SEPARATE PRlNT

Applied Geography and Development

A Biannual Collection of Recent German Contributions

Volume 20

Edited on behalf of the Institute for Scientific Co-operation by Jürgen H. Hohnholz, in conjunction with Manfred Domrös, Gerd Kohlhepp and Horst Mensching as well as numerous members of German universities and research institutions. Associate editor: Alfred Bittner

INDIAN AGRICULTURE AS EXEMPLIFIED

BY A SECOYA VILLAGE O N THE RIO YUBINETO I N PERU

WALTER HODL

Institute of Zoology, University of Vienna

and

JÜRG GASCHE, Peru

The characteristics of climate and soil of the neo-tropical rainforest prevent the conventional forms of agriculture frorn being carried on as practised in the temperate zones. In contrast with the flood areas of the white-water rivers, which include the nutrient-rich River Amazon, with a few local exceptions the soils of the "tierra firme", by far the largest Part of Amazonia (98 %), are extremely poor in nutrients, and they are never flooded. Whereas most soils of the temperate latitudes provide good Storage for minerals, almost all of the nutrient elements of the "tierra firme" are stored in the living and dead vegetable matter of the forest. The high rates of production of tropical rainforests are made possible only by the rapid, short-circuited circulation of plant nutrients. Interruptions in the circulation of nutrients on "tierra firme" soils for a substantial ~ e r i o d of time - the establishment of cultivated meadow- land, for example - cause dangerous leaching-out of the upper layers of soil. Lack of shading results in overheating and increased evaporation; iron and aluminium, liberated by colloidal action, move increasingly from the deeper layers to the surface and add to the compaction of the ground there. As a result of the disturbance in the water balance ind destruction of the soil fauna by the drastic changes in the micro-climate, the quality of the soils suddenly deterior- ates if labour- and cost-intensive countermeasures are not implemented immediately - appropriate use of fertilizer and shade, for example. Many setbacks that have been experienced, e. g. in the Brazilian Zona Bragantina near Belem and along the routes of "Transamazonica" which cut through the forests. These show that, although a few favourable, tentative approaches to - -

the Problem have been made, so far no convincing success has been achieved in practising agriculture over large areas of "tierra firme" land, profitably for a

Indian Agriculture as Exemplified by a Secoya Village 2 1

substantial period, without at the Same time ruining the soil and hence agriculture.

The Indian has been h i n g in the neo-tropical rainforests for centuries, however, without doing permanent damage to them. In their methods of cultivation, which in some cases have also been adopted by the Indian half-breeds, the Indians of the primeval forest have evolved natural, non-destructive procedures which on the "tierra firme" are based essentially upon the clearing of small areas by the slash-and-burn method and short-term utilization of these clearings ("chacras"). Until the more recent use, the formerly cultivated arable land ("purma") and also the flora and fauna of the environment, influenced by hunting and gathering activity, had sufficient time for regenerationl. Until today, this sparing use of the "tierra firme" was possible only in small groups and with a low population density. It is the original form of life and economic activity of the forest Indians.

The Secoya village community Bellavista

The area in which the Secoya originally lived extended from the middle Part of the Rio Napo to the Rio Putumayo. Today the Secoya still live in their traditional area, but they are concentrated in two districts: on the Aguarico and its tributaries in Ecuador, and in the triangle formed by the Rio Santa Maria and the mouths of the Yubineto and Angusilla in Peru (see Fig. 1). In 1978 the Peruvian Part of the population consisted of 267 individuals. In early 1978, 34 Secoya Indians lived in the village of Bellavista, situated near where the Yubineto empties into the Putumayo. Under the leadership of the village headman, Juan Capitin, a traditional way of life is being maintained except in the case of the single-family dwellings. The village community has intensive contacts with the nearby Indian villages of San Martin (Rio Yubineto), Angusilla (Rio Angusilla) and Jerusalkn (Rio Putumayo), as well as relations of a friendly and economic nature with the neighbouring mestizos and Ingano In- dians of the Putumayo region. Agricultural produce is sold at the police station near the mouth of the Yubineto and is exchanged, mainly for salt, kerosene, soap, ammunition and textiles, when traders make their sporadic visits.

The social unit of the Secoya is the patrilineal, patrilocal extended family, headed by the shaman. Originally the extended family, numbering up to 150 persons, lived in from one to three communal houses (maloca). At the beginning of 1978 there were five individual houses which were occupied continually by Indians. The only houses still forming a functional unit were those of Juan Capithn and of his two married sons. The other three families already lived in their own pile dwellings. In addition, there were two houses in Bellavista for the staff of our working group and a hut for the preparation of

22 Walter Hödl and Jürg Gaschk

Fig. 1 - Indian communities of NW Amazoniu

1 Secoya 7 Bora 13 Area of the eastern Tucano- 2 Witoto 8 Carijona language family (Desana, 3 Andoke 9 Tukuna Barajana, Tatuya, Cubeo, etc.) 4 Mirana 10 Yagua 14 Area of the Jivaro-language 5 Ocaina 11 Quechua-speaking Indians family (Aguauna, Achval, 6 Muinani 12 Siona, Macaguaje Shuar, Candoshi, Huambisa, etc.)

cassava flour. During 1978 an additional house for an extended family was erected. The families belonging to it, however, lived for most of the time in their individual houses in the neighbouring village. They were planning to build themselves individual houses in Bellavista in the near future.

Agriculture of the Secoya village community "Bellavista"

It has been found, from the extended farnily of Juan Capitin, as an example, that the domicile of the community has been changed every three to four years, on average, with great distances covered in this process, in the Course of time. The most remote "chacras" are thus about 90 km apart, by air. The first "chacra" was established in Bellavista in 1975 (cf. Fig. 1). Whereas the community was still living in mawasoya dadipi, about three days' journey

Indian Agriculture as Exemplified by a Secoya Village 23

Fig. 2 - Secoya village Usewi'dadipi' ('Belkzvista'), Rio Yubineto, Peru (based on aerial photograph 4 May 1978, J. Gusche; sector measuring approx. 630 X 430 m); area shaded with dots: under

cultivation in 1978

S 'shiuhuango' (ready for ha~esting) ....* ..... main paths M manioc (ready for hawesting) rrr( flowing water B banana (ready for ha~est ing) Z sugar cane (ready for hawesting) 1975-78 'chacra' 0 various fruit trees (ready for har- C, secondary 'chacra' 1978

vesting 1-9 houses

from Bellavista, at the end of 1974 only temporary huts ("ranchos") had been erected as a labour camp. Not until 1976 did the extended family in Bellavista settle in the middle of the one-year-old "chacra" and a new "chacra" was established every year immediately adjacent to that of the previous year. In 1976 a pasture of grasses introduced from the Putumayo region was estab- lished also, for two cattle purchased from mestizos. The main "chacra" established each year consists traditionally of a fairly large, continuous area of land which is divided between the different families of the community ("maloka, village") by the headman, after the burning-off. Nowadays, how- ever, the clearing and cultivation of a "chacra" are not always carried out communally and, depending in each case upon the particular year and personal or local conditions, it can happen that each family, or two families together, establish a new "chacra" for themselves. This has practically become the rule in

24 Walter Hödl and Jürg Gaschi

the nearby village of San Martin and it must be regarded as the effect of the protestantism and its individualistic modes of behaviour.

The establishment of a new "chacra" begins in November with the selection of a suitable piece of land by the village headman and his grown-up sons. Then, working together with the women, they cut down the brushwood and lianas with the bush-knife ("machete"). The trees of the primeval forest are felled in December by the men with axes; but first the trees of the marginal areas are felled, mostly with the help of the neighbouring villages. During the days that follow, the trees standing in the middle of the "chacra" are felled by the male members of the village only and after the clearing the vegetation is left lying for a time to dry. Then there is a wait, in January or February - the time of lowest rainfall and strongest sunshine - for at least two rain-free days, after which the vegetation is burned with the aid of kindling wood and sometimes also The leaves and branches are reduced completely to ashes, whereas the charred tree trunks remain, largely preventing erosion and pro- tecting parts of the ground surface against direct sunshine. The ash and the charred pieces of wood mixed with it increase the extremely low content of phosphorus, nitrogen, potassium and calcium in the soil. Since most of the nutrient elements get into the soil with the ash in the form of their carbonates, the p H value of the upper layers of soil rises, from approx. 4 to between 5.5 and 6, and this increases the availability of the phosphorus further and allows the plants to thrive better. Immediately after the burning-off, sowing begins; but before this is done, any underground nests of the leaf-cutting ant or other insect pests are destroyed with insecticide, in so far as it is available on the market.

The 1978 "chacra" was cleared in December 1977 and burned off on 20 February 1978. On the very next day, the first seedlings of banana and sugar cane were planted. Since each family constructs its own sections divided off with small tree trunks, depending in each case upon the requirements and possibilities quantitative differences and small differences in timing occur between the plantings on the individual plots. At some time in or between the second and the fourth week in March, the most important crops of the Amazon Indians, providing starch, were planted - first manioc (seedlings) and then maize (germinated grains). "Shihuango" (Renealmia sp.), together with "achiote" (Bixa orellana) and also "pifayo" (Bactris gasipaes) were then sown up to the end of April. Fruit trees, sweet potato, perfume plants, medicinal plants and herbs were planted at irregular intervals until the end of April. Sowing in the 1978 "chacra" came to an end with the cultivation of tobacco in June. Altogether, more than 30 species of useful plants are grown by the Secoya in the plantations and the area around the village, including newly introduced crops such as "limon", "lima", etc. (Tab. 1).

Indian Agriculture as Exemplified by a Secoya Village 25

Table 1 - Crops of the Secoya Indians (Rio Yubineto, Peru)"

Botanical Name (Family) Spanish or Varieties Use Indian name

Manihot esculenta (Euphorbiaceae) "yuca amarga" 10 Flat manioc dough cake Manhiot esculenta (Euphorbiaceae) "yuca dulce" 6 Flat manioc dough

cake, 'masato' Zea mays (Gramineae) "maiz" 3 Flat cake, drinks, etc. Impomea batatas (Convolvulaceae) "camote" 1 Ferment for 'masato' Dioscorea sp. (Dioscoreaceae) "sacha papan ? Vegetable Saccharum (Grarnineae) "caiia" 4 Consumed fresh, officinarum sweets, etc. Renealmia sp. (Zingliberiaceae) "shihuangon 2 Spread on dough cake,

Bactris gasipaes Citrus sp. Citrus sp. Musa x paradisiaca Musa x paradisiaca Ananas comosus Carica papaya Rollinia mucosa Psidium guajava

(Palmae) (Rutaceae) (Rutaceae) (Muscaceae) (Muscaceae) (Bromeliaceae) (Caricaceae) (Annonaceae) (Myrtaceae)

'pifayon "limonn "lima" "platanon "maduro" "pina" "papaya" "anonn "guayaba"

sauce, soup Vegetable, drink Consumed fresh Consumed fresh Cooking banana Consumed fresh, drink Consumed fresh Consumed fresh Consumed fresh Consumed fresh

Pouteria sp. (Sapotaceae) "caimiton 1 Consumed fresh Pourouma (Moraceae) "uvilla" 1 Consumed fresh cecropiaefolia Inga edulis Artocarpus sp. Physalis sp. Solanum hyporhodium Capsicum annuum Banisteriopsis caapi Datura sp. Nicotiana tabacum Cyperus sp.

? Bixa orellana Palicourea sp. Arrabidea chica

(Leguminosae) (Moraceae) (Solanaceae) (Solanaceae) (Solanaceae) (Malphigiaceae) (Solanaceae) (Solanaceae) (Cyperaceae) (Urticaceae) (Bixaceae) (Rubiaceae) (Bignoniaceae)

"guabon "pandicho" sidi pi'a "coconita"

'%" "ayahuasca" -toen "tabaco" "piripirin "ishanga" "achioten we'e ma kudi

Consumed fresh Vegetable Consumed fresh Consumed fresh Herb

Dmg Drug Drug Medicine Medicine Dye (red) Dye (black) Dye (red)

Cyclanthus bipartitus (C~clanthaceae) nu'tu ? Perfume plant Crescentia cujete (Bignoniaceae) "calabacero", "paten ? Bowls, dishes Eryngium foetidum (Umbelliferae) "culantro" ? Herb

" The list of species is provisional. When the analysis of the collected plant material is completed, additional species can be expected, panicularly of medicinal and perfume plants.

26 Walter Hödl and Jürg Gaschk

Besides sugar cane, which is planted in rows along charred tree trunks, and the herbs, medicinal plants and perfume plants, few in number, which are grown in groups, and the mutually exclusive "shihuango" and banana plants, all of the useful species are distributed almost uniformly over the entire "chacra". Manioc is sometimes planted mixed together with bananas. In these cases the manioc bushes are planted much less densely than on the remaining plots (the density for the most important crops is given in Tab. 2). Simultane- ous cultivation of useful plants with varying requirements of nutrient, distri- buted over the whole "chacran, reduces the unbalanced exhaustion of the soil which is inevitable with monocultures.

Owing to the different rates of growth, with shading by f a ~ t - ~ r o w i n ~ f o m s (maize, banana, manioc) layers of vegetation are formed and favourable micro- climatic conditions are established. Maize, with an average growth-height of three metres, is the first crop to become ready for harvesting, after four months. When the first year has elapsed, the harvesting of Papaya and bananas can Start, and after a further six months, the harvestiq of manioc. "Shihuango" can be harvested when two years old and "guabo" from the age of 2% years onwards. The useful trees ("caimito", "uvilla", "pifayo", etc.) bear fruit from the third year onwards. Useful crops which cannot be harvested for the first time until the fifth year or later were not cultivated by the Secoya originally.

Depending in each case upon the time of the year, the Secoya .Supplement their vegetable food supplies from the forest around their village. The fruits of the "aguaje"-palm (Mauritia flexuosa) and of the "ungurahui"-palm uessenia

Table 2 - Number of usefulplants of manioc, maize, "shihuango", "achiote", "pqayo" und banana per 100 m2. 1978 "chacra", "Bellavista", Yubineto

U ) Association-type I (average values from 9 plots, each measuring 10 X 10 metres) b) Association-type 11 (average values from 2 plots, each measuring 10 X 10 metres)

Single plants Planting-holes Seedlings or seeds per planting-hole

a) Maize 171 Maniok 68 "shihuango" + "achiote" "pifayo" 2

b) Bananas 11 11 1 Maize 153 44 3-4 Manioc 29 29 1

Indian Agriculture as Exemplified by a Secoya Village 27

?olycarpa) - the most important wild-growing useful crops, quantitatively - must be mentioned, in particular, here; they ripen during the period of rain and high water (May - August).

In the third year after sowing, all of the field-fruits are harvested, besides the fruit bushes and trees, and the "chacra" is not then tended any more, except for places where certain fruit trees - "pifayom-palms, in particular - have been crowded excessively by secondary vegetation and hampered in their growth. . . The vegetation around the useful trees-is cleared everywhere and the luxuriant "shihuango" leaves are cut off. However, over most of the "chacra" area the regeneration ("purma") follows. During the third or fourth year, after the slash-and-burn operation a so-called secondary "chacra" is established on a small Part of this "purma". The cecropia trees grown very intensively at the edge of the "purma", and other less tall trees, bushes and shrubs are cleared, together with Part of the usually adjoining "shihuangoY' plantation. This takes place during the second, less pronounced dry period, in August and Sep- tember. When the rapidly dried material has been burned off, during which - .

the "pifayos" and other fruit trees are protected against the fire, maize, in particular, is sown in this small secondary "chacra". This maize is harvested during the following January, providing fresh seed for sowing in the main "chacra" in March. After the harvest on the secondary "chacra", the final fallow period follows on this cultivated area.

The communal work is a particularly characteristic ceremonial feature of Secoya agriculture, always accompanied by the most lively celebrations, with dancing, singing, flute-playing and drinking of vast quantities of milky manioc beer ("masato"). The communal field work (clearing of undergrowth, sowing manioc, weeding, maize harvest, etc.) with the accompanying celebrations of the village community and their relatives from neighbouriq settlements, are called "minga" by Indians and mestizos. One or two weeks before each "minga", preparation of the nutritious manioc beer is begun; it is widely consumed by Indians in Amazonia. Unlike the hall~cino~enic "ayahuasca"- tea, whose preparation is the responsibility of the men and which provides the occasion for the second social event - the most important in the Secoya culture - manioc beer is brewed only by the women. The sweet variety of manioc is used for preparing "masato". The root tubers, peeled and cooked until they are soft, are then crushed to a pulp, Part of which is chewed and spat out and mixed with the remainder. Grated, raw sweet potatoes ("camote") are chewed and mixed with them, with the intention of speeding up the fermentation process induced by oral bacteria and enzymes in the saliva. The manioc pulp treated in this way is left to ferment for one or two weeks and then, diluted with water, is forced through a sieve early in the morning of the "minga" celebrations, Juice of the sugar cane is added in some cases to increase the

28 Walter Hödl and Jürg Gasche

content of alcohol, and a different flavour is obtained by adding ground, cooked maize.

Hunting and fishing

While the products of the "chacra" provide an essential basic diet, the Secoya Supplement their food requirements by hunting and fishing. The game hunted is chiefly peccaries, agouties, monkeys and birds (Tab. 3). Nowadays, the Secoya hunt mainly with shot-guns; only the children still knock down small birds in the "chacra" or in the adjoining forest with the blowpipe, but without poison on the arrows; the birds are then boiled in a soup. In order to save expensive ammunition, wherever possible the peccary is pursued with one or more dogs until it takes refuge in the hollow trunk of a fallen tree; then the opening, guarded by the dogs, is blocked and the trunk is chopped Open at the top with an axe. The peccary's head is then caught in a noose of liana-creeper and the animal is strangled or struck dead. Traps are laid in the forest, too especially for predatory cats, such as the ocelot, the peit of which provides a good source of income2.

During the relatively dry period and the time of low water of streams and rivers (November - March), fishing is carried on regularly. At the time of the high water level, the Secoya fish occasionally in the flooded forest, where the fish find a rich supply of food at this time of the year. In addition to the rod and line, traditional fish traps are used for fishing, but also vegetable poisons.

Table 3 - Game killed by the inhabitants of "Bellavista" (Rio Yubineto) 1978 I (1 Jan - 27 Feb.) I I (I March - 20 April) III (2 ]uly - 15 Sept.)

(based upon data from J. Deplats)

Tapir (Tapirus americanus) Peccary (Tayassu tajacu and Tayasu pecari) Aguti (Myopracta acouchy) Coati (Nasua nasuaj Caymans Armadillos Brocket (Mazama sp.) Birds Monkeys

" From 2 Jan. - 24 Jan. the village population was occupied almost exclusively in building a house; consequently, no-one went hunting (but fishing was carried on).

The village community had increased as a result of the temporary influx of several families into the house.

Indian Agriculture as Exemplified by a Secoya Village 29

The squeezed-out juice of the "barbasco" plant (Lonchocaylus sp.) gathered in ihe forest, contains the vegetable poison rotenon - also called "tubain" - which, when distributed in the water, paralyzes the respiratory Organs of all of rhe fish in the water. The crushed roots and stems of the "barbasco" plant are tipped into self-contained pools or into streams dammed with interwoven wiers in the dry period. About half an hour after the distribution of the poison, the fish drift motionless to the surface of the water, where they only have to be gathered or speared. Fishing with vegetable poisons is carried on by many Indian communities of Amazonia, but also world-wide in the tropics.

The young of game captured during hunting (monkeys, coati, agouties, peccaries or birds) are raised very lovingly by the Secoya and also especially by their children. The river traders or the mestizos living on the Putumayo often then try to acquire these animals for very little payment. Raising domestic animals is much more important economically nowadays for the Secoya. Besides the dogs frequently used for hunting, chickens and, to a lesser extent, ducks and pigs, as well as two cows since 1977 (in "Bellavista") form the current stock of domestic animals. The meat of domestic animals is consumed only rarely by the Secoya, as they prefer game and fish for their own needs. Even hens' eggs are seldom eaten, being used mostly for hatching out or for sale. Almost the entire output from animal breeding is offered for sale to the mestizos and river traders and is an important means of acquiring money.

In the social structure and certain agricultural, fishing and hunting methods of the Secoya, there are elements which occur also amongst other Indian tribes of the ~ m a i o n lowlands. What gives the Secoya form ofculture and economy its originality and uniqueness, however - just as for any other Indian or mestizo system - is the combination of elements - e. g. the plant associations and the planting system created in the "chacras" or the division of labour between the Sexes. The periodic migratory movement of the village com- munities, which also forms Part of the Secoya system and has long been considered characteristic of Amazonian slash-and-burn cultivation, can by no means become general. This was observed also for the Bora and the Witoto, where fixed territories are assigned to the extended farnilies and a settled form of existence lasting 40 years was observed, as an example, in the studies.

Following the exploitation of the comprehensive data gathered since 1969 in the various districts of north-west Amazonia, assistance measures were planned on this basis for the population living in this region. The understanding dialogue between the personnel on the research Programme and the leading authorities of the ORDELORETO (Organismo Regional de Desarollo de Loreto, headquarters in Iquitos, Peru) resulted in the creation of the "Prog- rama de Apoya a las Comunidades Nativas". This Programme is intended to guarantee the Indians "a path of development which is compatible with their

30 Walter Hödl and Jürg Gasch6

mode of life in harmony with the natural environment and whose procedures and direction are determined by the Indian communities themselves". At the same time an attempt is to be made to ensure that the Indian achievements in the field of subsistence methods and methods of use benefit the immigrant population groups. The colonists are to be prevented thereby from carrying out, owing to ignorance and lack of experience, destructive and predatory exploitation which will be unproductive in the long run,

NOTES

The frequent occurrence of charcoal in the soil layers of so-called primary forests seems to indicate that much of the tierra firme forest, if not all of it, has been put to agricultural use at least once in history by groups of Indians. These areas are therefore arable land which is lying fallow.

Although both Peru and Colombia are CO-signatories of the international conservation agreement for species threatened with extinction, a market continues to exist, which, although perhaps limited, is in any case hidden. But so long as the opportunity for sale exists, the Indian will kill the animal if he Comes across it on a hunting trip. However, since it has become more difficult to sell ~ e l t s , hunts with the sole purpose of obtaining pelts, which used to be common, are now being discontinued. This situation seems to us to be com letely consistent with the conservation efforts und with the Indian's entit P ement to full use of his territo , since so lon as the Indian does not act 7 !i to provide for a foreign, inexhaustib e demand, his unting will always be kept within reasonable limits - as is ~ r o v e d also by its history for thousands of years in the Amazon area.

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BODARD, L.: Green hell: Massacre of Brazilian Indians. Tom Stacey, New York 1971.

CAMARGO, F. C. de: Re Ort on the Amazon region. Problems of humid tropical regions. ~ u m i f ~ r o ~ i c s Research p. 11-24. UNSECO Paris 1958.

CARNEIRO, R. L.: Slash and burn cultivation among Kuikuru and its implica- tions on cultural development in the Amazon basin. In: The evolution of horticultural Systems in native South America: Causes and consequences, J. Wilbert (ed.) p. 47-68. Sociedad de Sciencias Naturales, La Salle, Caracas 1961.

CASANOVA, J.: E1 sistema de cultivo Secoya. In: Culture sur brulis et kvolution du milieu forestier en Amazonie du Nord-Ouest. P. Centlivres, J. Gasche et A. Lourteig (ed.). Bulletin de la Sociitk Suisse &Ethnologie (Basel), numkro spkcial, 85-91 (1975).

Indian Agriculture as Exemplified by a Secoya V&ge 31

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PRANCE, G. T.: An ethnobotanical comparison of four tribes of Arnazonian Indians. Acta Amazonica 2, (2), 7-28 (1972).

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SCHALLER, F.: Entwicklungsproblem Amazonas in biologischer Sicht (The problem of Amazon development from the biological standpoint). Natur- wiss. Rundschau 33, 1-11 (1980).

SMITH, N.: Brazil's Transamazon highway settlement scheme: Agrovilai, Agropoli and Ruropoli. Assoc. American, Geogr. Proc. 8, 129-132 (1976).

SIOLI, H.: Recent human activities in the Brazilian Amazon region and their ecological effects. In: Tropical forest ecosystems in Africa and South America: A comparative review. B. J. MEGGERS, E. S. AYENSU And W. 11. DUCKWORTH (eds.) p. 321-334. Smithsonian Institution Press, Wasliing- ton, D. C. 1973.

VICKERS, W. T.: Cultural adaptation to Amazonian habitats: The Siona- Secoya of Eastern Ecuador. Diss. Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of FIorida 1976.

Die Jesuiten und das SIL: Aussenpolitik für Ecuadors Tucanoaner während drei Jahrhunderte (The Jesuits and the SIL: Foreign policy for Ecuador's Tucanoans for three centuries). In: Ist Gott Amerikaner? IWGIA, Copenhagen 113-134 (1980).

Author's addr.es~: Dr. W. Hödl, Zoologisches In s t i~u r , i ' r !k i - rs iv~t Yiiien, Aithancrrassr 14,

1080 Vicnca, Austria