and she duly passed on any

intelligence information she could to Collins.62

Apart from supplying copied

intelligence material, Mernin also helped to identify British military officers to

members of Collins‘s Squad. On one occasion she attended a football match in

Lansdowne Road with Tom Cullen.63

On a different date, working in her office she

recalled a sergeant walking by with what she thought was ‗a lot of magazines‘.

Curious to know what the sergeant had she asked. ‗He told me they were copies of

―An tOglach‖ and would not part with them for five hundred pounds, as they were

very valuable to them‘.64

That night she reported the incident to Béaslaí, who

instantly became ‗alarmed‘, and felt ‗that some member of the I.R.A. had been

playing a double game‘.65

At this time Mernin was completely unaware that her

cousin was editor of the newspaper.

60

Patrick Crowe (IMA, BMH WS 775, p. 3). 61

An t-Óglach, 4 Nov. 1922. 62

Irish Times, 27 Feb. 1997. 63

Lily Mernin (IMA, BMH WS 441, p. 4). 64

Ibid., p. 5. 65

Ibid.

- 31 -

No Reports, False Reports and Gearóid O’Sullivan

Béaslaí recalled how difficult it was to get information from different GHQ

directors. This was largely due to the fact that other directors were obviously engaged

with their own affairs and for this reason had little time to consider contributions to

An t-Óglach. In his biography of Collins, Béaslaí noted that Collins provided the

most consistent input: ‗Of all the Directors none was so regular and punctual in his

contributions as Collins, who hardly ever missed an issue up to April, 1919‘, when the

paper temporarily ceased publication following Béaslaí‘s arrest.66

In the third issue of

the journal, Collins noted that the Volunteers were not in any way similar to, and

ought not to be, established

on the lines of the standing armies of even the small independent countries of

Europe. If we undertake any such thing we shall fail. Our object is to bring into

existence, train and equip as riflemen scouts a body of men, and to secure that

these are capable of acting as a self-contained unit.67

Not receiving information regularly from the various departments meant that

Béaslaí sometimes had to come up with his own material, which he himself admitted

was not always altogether appropriate. A letter sent by Béaslaí, signed ‗Editor

Oglach‘, expressing frustration to the D/T (Director of Training), gives an insight into

the annoyance felt by Béaslaí when material was not submitted to him: ‗I am getting

no help from the Training Department with regard to Training matter for ―An t-

Oglach‖ and have to publish stuff on my own responsibility with the danger of

publishing unsuitable matter‘.68

This letter can be interpreted in two ways. It could

be argued that Béaslaí was acting solely as an editor of a journal, a position that

realistically could be carried out by a trustworthy civilian if suitable information was

submitted. In this light, Béaslaí was acting in the sole capacity of editor. On the other

hand, Béaslaí held the position of a Director on the GHQ staff and had some military

knowledge given his background in the Volunteers. On this basis, it could be argued

that he should have been able to draft articles on training with relative ease

irrespective of whether reports were submitted to him or not. He suggested that the

Director of Training, who at this time was Emmet Dalton, should send him some

books with relevant material marked off that he could use for training methods in the

66

Béaslaí, Michael Collins, Vol. 1, p. 204. 67

An t-Óglach, 14 Sept. 1918. 68

Béaslaí to D/T [Director of Training, Emmet Dalton] (copy), 19 Nov. 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms

33,914/3).

- 32 -

newspaper.69

Another problem that confronted Béaslaí was the duplication of notes

and articles sent to him from the various departments. Presumably to mollify Béaslaí

the Training Department sent an article to him. This backfired because the same

piece had been published in An t-Óglach less than two months beforehand! Béaslaí

calmly responded: ‗May I point out that the attached article which you have forwarde

(sic) me for publication in ―An t-Oglach‖ has already appeared in our issue of October

21st‘.70

This reply suggests that Béaslaí was organised, on top of his editorial duties

and was an effective communicator – qualities essential in a capable editor. However,

as a statement from a GHQ figure it does not appear very stern. Lacking any power to

impose sanctions or penalties, the letter may not perhaps have been taken as seriously

as Béaslaí may have wished.

Further difficulties existed for Béaslaí, who had to rely on notes submitted to

him from the various brigades. From a draft letter by Béaslaí, it is clear that there was

a serious lack of ‗Press correspondents‘ in certain parts of the country with

Carlingford, Achill, Skerries, Cappawhite, Fethard, Dingle, and Lahinch as examples.

The letter addressed to the O/C, East Limerick Brigade sought suitable volunteers to

create reports from local areas. Reports, however, were sought not just for the

purpose of An t-Óglach publicity but for publication in the ‗Dublin and Provincial

daily press‘.71

When, and if, Béaslaí received information, he faced the problem of

having to distinguish between legitimate and false information. Some reports sent to

Béaslaí were clear works of fiction intended to make the actions of the Crown forces

appear worse than they actually were, and while some reports were sent in merely to

exemplify the alleged efficacy of the Volunteers. One report sent to Béaslaí in June

1921, regarding the shooting of a Lieutenant of the British Army, earned a stern

rebuke. Acknowledging that he had returned the report to the O/C, Béaslaí openly

stated: ‗You will note that every statement in it is wildly inaccurate and the report

seems to have been based only on hearsay from a distance‘. He continued, suggesting

that measures should be taken against the officer who submitted the report, ‗I think

the Officer who sent in such a report deserves a severe reprimand. He apparently did

not take the trouble to get a report from the O/C ―D‖ Coy., before sending in a piece

69

Ibid. 70

Béaslaí to Director of Training [Emmet Dalton] (copy), 2 Dec. 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms

33,914/3). 71

Béaslaí to O/C East Limerick Brigade (copy), n.d. [1921] (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,914/1).

- 33 -

of wildly inaccurate rumour as a ―report‖‘.72

In the same letter, Béaslaí informed the

officer that it was also important that reports should be submitted promptly for

publicity purposes before official Dublin Castle reports were publicised in the

national press. By not swiftly acquiring reports, Béaslaí claimed fairly, from his own

perspective as editor of the Volunteer organ, that ‗I am not getting a fair chance in

fighting enemy propaganda‘.73

One notable aspect of Béaslaí‘s career as editor of An t-Óglach was his difficult

working relationship with Gearóid O‘Sullivan, who succeeded Collins as Adjutant

General in February 1920. Like Béaslaí, O‘Sullivan was an advocate of the Irish

language and was also a member of the Keating Branch of the Gaelic League. He

also helped Béaslaí establish the Fáinne.74

Along with Fionán Lynch and Diarmuid

O‘Hegarty, as actors of Na hAisteoirí, O‘Sullivan took a role in the opening

production of Béaslaí‘s plays An Sgaothaire and Fear na Miliún Punt in May 1915.75

It would appear that Béaslaí and O‘Sullivan must have been on friendly terms. By

looking at correspondence between the two men during the War of Independence, it

appears, however, that certain strains were evident in their relationship.

Disagreements between the two appear frequent, most notably during the Truce

period. A curt note from O‘Sullivan, dated 10 August 1921, referred to an article in

An t-Óglach about Clare and closed: ‗Now look at what you have done‘.76

In this

particular case, O‘Sullivan was greatly annoyed by a letter sent to him by the East-

Clare Acting Brigadier, who noted that actions referred to in the late July issue

wrongly attributed actions to the Mid-Clare Brigade rather than the East-Clare

Brigade. The Acting Brigadier in question seemed unperturbed, stating that it had no

personal bearing on him but ‗as an encouragement for the men who were concerned in

the operations I would like that the Bde. to which they belong should be mentioned‘.77

O‘Sullivan‘s note seems harsh and seems to be more of a personal attack on Béaslaí

than a clarification of a relatively minor publication error.

72

Béaslaí to O/C Dublin Brigade (copy), 23 June 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,914/1). 73

Ibid. 74

Patrick Long, ‗Gearóid O‘Sullivan‘ in DIB. 75

Irish Independent, 4 June 1957. 76

Gearóid O‘Sullivan (Adjutant General) to Béaslaí, 10 Aug. 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms

33,914/2). 77

Acting Brigadier, East-Clare Brigade to O‘Sullivan, 7 Aug. 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms

33,914/2).

- 34 -

A further letter from O‘Sullivan the following month is again critical of Béaslaí:

‗Complaints have been received as to the form of matter in An t-Oglach of late . . . I

am sure you will agree with me that it is most undesirable that such a thing would

have been published in such a way‘.78

The matter O‘Sullivan referred to was an

article, ‗Mentioned in Despatches‘ in the 23 September issue of An t-Óglach. The

text of the article was fine, but a poor editorial slip on Béaslaí‘s part meant that the

statement ‗I want those three [referring to Volunteers killed by Crown forces]

‗Mentioned in Despatches‘‘ was not removed.79

Looking quite unprofessional, this

statement should have been removed before publication and was the fault of the

editor. Béaslaí, however, failed to notice any problem with the way the report was

publicised and made a formal reply, offering to meet the Adjutant General concerning

any issues with An t-Óglach, and questioned his criticism of the article: ‗I would be

glad if you will explain the objection to this particular paragraph‘.80

The

correspondence between Béaslaí and O‘Sullivan also gives an insight to how Béaslaí

regarded his own position within the IRA. O‘Sullivan also criticised An t-Óglach

because of an instance where a letter was written to Béaslaí for inclusion in An t-

Óglach and, according to him was not sanctioned by a ‗superior authority‘, which

could ‗lead to indiscipline‘.81

In this case O‘Sullivan‘s criticism was based on

procedural grounds. Béaslaí‘s response was swift and to the point: ‗The letter in

question was submitted to a ―superior authority‖ – myself, a member of G.H.Q. I am

responsible for everything that appears in ―An t-Ogalch‖ and my decision was that its

publication could lead to no harm, but only good‘.82

Given that Béaslaí held a

position on the GHQ, it appeared that he was a figure of authority to friends and

acquaintances. For this reason, Béaslaí often received correspondence that had no

bearing on his editorial work such as requests from men seeking work, Gaelic League

matters and so forth.

78

O‘Sullivan to Béaslaí, 27 Sept. 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,914/2). 79

An t-Óglach, 23 Sept. 1921. 80

Béaslaí to O‘Sullivan (copy), 30 Sept. 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,914/2). 81

O‘Sullivan to Béaslaí, 2 Nov. 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,914/3). 82

Béaslaí to O‘Sullivan (copy), 3 Nov. 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,914/3).

- 35 -

Ernest Blythe and An t-Óglach – In and Out of Prison

As already mentioned, An t-Óglach was suspended when Béaslaí was serving a

prison sentence from May to October 1919. The only time the leading article was not

written by Béaslaí during his editorship was the mid-October 1918 number. In this

issue the leading article, entitled ‗RUTHLESS WARFARE‘ was written ‗by a leading

Volunteer at present in prison‘. The author was Ernest Blythe and the piece was

given directly to Béaslaí by Collins with a special request that for it to appear in the

bulletin. The article dealt with the importance of counteracting the enforcement of

conscription in Ireland with the Volunteers being warned to ‗eliminate all talk and all

thought of passive resistance. Because passive resistance means no resistance at all‘.

The piece was dramatic and propagandist. Blythe‘s article was unlike any of the

previous (or indeed later) articles by Béaslaí in that the latter constantly inserted

references to ‗Irish Volunteers‘ or ‗Volunteers‘ throughout. ‗Ruthless Warfare‘ was

more hard-line than Béaslaí‘s articles and offered more direct instruction to the

Volunteers. Obviously written from within prison walls, the article was written for

propagandist purposes, but offered Blythe‘s view of the situation and what he thought,

as a prisoner, ought to be done by Volunteers throughout Ireland. In conclusion,

Blythe noted: ‗We shall have made a fight for liberty, probably destined to be as

memorable and as fruitful as that on the fields of Marathon which saved Greece and

saved Europe‘.83

Not only was this article published in An t-Óglach, but it also

appeared as a handbill that was actively sought by the authorities.84

As a result of the

publication of the article, Blythe‘s popularity immediately soared and he regarded the

popularity of the article, along with increasing pressure from Austin Stack, as the

ultimate reason for his election as MP for North Monaghan.85

This particular article

proved a huge propaganda success. Béaslaí noted that ‗passages from it were quoted

in the English Press as examples of the blood-thirsty spirit of the Irish rebels‘.86

On 4 March 1919, Béaslaí was arrested and there was nobody to fill the position

of editor. Béaslaí‘s terms of imprisonment were a constant obstacle to the frequent

publication of An t-Óglach. He was first arrested for making a seditious speech in

Edenderry but was also charged by the notorious detectives Smyth and Wharton for

83

An t-Óglach, 14 Oct. 1918. 84

DMP Report on Seditious Literature, 23 Nov. 1918 (TNA, CO 904/161/10). 85

Ernest Blythe (IMA, BMH WS 939, pp 91-2). 86

Béaslaí, Michael Collins, Vol. 1, p. 210.

- 36 -

the more serious offence of having seditious literature in his possession, the material

was to be used in the next issue of the journal. Smyth was warned by Collins and

Boland not to use the seized articles as evidence in the case against Béaslaí. The

detective ignored the request and as a consequence became the first G-man killed by

Collins‘s Squad for continuing to work under the instruction of the British

government.87

On arrival in Mountjo, Béaslaí found himself in the company of old

comrades – JJ Walsh, who had accompanied Béaslaí on rallies throughout the country

the previous month, and fellow TDs William Sears and Robert Barton. He was also

in the company of Patrick Fleming, a young prisoner who was refused the status of

political prisoner for two years and was brutally treated by prison authorities. On

meeting Fleming, Béaslaí was clearly moved. In an undated pamphlet, with the

author given simply as ‗By an Irish Priest‘, Béaslaí wrote of Fleming in the foreword:

I learned to appreciate that wonderful ―power of the spirit‖ which shone through

the man‘s eyes – a power before which the forces of officialdom quailed and

which won him the unquestioning obedience and loyal devotion of his fellow-

prisoners during his reign as ―Republican Governor of Mountjoy Gaol‖.88

This, of course, was excellent propaganda for any Republican readers of the pamphlet

and demonstrated the willingness of Béaslaí to further republican propaganda outside

his role with An t-Óglach. What was remarkable was the fact that Béaslaí allowed his

name to be printed following the foreword perhaps signifying his dedication to the

cause of independence and freedom.

Less than a month after being imprisoned a mass escape was effected whereby

the jail wardens were held up by some prisoners while others crossed the prison wall

using a rope ladder. The event was remarkably successful with Béaslaí and nineteen

other prisoners escaping. A humorous aspect of the event was that the prison wardens

were held up with dummy revolvers made from prison spoons!89

For the government,

the event proved utmost great embarrassment. Dated pictures of prisoners who

escaped were put in the Police Gazette, Hue and Cry, with Béaslaí‘s picture dated

from after the 1916 Easter Rising (see Appendix 4). On this occasion Béaslaí‘s

87

Richard Abbott, Police Casualties in Ireland, 1919-1922 (Cork, 2000), pp 40-2. 88

Béaslaí, note in foreword to ‗An Irish Priest‘, In Maryboro’ and Mountjoy: the Prison Experiences

and Prison-Breaking of an Irish Volunteer (Padraic Fleming), (n.d.), p. ii. (Béaslaí Papers, NLI Ms

33,914/17). 89

Béaslaí, ‗Twenty got away in the big daylight escape from Mountjoy Jail‘, in IRA Jailbreaks, 1918-

1921, Foreward by Florence O’Donoghue (Cork, 2010) p. 78.

- 37 -

freedom was short lived. A month after escaping he found himself again in

Mountjoy. During this spell in prison he received a letter from Collins asking if he

required books and remarkably his friend Máire Ní Duibhir provided a razor file and a

bottle of chloroform baked in a cake!90

Unexpectedly Béaslaí was transferred to

Birmingham in July 1918 and then to Manchester the following month. There he was

in the company of fellow Kerry TDs Austin Stack and Fionán Lynch. An escape plan

was already underway by the time of Béaslaí‘s arrival. At Strangeways Prison,

Béaslaí found time to deliver lessons in Irish. One prisoner, James (Seamus) Duggan

recalled that under the guidance of Lynch and Béaslaí during his five months

imprisonment he ‗learned sufficient Irish to qualify for the Fáinne‘, which he received

within a month of his release.91

Providing Irish lessons in prison was not a new

venture for Béaslaí. Robert Brennan recalled how Béaslaí gave lessons and held

examinations for the Fáinne in Lewes Prison following the 1916 Rising.92

An escape,

similar to Mountjoy using rope ladders was carried out 25 October 1918 when Béaslaí

and Stack escaped with four others. After this episode Béaslaí was not re-arrested.

During his first imprisonment, Collins was concerned about who would take

over Béaslaí‘s duties, writing to Stack: ‗You have seen of course that Pierce Beazley

has been pinched – its (sic) raises a problem for us. The Oglac is vacant & we want a

man‘. Knowing the capabilities of Blythe, Collins believed that he would be a

suitable man for the task, but the problem remained that Blythe was also in prison,

though soon to be released. He continued writing to Stack:

No doubt Belfast Jail is a funny place to be making an application to but I have an

idea that Earnan [de Blaghd, (Ernest Blythe)] is pretty well due out. If this is so

he‘d be splendid for us and in the meantime we‘d manage to carry on somehow.93

The scant remark that Béaslaí was simply ‗pinched‘ does not seem to trouble Collins,

who seems more fixated on recruiting Blythe for the task albeit temporarily. Any

suggestion that Collins, after a few months of having Béaslaí as editor, was having

second thoughts about his editorial capabilities can be dismissed. Béaslaí

immediately resumed his duties following his escape from Mountjoy and moreover

was later appointed Army Publicity Officer by Collins during the Civil War. Collins,

90

Mick [Collins] to Béaslaí, undated note on Collins‘s business card (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms

33,917/9); Irish Independent, 28 Jan. 1953. 91

James Duggan (IMA, BMH WS 1510, p. 13). 92

Brennan Allegiance, p. 118. 93

Collins to Stack, 7 Mar. 1919 (NLI, Austin Stack Papers, Ms 17,090).

- 38 -

however, must have realised the potential of having Blythe, who also had a

background as a journalist, as editor, given his powerful article five months

previously. Collins was keen to keep the journal in constant publication as any

cessation would be a blow to the morale of the IRA and a propaganda gift to the

Crown forces. The fact that Blythe too was placed behind bars on several occasions

during the struggle is a plausible explanation as to why he could not take up the role

and the reason the journal failed to appear for over half a year.94

Given that Béaslaí

was on the IRA GHQ staff it can be argued that he had a stronger relationship with

Collins than Blythe had; Béaslaí and Collins were in direct frequent communication,

especially with Collins‘s personal interest in the newspaper. Blythe edited one single

issue of the organ, and after his escape from prison, Béaslaí resumed his duty.95

As has been shown in this chapter, Béaslaí‘s pen and literary talents had much

more to offer to the IRA cause than the sword. As a propagandist organ, An t-Óglach

lived up to its requirements. It maintained morale and strengthened the unity of the

IRA; something that plausibly could have easily drifted away if the organ was not

circulated regularly to the Volunteers across the country. The importance and impact

of An t-Óglach is powerfully captured in a statement by Seán Prendergast, an IRA

Captain in Dublin during the War of Independence:

That paper was of invaluable assistance to our movement in more sense than one.

It was mainly devoted to military matters – instructions on various subjects of

training, the art of war and military techniques. Besides, it kept the political aims

of the I.R.A., the complete independence of Ireland, ever to the forefront and went

a long way in contributing to the progress and well being of the I.R.A. force as a

whole. Without such a virtue and patriotic agency the I.R.A. would have found

the task of continuing the fight not alone more difficult but acutely distressing. It

acted as an antidote to other papers and agencies that were equally virile and less

patriotic and more desirous that the I.R.A should play with resolutions than to

engage in revolution…it bridged the gap between the official British reports and

the ordinary newspaper accounts of the political and military course of events of

the time…in point of fact it exercised a strong and sustaining influence among all

ranks of the I.R.A. out of all proportion to its diminutive size or its literary merit

or of the printers…it stressed the need for and upheld the fight then being waged

by the I.R.A. It kept the flag of Ireland aloft, thereby winning a place and name as

a revolutionary journal, perhaps the only revolutionary organ in the world

supporting a guerrilla army.96

94

Patrick Buckley, ‗Ernest Blythe‘ in DIB. 95

This was undoubtedly Vol.1 No.12, from 27 Mar. 1919, when Béaslaí was still in prison (see

Appendix 1). 96

Seán Prendergast (IMA, BMH WS 755/2, p. 331).

- 39 -

The continued struggle of the IRA against the Crown forces resulted in a Truce and

later Treaty, which eventually gained dominion status. Although not by any account

the only factor in ensuring that the Volunteers continued in their struggle, An t-Óglach

offered hope and urged a willingness for the Volunteers to continue to serve their

country to the best of their ability. Despite heavy odds, Béaslaí continued to produce

an uncensored underground newspaper throughout the War of Independence. Béaslaí

himself realised the importance of publicising propagandist material for the cause of

Irish freedom:

The pen, the written word, would have been of little avail without the printed

word. The power of the press was realised and used with great effect in the fight

for Ireland‘s freedom.97

97

‗The Underground Press‘, undated article draft by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2).

- 40 -

CHAPTER THREE

THE PROPAGANDA WAR

―AN T‘OGLACH‖, like the ―IRISH VOLUNTEER‖ which was openly

published up to the time of the rebellion in 1916, is most seditious and

inflammatory and contains instructions on military training, the use of

explosives, the demolition of railways, etc., and persons in whose possession it

was found were arrested under the D.R.R. and prosecuted.

Joseph Byrne, Inspector General, March 1919

1

This chapter seeks to examine the role played by An t-Óglach in the Propaganda

War alongside the efforts of the Sinn Féin and Dáil Éireann publicity departments. It

aims to determine the extent to which the work carried out by Béaslaí was similar to

that of the aforementioned departments. It will also be examined if Béaslaí‘s IRA

Publicity Department worked alongside either the Sinn Féin or Dáil Éireann

departments. Nationalist propaganda was by no means a new phenomenon to emerge

with the beginning of the War of Independence. As previously mentioned, the

introduction of DORA as the Great War began in Europe, meant that the British

forces increasingly sought to suppress seditious nationalist publications in Ireland. A

good indicator of the propagandist value of An t-Óglach can be found in official

police reports, raid and search reports of the Crown forces, army files on suspected

individuals and other miscellaneous files. Of course, testaments from Volunteers are

also useful in determining whether or not the journal was a worthwhile production.

By examining the attention paid to the journal by the authorities, the capacity in

which An t-Óglach was used and its effectiveness as a morale-boosting, propagandist

journal can be gauged. The Crown forces kept a very watchful eye on the content of

An t-Óglach so much so that by the time of the Truce in July 1921, the authorities

held on file at least fifty of the fifty-two issues of the journal up to that point.2

Sinn Féin and Dáil Éireann Propaganda

Sinn Féin had its own publicity department which was established in March

1918, when De Valera told Robert Brennan of plans ‗of establishing a Sinn Féin Press

Bureau‘.3 The bureau was established under the control of Brennan, whose principal

1 Inspector General monthly report, Feb. 1919, (TNA, CO 904/108).

2 By the time the Anglo-Irish Treaty was signed the authorities held at least sixty of the seventy-three

issues released to that point, (TNA, CO 904/24/4); see also Appendix 1. 3 Brennan, Allegiance, p. 162.

- 41 -

task was to write a weekly column, ‗Sinn Féin Notes‘, for provincial newspapers.4

Frank Gallagher was a very active member of this department which was based at 6

Harcourt Street, the Sinn Féin Headquarters. Around the time of the first issue of An

t-Óglach, this department was extremely busy preparing propagandist material for the

upcoming general election. The Sinn Féin Publicity Department and the Dáil Éireann

Department of Propaganda were two independent bodies but the Dáil department

essentially grew out of Sinn Féin and this was openly acknowledged in a Dáil Éireann

propaganda report from August 1921: ‗The Publicity Department of Dail Eireann had

its beginnings in the Sinn Fein organisation‘.5 Gallagher subsequently acted as Chief

Assistant to the Dáil Éireann Director of Propaganda from its foundation until 1921.6

While Béaslaí tried through An t-Óglach to maintain support for the nationalist

cause at home, the government of Dáil Éireann ‗developed a broadly based campaign

to win international support for Irish self-government‘.7 This effort was carried out

by the Departments of Propaganda and Foreign Affairs, and an Irish mission to the

United States. The new Dáil Éireann department was established in January 1919

with Laurence Ginnell as its first director. The Sinn Féin Publicity Department was

still functioning with Robert Brennan continuing as director. Ginnell was arrested in

June 1919. Under his directorship much of the departments work focused on

spreading propagandist pamphlets throughout Ireland. His duties were assumed by

Desmond FitzGerald until February 1921. FitzGerald immediately expanded the

scope and impact of the department, realising that a propaganda policy based solely

on the distribution of pamphlets was inadequate. In his new position, FitzGerald

‗directed his attention at assisting and influencing visiting journalists and transmitting

political propaganda to the opinion-formers of Europe‘.8 As Army Director of

Publicity, Béaslaí presented any required information on military affairs to the Dáil

Department.

4 Mitchell, Revolutionary Government in Ireland, p. 100.

5 Report on The Department of Publicity, History and Progress (copy), Aug. 1921 (NLI, Kathleen Mac

Kenna Napoli Papers, Ms 22,494). 6 Kenneally, The Paper Wall, p. 223.

7 Mitchell, Revolutionary Government in Ireland, p. 99.

8 Ibid., p. 101; ‗Report on Propaganda Department‘, June 1920 (UCDAD, Desmond FitzGerald

Papers, P80/14/7).

- 42 -

In an effort to counteract British censorship and propaganda in Ireland,

FitzGerald came up with the idea of creating a new newspaper which would act as a

medium for communications between the Dáil government and the rest of the world.

The need for a new newspaper also stemmed from the fact that foreign journalists,

‗feeling no enemity (sic) to Ireland, were entirely dependent for their Irish news upon

what they read in the English press‘.9 FitzGerald sought to obtain a wider press for

the Republic and believed the best way to do this was by gaining the support of

sympathetic foreign journalists.10

Through contacts in London, such as FS Flint and

Ezra Pound, FitzGerald was introduced to French press journalists, and in turn,

through these journalists he met Dutch, Spanish, Italian, Scandinavian, Finnish, South

African, and North and South American writers.11

The new official Dáil Éireann

newspaper, the Irish Bulletin, was first published in November 1919. Initially the

Bulletin, ‗a mimeographed sheet‘, was only circulated to thirty people, yet within a

few months it ‗was being read by political figures in London and by politicians,

diplomats and journalists in Europe and the rest of the world‘.12

The new newspaper

was highly propagandistic as ‗it excelled in portraying an exchange of shots as a

battle, the sniping of a police barrack as an assault, or the breaking of windows by

Crown Forces as the sacking of a town‘.13

The matter-of-fact style in which it was

written, however, encouraged credibility and proved a strong influence on the biggest

national daily newspapers, the Irish Independent and the Freeman’s Journal.14

Under the control of Robert Brennan, (and later Childers) the Bulletin faced similar

challenges to those encountered by Béaslaí‘s An t-Óglach such as the lack of material

for publication and the constant threat of raids by Crown forces. The Irish Bulletin

was published regularly, five times per week and, unlike An t-Óglach, was intended

for the consumption of public foreign audiences. The early issues of the Bulletin

merely provided pared-down lists of actions taken by the Crown forces and bare

details of other incidents. By mid-1920 long articles began to appear.15

Luckily for

Béaslaí, An t-Óglach was never discovered while being produced, whereas its Dáil

9 Desmond FitzGerald to Diarmuid O‘Hegarty, 1 Jan. 1920 (UCDAD, Desmond FitzGerald Papers,

P80/14/1). 10

Kenneally, The Paper Wall, p. 47. 11

Kathleen McKenna, ‗The Irish Bulletin‘, Capuchin Annual (1970), pp 505-6. 12

Walsh, The News from Ireland, p. 113. 13

Townshend, The British Campaign in Ireland, p. 67. 14

Ibid. 15

Mitchell, Revolutionary Government, p. 103.

- 43 -

equivalent unfortunately was. Remarkably, poor counterfeit copies were produced by

the Crown forces using the captured equipment in March 1921.16

The Irish Bulletin

and the Propaganda Department were criticised for inefficiency by notable figures

such as Collins and Art O‘Brien, the department‘s press liaison in London. Despite

the criticism, the Irish Bulletin was successful in influencing its initial and primary

audience – the foreign press. For the purpose of this study it is not necessary to trace

the development of the Bulletin, but merely to demonstrate the co-operation between

Béaslaí and the new department.

That Béaslaí and Childers were in direct and frequent communication

demonstrated that friendly co-operation existed between the propaganda departments

of the IRA and the Dáil. Childers, described by Áine Ceannt as ‗a born publicist‘,

took over the position of Director of Propaganda in February 1921 following the

arrest of FitzGerald.17

In a note to Béaslaí, Childers recorded that since taking up

position as Director he had not had as much time as previously to discuss matters of

propaganda/publicity: ‗it is not possible for me to cross town each day to see you, or

to keep in daily touch, other than by correspondence, with the Dublin Press‘. Despite

the new responsibilities facing him in his new role, Childers continued: ‗Whatever

assistance I can give you I will, of course, be only too glad to give‘.18

This letter

suggests that Béaslaí and Childers had a good working relationship, and there is

further correspondence that indicates that both the IRA and Dáil Éireann publicity

departments co-operated together frequently and smoothly. It must also be noted that

Béaslaí and FitzGerald met at regular intervals, with Béaslaí telling the Dáil on the

day following FitzGerald‘s arrest that he was ‗in touch with it [Dáil Publicity

Department] every day‘.19

At this particular sitting of the Dáil, there was no publicity

report given due to FitzGerald‘s imprisonment. Béaslaí, however, had enough

knowledge of the progress of the department to offer a general oral report of the

situation and work carried out by the department at that time. Childers was highly

involved with the production of the Irish Bulletin before FitzGerald‘s arrest but was

not an elected TD and so could not speak as a spokesperson at the Dáil sitting.20

16

Kathleen McKenna, ‗The Irish Bulletin‘, pp 524-5. 17

Áine Ceannt (IMA, BMH WS 264, p. 65). 18

Childers to Béaslaí (copy), 15 July 1921 (UCDAD, Desmond FitzGerald Papers, P80/22/5). 19

Dáil Éireann Departmental Reports on Publicity, 10 May 1921. 20

Ibid.

- 44 -

Examples of co-operation include a request by Béaslaí to forward the Irish Bulletin to

his father in Liverpool in his capacity as editor of the Catholic Times, a newspaper

which he argued ‗has a very large circulation among the Irish in England and is able

to publish things which the Irish papers would be afraid to give‘.21

Béaslaí often

forwarded material sent to him that was unsuitable for publication in An t-Óglach but

worth inclusion in the Irish Bulletin.22

Béaslaí also co-operated with the Dáil

Department regarding the terminology used in Irish nationwide newspapers. Both

Béaslaí and the Dáil Department wanted to get rid of English phrases, gestures and

words in the national press such as the use of ‗the Government‘ to refer to the ‗British

Government‘ in the Freeman’s Journal, and the use of ‗Queenstown‘ for ‗Cobh‘ in

the Irish Times.23

Department of Foreign Affairs and the American Mission

Given that no other state recognised the Irish republic, the Foreign Affairs

department and the American mission focused on gaining support from public opinion

rather than trying to create working relationships with foreign governments. The

Department of Foreign Affairs was essentially ‗Propaganda under another name‘,

with an initial focus on gaining public opinion in Britain, the United States, France,

and Italy.24

A report from the Department from June 1921 showed that representatives

were also present in Germany, Russia, Argentina, and Chile, and that active

propaganda was in place in Madrid, Geneva, Denmark, Canada, South Africa,

Australia, and South America.25

Woodrow Wilson, the US President, stressed that the

rights of small nations should not be neglected, gaining credibility for the Irish cause

for independence. Funding from America was vital to Irish interests. At the

conclusion of World War I, support came from the United States through mass

meetings, such as the Philadelphia Race Convention in February 1919. Personal and

ideological divisions splintered Irish representatives in the United States, such as

Patrick McCartan, John Devoy, Daniel Colohan, and Joe McGarrity. Support for

independence was also hampered by the fact that the United States and Britain fought

21

Béaslaí to Childers, 2 Aug. 1921 (UCDAD, Desmond FitzGerald Papers, P80/22/8). 22

Béaslaí to FitzGerald, 7 Oct. 1921 (UCDAD, Desmond FitzGerald Papers, P80/150/1); Ibid., 3 Nov.

1921 (UCDAD, Desmond FitzGerald Papers, P80/22/15). 23

Béaslaí to Childers (Acting Director of Publicity), 12 Nov. 1921 (UCDAD, Desmond FitzGerald

Papers, P80/22/17); Ibid., (copy), 17 Nov. 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,914/3). 24

Mitchell, Revolutionary Government in Ireland, pp 105-6. 25

Report of Department of Foreign Affairs, June 1921 (NLI, Count Plunkett Papers, Ms 11,404).

- 45 -

alongside each other in the war and that there was little realistic hope that the Irish

case would be heard at the Paris Peace Conference.26

A successful loan campaign

began with the arrival of de Valera in June 1919. He was met with a great reception

and was given extensive press coverage. Hopkinson argues however that ‗the Irish

cause gained more from the publicity connected with Archbishop Mannix‘s visit and

Terence Mac Swiney‘s hunger strike than it did from all de Valera‘s machinations‘,

and that by 1921 the greatest significance of Irish-American relations was the supply

of arms and ammunition with financial support.27

With the primary focus of the

Propaganda War to get sympathetic foreign journalists to sway public opinion in

favour of Irish independence there was little the British authorities could do.

British Response to An t-Óglach

Hugh Pollard, Press Officer for the Intelligence Section of the RIC, noted in a

1922 publication that An t-Óglach was ‗a little seditious paper‘. He made other

notable observations regarding the newspaper such as ‗Reference will frequently be

found in certain papers concerning court-martials on captured rebels to the accused

being found in possession of the An T’Oglac‘. He was also correct in asserting that

the newspaper was largely a follow-up to The Irish Volunteer, although secretly

distributed. By viewing police and army records of the time, the extent to which

Pollard was correct can be assessed. A further remark by him can also be gauged:

It is doubtful if many, or any, complete files exist, as the raiding by Crown forces

was not such as to encourage the keeping of journals which involved an average

sentence of nine months‘ hard labour to their possessors.28

Throughout the various RIC Inspector General‘s and County Inspectors‘

monthly confidential reports there are frequent references to offences such as arson,

larceny, intimidation, burglary, murder, malicious injury to property, and the

possession of seditious literature. Although there were many cases of individuals

found with seditious literature on their person or found in certain locations, this

literature is usually not described in detail. In most cases it was simply stated that a

particular person was found with seditious literature in their possession. Nonetheless,

it is surprising how frequently An t-Óglach is directly mentioned throughout the

reports. These reports paid particular attention to the activities of Volunteers

26

Hopkinson, The Irish War of Independence, pp 165-7. 27

Ibid., p. 173-5. 28

HBC Pollard, The Secret Societies of Ireland: Their Rise and Progress (London, 1922), p. 277.

- 46 -

throughout the entire country. For example, Joseph Byrne, the Inspector General

reported in October 1918 that:

The Irish Volunteers, sometimes called the Irish Republican Army, is now

practically a Secret Society. Drilling and public parades have been suppressed,

but evidence was afforded during the Month of active organization.29

Just three months later he directly mentioned An t-Óglach, noting how local

Volunteers were ‗kept well informed as to the progress of the movement by the secret

circulation of ―AN TOGLACH‖, the official organ of the Irish Volunteers‘. He also

observed that the newspaper was a fortnightly one, and contained ‗most pernicious

matter‘.30

Apart from the problem of trying to combat Béaslaí‘s propaganda, the Crown

forces were also faced with the difficulty of Sinn Féin and Dáil Éireann propaganda.

The County Inspector serving Wicklow and Carlow noted in his report for December

1918 that ‗Sinn Féin is very active & its propaganda very noticeable and I believe it

spreads seditious literature secretly over the Cos‘.31

It is important to understand that

references to Sinn Féin are possibly references to the movement of active opposition

to British rule, rather than to the Sinn Féin party, and for this reason references to

Sinn Féin are probably references to actions and activities of the Volunteers. Another

obstacle facing the Crown forces was the nationalist daily newspapers such as the

Irish Independent which were circulated to the entire population. A report from

Galway in the summer of 1920 stated that:

There is no evidence that any seditious literature is sold, or circulated, in the

Riding. The Irish Independent, which is the gospel of the people, is sufficient for

the purpose.32

It is clear from viewing police reports from counties throughout the whole of Ireland

that Volunteer activity varied greatly from one area to another. Whereas in Galway,

in the above mentioned case, there was no seditious literature known to circulate, but

in other areas, such as Laois (Queen‘s County), this type of literature was known to

circulate secretly.33

Even when there appeared to be no seditious material in

circulation or even any drilling, the authorities still saw the Volunteers as the root of

29

Inspector General monthly report, Oct. 1918, (TNA, CO 904/107). 30

Inspector General monthly report, Jan. 1919, (TNA, CO 904/108). 31

County Inspector monthly report (Wicklow and Carlow), Dec. 1918, (TNA, CO 904/107). 32

County Inspector monthly report (Galway East), June 1920, (TNA, CO 904/112). 33

County Inspector monthly report (Queen‘s County), June 1920, (TNA, CO 904/112).

- 47 -

the problem. In Sligo, the County Inspector noted that the Volunteers ‗do everything

possible to create disaffection and disloyalty in order to make the present system of

Government impossible‘.34

By March 1921 it was clear that the Volunteers were a

complete nuisance for the authorities. A report from Kildare showed that activity was

very high with the breaking of roads and the demolition of bridges, the dismantling of

motor cars, robbery of mails, cutting of telegraph poles, and ambushing a police

lorry.35

The distribution of An t-Óglach was by no means an easy task. If caught with a

copy of the journal, or indeed any seditious literature, an individual could be charged

with up to two years‘ imprisonment with hard labour. Volunteers were frequently

forced into hiding, especially if they were on the run from the authorities.36

Béaslaí

was of course no exception. An undated War Office file shows that he was ‗Strongly

suspected of being responsible for the writing and publishing of An t‘Oglac‘.37

This

file also recorded that Béaslaí was an IRA member, a member of the General

Executive, on the IRA GHQ, and that his father was the editor of the Catholic Times

in Liverpool. This file clearly demonstrates that the authorities knew a great deal

about Béaslaí. A wanted man, Béaslaí was clearly aware that the authorities were on

his trail and for this reason he found it necessary to wear various disguises when

appearing in public. Michael Noyk, a legal advisor and solicitor for the IRA,

remembered sitting in the Bailey bar off Grafton Street shortly after Bloody Sunday

when Béaslaí walked in disguised ‗with a moustache and a hard hat‘.38

Seamus

Kavanagh, the accountant for the Sinn Féin executive, was also amused by the various

disguises assumed by men on the run, especially Béaslaí:

Pearse Beasley wore a black moustache and spectacles and adopted the antics of a

stage conspirator. Before entering a room he would open the door, stick in his

head and look around in all directions to ensure that no stranger was there to do

him harm.39

An t-Óglach was initially sold by members of the Volunteers but could also be

bought from behind the counter of some reliable shops and newsagents. Police were

34

County Inspector monthly report (Sligo), Jan. 1921, (TNA, CO 904/114). 35

County Inspector monthly report (Kildare), Mar. 1921, (TNA, CO 904/114). 36

County Inspector monthly report (Kerry), Jan. 1921, (TNA, CO 904/114). 37

Pierce Beasley or Piaras Beaslai, nd, (TNA, WO 35/206/7). 38

Michael Noyk (IMA, BMH WS 707, p. 36). 39

Seamus Kavanagh (IMA, BHM WS 889, p. 120).

- 48 -

soon to realise that certain shops had the journal for sale such as Thomas Sinnott‘s

stationary shop in Enniscorthy. This premises was closed after 100 copies of An t-

Óglach, nine copies of the 1916 Proclamation, and thirty copies of Thomas Ashe‘s

memorial card, including his famous poem ‗Let Me Carry You Cross For Ireland,

Lord‘ attached, were found following a raid.40

As already mentioned, Volunteer

Patrick Crowe, recalled that he could get An t-Óglach at a newsagents in Brunswick

Street in Cork city but soon this task of simply picking up a copy of the journal was

unheard of. He noted:

Later it was found necessary, as Units became more organised, to transport

communications, and, while this was done with apparent ease at the start, it

became one of the hazardous jobs with raids at stations or trains, searches being

made as often as thrice on some journeys.41

The police became aware that An t-Óglach was circulated by train throughout

the country and some seizures were made which revealed that large quantities of the

journal were concealed in parcels.42

An army train search at Kildare station in May

1921 recorded that 100 copies of An t-Óglach had reached the IRA Headquarters of

the Carlow Brigade on both 4 May and 10 May.43

Many workers on these trains, such

as engine drivers, passenger train drivers, and guards were regarded by the authorities

as ‗known carriers of I.R.A. Despatches‘, and if found were to be immediately

arrested.44

Charles Walker recalled one occasion when he was bringing proofs to

Béaslaí that the tram he was traveling on was stopped by the authorities. He was

lucky in that he was the only person in the tram-car and successfully hid the proofs

beneath the seat.45

As well as being distributed by certain Volunteers, the publicity

section of Cumann na mBan also co-operated with Béaslaí and the IRA Publicity

department.46

Áine Ceannt also worked with Béaslaí in distributing An t-Óglach and

other propagandist material, and both were active members of the Cumann Léigheacht

an Phobail, a committee presided over by Alice Stopford Green which was

established to compile books and pamphlets to be distributed to the Sinn Fein clubs.47

40

RIC report on seditious literature: Search of premises of Thomas D. Sinnott, 16 Oct. 1918 (TNA, CO

904/214/28). 41

Patrick Crowe (IMA, BMH WS 775, p. 3). 42

see for example County Inspector monthly report (Mayo), June 1920, (TNA, CO 904/112). 43

Raids on channels of communication employed by IRA, May 1921, (TNA, WO 35/86B). 44

Ibid., 16 May 1921, (TNA, WO 35/86B). 45

Charles Walker (IMA, BMH WS 266, p. 3). 46

Ellis Uí Chonnaill (IMA, BMH WS 568, p. 58). 47

Áine Ceannt (IMA, BMH WS 264, pp 65-7).

- 49 -

War Office files on various individuals recorded those known to be distributors of

seditious literature. For example, Seán Boylan, a prominent IRA leader in Meath,

was known to have distributed the journal from its foundation, and had received 300

copies in the months September, October, and November 1918.48

Penalties for Possession

In the period immediately preceding the Truce, there were more frequent

references to An t-Óglach in the RIC county inspector reports. In Laois, during the

month of May 1921, seditious literature was rampant and ‗from time to time copies of

―AnToglac‖ and circulars issued by the Chief of Staff, I.R.A. are found‘.49

In

Roscommon in the month that followed, a Volunteer was found to have a dozen

copies on his possession.50

Patrick Coy, a Volunteer in Galway, was arrested for

possession of the newspaper and was sentenced to twelve months imprisonment.51

On a different occasion, Bryan Doherty, a Longford Volunteer, was caught with a

copy of An t-Óglach after a raid on his home by Auxiliaries. On questioning, his

mother told the men that her young daughter (Doherty‘s sister) had found it on the

roadside a few days beforehand. The young girl went along with the alibi, even after

an hour of promises from the Auxiliaries of sweets and chocolate failed to win her

over! Nonetheless, Doherty was forced to report to the local RIC station.52

Possibly

after hearing that certain individuals had been apprehended in the process of

distributing the newspaper, or simply with a copy on their possession, Béaslaí issued a

warning in An t-Óglach, noting the importance of keeping the secret organ in a safe

place, where it would not be found by the Crown forces:

Volunteers are warned, both in their own personal interests and in the interests of

the Volunteer organisation, of the importance of leaving their copies of ―An t-

Oglach‖ in a safe place…The practice of carrying copies of the official organ in

one‘s pocket without necessity is foolish, and may have very unpleasant

consequences for those guilty of it.53

48

Sean Boylan, nd, (TNA, WO 35/206/11). 49

County Inspector monthly report (Queen‘s County), May 1921, (TNA, CO 904/115). 50

County Inspector monthly report (Roscommon), June 1921, (TNA, CO 904/115). 51

Patrick Coy (IMA, BMH WS 1203, p. 6). 52

Bryan Doherty (IMA, BMH WS 1292, p. 8). 53

An t-Óglach, 15 Dec. 1919.

- 50 -

Despite Béaslaí‘s warnings, individuals were still found to have the journal in

their possession. In Cork, a Volunteer named Charles Donoghue was caught with An

t-Óglach on his person while in the process of delivering the journal. Donoghue, a

native of Ballineen, was spotted cycling fast downhill towards an army cyclist patrol

of the Essex Regiment. Donoghue was ordered to stop but failed to do so and was

subsequently knocked over. He got up and ran away, but was captured minutes later.

After struggling to get away from one Private Waddington, Donoghue was charged

under Regulations 27 and 43A of DORA for the possession of twenty-five copies of

An t-Óglach tied to his bicycle and obstructing a member of His Majesty‘s Forces.

He was court-martialled on 8 June 1920 and sentenced to three months

imprisonment.54

Counter-Propaganda – ‘Carry On!’

Another response by the Crown forces to An t-Óglach was the dissemination of

counter-propagandist circulars. These circulars can be seen as a case of imitation as

the best form of flattery, given the way the content in each one is set out. The IRA

Intelligence Officer, Liam Tobin, wrote to Béaslaí expressing concern at the

appearance of these circulars in July 1921. Tobin noted that much of what was

contained in one particular leaflet ‗The ―An t-Oglac‖ Lie-System‘, made very valid

claims in respect of material that was published in An t-Óglach.55

The circular is very

convincing in that it points out the exaggerations mentioned in issues of An t-Óglach.

Béaslaí suggested that ‗Tens of thousands of copies of this leaflet were dropped from

military aeroplanes in the South of Ireland‘.56

The circular criticised an issue of An t-

Óglach from May 1921 which offered exaggerated accounts of incidents between

Volunteers and the RIC. For example it stated that in An t-Óglach it was reported that

a train was ambushed at Ballyhinch resulting in the death of three RIC officers and

the wounding of a further three. This, however, was not actually the case, and so it

was stated in the circular that only one officer was wounded and none killed. After

criticising the reports published in the journal in comparison to the accuracy of

54

Statement of evidence in the case of Charles Donoghue, n.d; Statement re the arrest of Charles

Donoghue, 29 May 1920; Court-martial trial, Charles Donoghue, 24 June 1920, (TNA, CO 904/200/9). 55

Liam Tobin (Intelligence Officer, IRA GHQ) to Béaslaí, 18 July 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms

33,914/1). 56

―An t-Óglach‖ – Secret IRA Journal – How It Was Produced – Black & Tans Baffled – Raids and

Escapes‘, hand-written, undated article by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2).

- 51 -

official Dublin Castle reports, the circular issued the following statement: ‗crude

methods of rebel propaganda are so unscrupulous, and the statements are so untrue

that they are bound, when exposed, to defeat their own purpose‘.57

This was a very

fair and logical assessment given the often highly exaggerated content contained in An

t-Óglach. Tobin was critical of An t-Óglach in that he claimed the circular would not

have been issued by the Crown forces if Béaslaí had simply confined himself ‗to

contradicting their extravagant claims about losses on our side‘.58

Nevertheless, the

newspaper was to serve as a propagandist organ to a nationwide Volunteer corps and

was essential in maintaining morale, even when the actual picture was certainly as not

as bright as the one sometimes painted by Béaslaí. Further circulars were issued by

Dublin Castle such as ‗To the I.R.A.‘, which offered similar counter-propaganda to

the aforementioned ‗Lie System‘. This circular differed, however, in the sense that

not only did it attack An t-Óglach it also attacked other articles of captured republican

propaganda such as general orders and posters. Stating that An t-Óglach was merely a

propagandist organ, the circular pointed out that by producing false and exaggerated

reports ‗it is becoming more and more necessary to keep up their [the Volunteers]

spirits by fabricating successes and concealing failures‘.59

Notwithstanding the counter-propagandist circulars sent out by Dublin Castle,

An t-Óglach continued to be produced. Not only did the newspaper continue to exist,

Béaslaí noted that throughout 1921 its circulation actually continued to increase,and

in so doing helped ‗to guide, cheer and encourage those who were fighting bravely for

the freedom of Ireland‘.60

Given the difficulties facing it, An t-Óglach could simply

have been discontinued. The fact that it continued to be produced suggests its

importance in providing information to the Volunteers throughout the country. As it

was written for the purpose of republican propaganda, regardless of its content, hard-

line republicans, whose ultimate goal was to establish an independent Ireland were

willing to believe (or at least pretend to believe) that the content was legitimate given

that reports and articles contained within the journal came from the GHQ.

57

‗The ―An t-Oglac‖ Lie-System‘, undated circular (TNA, CO 904/168). 58

Tobin to Béaslaí, 18 July 1921 (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,914/1). 59

‗To the I.R.A.‘, undated circular (TNA, CO 904/168). 60

‗The Underground Press‘, undated article draft by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2).

- 52 -

An t-Óglach – An Assessment

The question could be posed as to why An t-Óglach continued to be issued

despite the burdens placed on those who were found with it in their possession, or

indeed on those who were suspected of printing or distributing it? Of course, it could

be argued that the journal was the main medium of communication between GHQ and

the local Volunteer units throughout the country. If, however, the content of the

journal was inadequate (regardless of any exaggerations), in terms of providing useful

propaganda for the Volunteers, it simply would not have sold. This would ultimately

have led to the decline and extinction of the newspaper. Béaslaí was responsible for

the leading articles and editorials. This content was of a high propagandistic standard.

It is intended to discuss some extracts written by Béaslaí in the journal and assess the

importance of offering ‗information of value or interest which could not be obtained

elsewhere‘.61

In the joint edition of 31 December 1918 and 15 January 1919, Béaslaí

reminded IRA Volunteers that while the European war may be over, a struggle still

exists in Ireland:

We must remember we have much stern work to do – vital work, perilous work,

work requiring the utmost determination and the highest standard of efficiency.

We must remember that whatever armistices may be signed in France there is still

a state of war in Ireland.62

Béaslaí seized the moment to create propaganda following the killing of noted

Republicans such as the shooting of Tomás Mac Curtain, who ‗was picked out for

assassination because he was a brave and efficient officer and a distinguished public

official‘,63

or Kevin Barry, the 18-year-old Volunteer who was hanged in Mountjoy

Jail:

He met his death like the gallant Volunteer he was and his comrades of the Dublin

Brigade are proud of him and will find in his death a fresh inspiration and a fresh

incentive to relentless warfare against the enemy murderers.64

Béaslaí also offered warnings and advice to Irish Volunteers on issues such as using

the Post Office for transferring funds. He added that the national press were under

frequent intimidation, stating: ‗The very phrases used in newspaper reports are

coloured to suit enemy propaganda‘.65

Another very clever propaganda technique

used by Béaslaí to improve morale of the Volunteers was the use of comparable

61

An t-Óglach, 8 Apr. 1921. 62

Ibid., 31 Dec. 1918 & 15 Jan. 1919 (joint issue). 63

Ibid., 1 Apr. 1920. 64

Ibid., 15 Oct. 1920. 65

Ibid., 15 Feb. 1921.

- 53 -

struggles in Europe. A noted example, where Béaslaí made use of this propaganda

method, was a comparison of the current Irish struggle with the War of the Sixth

Coalition. Though the two campaigns were very different from each other, Béaslaí

paid particular attention to the contribution of the small German states:

With an elementary training and armed with old muskets, scythes and hay forks

they held themselves in readiness as a reserve of national strength to be drawn

upon at need. As time went on they got more training and better arms – and two

years later they won Waterloo.66

Whether this comparison was factual or even applicable was irrelevant; Béaslaí‘s aim

was to maintain and increase morale. Following major events such as the Truce and

Anglo-Irish Treaty, Béaslaí made sure to instruct the Volunteers to maintain

discipline. Five days after the Truce was announced, he stressed the importance of

continuing to send reports for publication and urged Volunteers not to become

negligent in their approach.67

After the signing of the Treaty in December 1921,

Béaslaí sought to prevent disunity with the IRA, which he now referred to as the

‗Army of Ireland‘:

The men who have stood together side by side between the Irish people and their

enemies at the risk of their lives will remain side by side.68

Writing in 1921, Cecil Street, a Dublin Castle Intelligence Officer, seemed

almost surprised by the content of An t-Óglach, which, in his view contained:

many interesting facts bearing upon the outlook of the [Volunteer] force and the

methods adopted by it in the course of its campaign of outrage.69

Indeed, An t-Óglach was remarkable in that it continued to exist despite its seditious

character. Although circulated privately, the newspaper was never raided while being

printed. On occasion numerous copies of the journal were to be found in the

possession of certain individuals or at locations throughout the country. But the

newspaper never ceased publication except for internal reasons, during the War of

Independence. The fact that the Crown forces never found out where the newspaper

actually originated from must be considered the principle reason that it remained, as

Béaslaí later put it, ‗the one uncensored paper in Ireland‘ that could not be

66

Ibid., 1 Feb. 1921. 67

Ibid., 16 July 1921. 68

Ibid., 13 Jan. 1922. 69

‗I.O.‘ (Cecil J Street), The Administration of Ireland, 1921 (London, 1921), p. 174.

- 54 -

suppressed.70

The fact that individuals were prosecuted for possession of the journal

meant little to Béaslaí or Collins, who were determined to keep the spirit of the

Volunteers alive at all times and at all costs. Apart from random searches of

individuals and the raiding of certain premises, the British authorities could do very

little to suppress An t-Óglach or other nationalist propaganda in general. This fact

was openly acknowledged by Nevil Macready, the General Officer Commanding-in-

Chief of the British forces in Ireland from 1920. In his memoirs, he recalled making

frequent pleas to the Chief Secretary, Sir Hamar Greenwood, to try to suppress the

propaganda branch of Sinn Féin, an organisation he declared ‗as efficient as it was

powerful‘.71

To Macready, propaganda was ‗the most effective arm in the hands of

the rebels‘, and regardless of his recurrent pleas, he remarked that the Chief

Secretary‘s best efforts could do nothing in the face of the nationalist propagandists:

The Chief Secretary himself on occasions did his best to beat the propaganda

drum in the House of Commons in defence of the police and soldiers, but

unfortunately his super-abundant energy so often carried him beyond the

boundaries of fact that he soon became as one crying in the wilderness, and in no

way weakened the case as put forward by Erskine Childers and other nimble and

unscrupulous propagandists on the Sinn Fein side.72

Charles Townshend asserts that ‗when an independent Irish parliament, Dáil

Éireann, arose in 1919, it had little difficulty in assuming moral authority over most of

the country‘.73

This was partially due to the success of the Propaganda War and the

part played by An t-Óglach in that struggle. It is true that the Dáil gained widespread

support as a legitimate governing body. This was due to factors such as the

establishment of functional governmental departments and the use of the Irish

Volunteers. It must be stated that propaganda, both abroad and at home were also key

elements which enhanced the authenticity of the First Dáil and led to the eventual

signing of the Anglo-Irish Treaty, whereby ‗the last remnants of the paper wall‘ were

torn down and Ireland became visible to the rest of the world.74

70

‗The Underground Press‘, undated article draft by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2). 71

Sir Nevil Macready, Annals of an Active Life, Vol. 2 (London, 1924), p. 465. 72

Ibid. 73

Townshend, The British Campaign in Ireland, p. 200. 74

Dáil Éireann Debates, 14 Dec. 1921, vol. 4, col. 124.

- 55 -

CONCLUSION

Office work was almost as important as outside work. The co-ordination of the

information obtained, the systematic and carefully planned filing of information,

documents, photographs, the accumulation of a mass of information, readily

accessible when required…was likely to be of value to the I.R.A. in their

struggle with their enemies – this indoor work was as essential in its way as the

more picturesque work out of doors.

Piaras Béaslaí 1

This thesis has assessed the Volunteer‘s in-house journal, An t-Óglach and the

role played by its editor, Piaras Béaslaí. Until now the role of Béaslaí and his journal

were largely neglected and did not receive adequate attention as a study in their own

right. The importance of Béaslaí and An t-Óglach to the propaganda war have been

revealed in this thesis. As has been shown in the preceding chapters, Béaslaí‘s

contribution to the struggle for independence was with his pen through his position as

editor of An t-Óglach. This contribution was essential in maintaining the morale of

the Irish Volunteers throughout the country during the War of Independence in the

period 1918-21. Importantly, this thesis has offered a different perspective on the

figure of Béaslaí who had previously been simply characterised or even dismissed as

a biographer and even ‗disciple‘ of Collins.2

Béaslaí was an excellent propagandist and writer. His commitment to the cause

of Irish freedom was clear. It was demonstrated when he stood for election in 1918,

in his contribution to the establishment of the First Dáil and in various prison terms.

But above all Béaslaí realised the importance of the power of words in the struggle for

independence and proved a dedicated, pragmatic and determined editor of An t-

Óglach. Upon his death in 1965, William T. Cosgrave, the first President of the

Executive Council of the Irish Free State, noted that Béaslaí ‗was a very great patriot;

a brilliant journalist, and a most capable writer‘.3 His biography of Collins, which he

began to write in 1924, could be regarded as a propaganda piece in that it was written

from his own pro-Treaty point-of-view. A clear example of how it might be claimed

1 Piaras Béaslaí, ‗How it was done – I.R.A. Intelligence‘, in Dublin’s Fighting Story (Tralee, n.d), p.

200. 2 Andrew Boyle, The Riddle of Erskine Childers (London, 1977), p. 303.

3 Irish Independent, 23 June 1965.

- 56 -

to be propagandist can be seen in his description of Childers, the ‗English

Imperialist‘, who he had good working relations with in the independence struggle:

He displayed the mind, outlook, and ability of a capable British civil servant, but

no understanding of Ireland or Irishmen, and no adequate appreciation of the

situation with which he was dealing.4

Similarly, he dismissed de Valera as a ‗self-accredited amateur diplomat‘, which

fitted his ideological viewpoint of Irish affairs, and added to his hagiographical

account of Collins.5 But this work produced in the emotive aftermath of the civil war

should not obscure Béaslaí‘s earlier propagandistic contribution as editor of the Irish

Volunteers‘ secret journal, An t-Óglach.

This thesis has underlined the importance of An t-Óglach and has assessed its

role in the independence struggle. The fact that the journal was established and

continued to be produced during the difficult 1919-21 period, despite the odds was a

notable achievement. Given that all newspapers were suppressed this seditious

newspaper was circulated secretly among Volunteers, and so escaped the restraining

effects of the press censor. The newspaper faced many challenges but Béaslaí

somehow surmounted them and was ever willing to keep the newspaper in circulation

throughout the country. Despite heavy burdens placed on individuals for possession,

sale, or distribution of An t-Óglach, it continued to be produced with the authorities

unable to overcome its circulation or morale-boosting effects.

An t-Óglach is merely mentioned in some studies of the revolutionary period,

notably in treatments of republican propaganda by Ben Novick and Keiko Inoue.6

Arthur Mitchell provides an account of the Propaganda War in his study of the First

Dáil, but pays little attention to the role played by Béaslaí and An t-Óglach. This

study therefore restores to historiography the quietly effective impact of An t-Óglach

and its editor. Throughout the Propaganda War, Ian Kenneally argues that

‗newspaper ink was spilled more freely than blood‘.7 Indeed during the struggle

much ink was used in combatting British authority in Ireland. This thesis has

examined the role of Béaslaí, an individual whose part in the struggle was dedicated

4 Béaslaí, Michael Collins, Vol. 2, pp 166-8.

5 Ibid., p. 139.

6 Novick, Conceiving Revolution; Keiko Inoue, ‗Propaganda II: Propaganda of Dáil Éireann, 1919-21‘,

in Joost Augusteijn (ed.), The Irish Revolution, 1913-1923 (Basingstoke, 2002). 7 Kenneally, The Paper Wall, p. 1.

- 57 -

to the printed word through a revolutionary journal that has been neglected as an aid

to the eventual gaining of Irish independence. Béaslaí‘s role has been overlooked

throughout the period up to this point, and so too was the role of An t-Óglach in

supporting active militants in gaining independence. The press was of central

importance to the struggle, as Béaslaí expressed it: ‗The movement which began as a

war of ideas ended in a war of weapons, though even in that war the pen and the

printing press played their part‘.8

8 ‗The Underground Press‘, undated article draft by Béaslaí (NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/2).

- 58 -

APPENDICES

APPENDIX 1

Date Issue Leading Article

15/08/1918 Vol.1 No.1 ● The Army of Ireland

14/09/1918 Vol.1 No.2 ● The Volunteers and Conscription

30/09/1918 Vol.1 No.3 ● Ready and Steady

14/10/1918 Vol.1 No.4 ● Ruthless Warfare

29/10/1918 Vol.1 No.5 ● The Future

15/11/1918 Vol.1 No.6 ● Get On With the War

30/11/1918 Vol.1 No.7 ● No Armistice

16/12/1918 Vol.1 No.8 ● The Irish Volunteers

30/12/1918 Joint Vol.1 No.9 ● Five Wonderful Years

15/01/1919 Issue

31/01/1919 Vol.1 No.10 ● The Irish Republic

00/02/1919 Vol.1 No.11 The Work Before Us

27/03/1919 Vol.1 No.12 ● A Critical Time

15/04/1919 Vol.2 No.1 ● The Volunteer Outlook

15/05/1919 Vol.2 No.2 ● Blow For Blow

15/12/1919 Vol.1 No.14 ● The Present Struggle

15/01/1920 Vol.2 No. 5 ● Guerrilla Warfare

00/02/1920 Vol.2 No.5a ● The Military Situation

01/03/1920 Vol.2 No.6 ● The Campaign

14/03/1920 Vol.2 No.7 ● We Must Not Fail

01/04/1920 Vol.2 No.8 ● No Slackers

15/04/1920 Vol.2 No.9 ● Our Work

01/05/1920 Vol.2 No.10 ● Forward

15/05/1920 Vol.2 No.11 ● Speed Up the Work

01/06/1920 Vol.2 No.12 ● A Fateful Time

15/06/1920 Vol.2 No.13 ● Our Duty

01/07/1920 Vol.2 No. 14 ● Still Forward

15/07/1920 Vol.2 No.15 ● Keep Up the Offensive

07/08/1920 Vol.2 No.16 ● Keep Cool

15/08/1920 Vol.2 No.17 ● Our Primary Duty

01/09/1920 Vol.2 No.18 ● Still Forward

15/09/1920 Vol.2 No.19 ● The War

01/10/1920 Vol.2 No.20 ● New Measures

15/10/1920 Vol.2 No.21 ● The Enemy Gamble

01/02/1921 Vol.2 No.22 ● Steadfast

15/02/1921 Vol.2 No. 23 ● Our Position

01/03/1921 Vol. 2 No. 24 ● The Enemy's Failure

15/03/1921 Vol.3 No.1 ● The Campaign

01/04/1921 Vol.3 No.2 ● The War For Freedom

08/04/1921 Vol.3 No.3 ● All or Nothing

15/04/1921 Vol.3 No.4 ● Our Moral Duty

22/04/1921 Vol.3 No.5 ● Forward

- 59 -

01/05/1921 Vol.3 No.6 ● The War

06/05/1921 Vol.3 No.7 ● The Victory

13/05/1921 Vol.3 No.8 ● The Holy War

20/05/1921 Vol.3 No.9 Get On With the War

27/05/1921 Vol.3 No.10 ● The Laws of War

03/06/1921 Vol.3 No. 11 ● The Present

10/06/1921 Vol.3 No.12 ● Fight On

17/06/1921 Vol.3 No.13 ● Onward

24/06/1921 Vol.3 No.14 ● Present and Future

01/07/1921 Vol.3 No.15 ● A New Enemy Policy

08/07/1921 Vol.3 No.16 ● Onwards

15/07/1921 Vol.3 No.17 ● The Truce

22/07/1921 Vol.3 No.18 ● The Road to Freedom

29/07/1921 Vol.3 No.19 Finding New Blood

05/08/1921 Vol.3 No.20 Carry On

12/08/1921 Vol.3 No.21 As You Were

19/08/1921 Vol.3 No.22 The Future

26/08/1921 Vol.3 No.23 ● The Position

02/09/1921 Vol.3 No.24 ● Where We Stand

09/09/1921 Vol.4 No.25 ● Ready

16/09/1921 Vol.3 No.26 ● None

23/09/1921 Vol.3 No.27 A Certainty

30/09/1921 Vol.3 No.28 ● Focal I dTrath

07/10/1921 Vol.3 No.29 Realities

14/10/1921 Vol.3 No.30 Present Conditions

21/10/1921 Vol.3 No.31 Ireland and Irish

28/10/1921 Vol.3 No.32 ● Ready

04/11/1921 Vol.3 No.33 ● The Crisis

11/11/1921 Vol.3 No.34 Truce Continues

18/11/1921 Vol.3 No.35 ● The Volunteer Spirit

25/11/1921 Vol.3 No.36 Volunteering

02/12/1921 Vol.3 No.37 Ready

09/12/1921 Vol.3 No.38 The Army

16/12/1921 Vol.3 No.39 Discipline

23/12/1921 Vol.3 No.40 Steady

30/12/1921 Vol.3 No.41 Our Duty

13/01/1922 Vol.3 No.42 No Change

● indicates issue was contained in CO 904/24/4

Source: An t-Óglach Microfilm Collection, NLI and 'Copies of An T'Oglach Club System', TNA

(CO 904/24/4)

- 60 -

APPENDIX 2

Fragment from An t-Óglach, 29 Jul. 1921, with hand-written notes by Béaslaí

pointing out grammatical errors and spelling mistakes

(NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33, 914/2)

- 61 -

APPENDIX 3

Example of notes edited by Béaslaí for inclusion in An t-Óglach

(NLI, Béaslaí Papers, Ms 33,911/3)

- 62 -

APPENDIX 4

Police photograph of Béaslaí, issued in Hue and Cry, 4 April 1919, after his escape

from Mountjoy Jail. The following description of Béaslaí was given:

Prisoner PIERCE BEAZLEY, native of Liverpool, who was awaiting Court martial

for offence under Defence of the Realm Act: - Black and grey hair, brown eyes, fair

complexion, 5 feet 6¾ inches in height, 37 years of age. Journalist and M.P.

- 63 -

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- 64 -

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