Rousioti - Stournaras

The excavation and publication projects of postpalatial settlements with urban shrines in eastern Crete provide us with the opportunity to examine the role of the shrines within the settlements as well as the importance of religion for the postpalatial communities.This paper fo-cuses on the settlements of Kavousi-Vrondas, Halasmenos and Karphi that are characterized by their LM III C occupation date and the un-covering of a shrine at the edge of the habita-tion area. In addition reference will be made to the evidence from the partially excavated site of Kephala Vasilikis and the LM IIIB site of Gour-nia (fig. 1). The topography of the postpalatial shrines in urban context led scholars in the past to propose that religion in the postpalatial peri-od was of minor importance because the shrine was often founded at the edge of the settlement and not in a central area. In this paper we ex-plore the topography and spatial organization of those settlements where enough architectu-ral elements were uncovered. It will be argued that shrines of public character were basic ele-ments in the postpalatial communities and de-fined the existence of the settlement itself. We chose to concentrate on Eastern Crete, because this is an area rich in postpalatial settlements, which has been excavated and published to a great extent1.

* This presentation was based on a project funded by the Institute for Aegean Prehistory in 2005. We are deep-ly grateful to Thomas Brogan, Eleanor Huffman and Evi Sikla for the warm hospitality in INSTAPEC. We are also grateful to Dr Metaxia Tsipopoulou (Ministry of Culture), Professor Kevin Glowacki (University A&M), Panagiota

At Vasiliki Ierapetras excavations were con-ducted between 1994 and 1996 on the impo-sing hill of Kephala located about 600m to the west of the well-known EM-LM I settlement. At least 10 buildings scattered across the hill with the steep slopes and the flat table-shaped sum-mit were located and partially investigated (El-iopoulos 1998, 301-304). The buildings, which according to the excavator belong to a LM III C-Protogeometric settlement, cover part of the top of the hill (220 × 70m) and extend to the N and NE (fig. 2). However the limited exca-vation work and the poor preservation of cer-tain buildings do not allow any safe conclusion about urban development at the site.

Building E, located at the SW edge of the hill, was characterized by the excavator Th. El-iopoulos as the Temple Complex. The build-ing, which has been fully investigated but not published, is dated to LM IIIC Early or Mid-dle period with possible additions and alte-rations of Protogeometric date (Eliopoulos 1998, 306, 309). Building E, the size of which (25m. × 17m.) and the internal organization are noteworthy, consists of 8 rooms (grouped in three wings) with different orientation, interi-or constructions and probably function as well. In Room 3 a series of constructions were un-covered indicating a distinct function: benches

Pantou (University of Buffalo) and Professor Yannis Lolos (University of Thessaly) for their constructive commends.

1. Postpalatial shrines were also uncovered at Knos-sos, Gazi and and Kannia, however they are not includ-ed in this study as there is no sufficient evidence for their contemporary settlements.

Dimitra Rousioti, Gregory Stournaras

THE URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN CRETE AT THE END OF THE BRONZE AGE: SETTLEMENTS WITH SHRINES*

DIMITRA ROUSIOTI, GREGORY STOURNARAS490

and platforms across the walls, a hearth and a central stone construction in which, according to the excavator, a rounded stone-baityl was in-corporated (fig. 3). However no small finds se-curely used in cult practices could be related to the above constructions (Eliopoulos 1998, 306-307; Prent 2005, 14).

On the contrary, the southernmost Room 4 contained a group of finds in situ which could be associated with the performance of cult: at least two figures of goddesses with up-raised hands, one of which is sitting on a throne, clay stands and plaques, a considerable quan-tity of pebbles, a snake tube, pottery related to food preparation and consumption (Eliopoulos 1998, 307-309; 2004, 86-88). Benches are built along the walls of the rectangular room, while traces of a small clay hearth and a platform can also be identified. The rest of the rooms of the building were interpreted as residential and store rooms as based on their finds2.

The functional association of Building E with the nearby areas is unclear. To the East, between Building E and Building A there is an open area through which access to the north and central part of the building is possible (El-iopoulos 1998, figs. 8-9). However Room 4, which is the only one in the building that con-tains equipment in association with construc-tions related to cult activities, could be reached only by a narrow passage along the west edge of the steep cliff. The function of Building E cannot be securely identified due to the limi-ted scale of excavation and the absence of pub-lication of its architectural details and small finds. Although the excavator proposed that both Rooms 3 and 4 were used for cult practi-ces performed within a larger multi-functional building including storage rooms and residen-tial areas, it is also possible that Room 4 func-tioned independently seeing that it had its own

2. Room 5 to the North of Room 4 also contained benches and a small hearth, however the uncovering of fragments of the female figure on a throne can be inter-preted as later disturbance of Room 4 and not as indica-tion of cult performances. Klein – Glowacki 2009, 160.

entrance and no communication with the rest of the building.

On the low hill Vronda south of the mo-dern village of Kavousi, at an altitude of 420m, Harriet Boyd first undertook limited excava-tion in 1900. The site was reinvestigated from the late 1970’s until the 1990’s by the American School of Classical Studies under the guidance of G. Gesell, L. Day and W. Coulson. The ex-cavation and cleaning efforts conducted on a regular base revealed an extensive settlement which crowned the summit of the hill (fig. 4). To date some 15 to 20 buildings of LM III C late period were uncovered along with small tholos tombs of SM-Protogeometric and Geometric period located to the north and NW of the set-tlement (Gesell – Day – Coulson 1995, 68-92; Day Preston 1997).

A basic feature of the Kavousi-Vronda set-tlement is the exploitation of all the available terraces for the construction of multiple build-ing complexes of different sizes. The architec-ture and the finds of those buildings indicate functional independence as all of them contain residential and storage rooms. As K. Glowacki recently suggested these complexes consist of house-units and reveal several stages of con-struction, most likely reflecting the growth and change of population (Glowacki 2007, 130-132). In addition the evidence from Building A/B suggests the existence of some kind of cen-tral authority as the topography and the archi-tectural sophistication indicate: the building sits on top of the summit of the hill, rising high-er than any other structure and it is exceptio-nal as far as its dimensions, layout and storage capacity (it contained at least 7 pithoi of large size) are concerned. Distribution and display of wealth as well as social stratification are indica-ted by the large amount of decorated drinking cups of exceptional size and the parts of bovine and agrimi skulls, probably intended for display as wall decoration or hangings (Day Preston – Snyder 2004, 66-73; Day Preston 1997, 395-401; Dickinson 2006, 105-106; Glowacki – Klein in this volume).

THE URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN CRETE AT THE END OF THE BRONZE AGE 491

Building G, excavated on a low terrace at the southwest edge of the settlement, must have been a building of special status as topography and architecture indicate. It is a free-standing two-room structure (measuring 3,5m × 10,5m) with a NE-SW orientation. The building is lo-cated in a relatively isolated position and it is associated with an open area to the west (Klein 2004, 100). The construction of Building G has much in common with the domestic architec-ture of the settlement, however the western fa-çade and the fact that it is the only building with two rooms, differentiate it from the multiple house complexes throughout the site (Glowacki 2007, 135; Glowacki – Klein 2009, 154-156).

Despite the construction of Geometric cist graves inside the building and in the open area to the west, which had as a result the disturbance of the Late Bronze Age strata, the religious use of Building G is well attested by both the pre-served structures and the small finds. More specifically, benches and platforms were uncovered in both rooms and the remains of a hearth are located in Room 2. In addition, the large long bench that abuts against the exterior part of the western wall of the building is a unique architectural feature that makes the western fa-çade exceptionally impressive. The association of the exterior part of Building G with cult is in-dicated by the large number of cult equipment spread over the open area. These finds (a large number of goddesses with up raised hands, clay plaques, kalathoi and snake tubes) along with the finds uncovered in situ in room 2 consti-tute a homogeneous group used during the cult practices performed in the southern part of the settlement (Gesell 1995; 1997, 123; 2001, 253-254; Prent 2005, 153; Gesell – Day – Coulson 1995, 79-80).

At Karphi, in the north range of the Las-ithi mountains and at an altitude of 1.148m, the British excavations uncovered between 1937 and 1939 an extensive settlement in an area where a possible MM mountain shrine was pre-viously founded (Pendlebury et al. 1937-1938; Myers et al. 1992, 116-119). The settlement oc-

cupies the slopes of the distinctive peak of Kar-phi and the nearby Koprana ridge (fig. 5). Ac-cording to surface survey data the uncovered part (0,6 hectares) comprises only a small sec-tion of the original settlement, which must have covered at least 3 hectares (Nowicki 1987, 246). The settlement was probably founded in LM III C early and was in use until the Subminoan pe-riod. The evidence from the nearby cemetery of small tholos tombs supports these dates (Kanta 1980, 121; Nowicki 1987, 236-237; Myers et al. 1992, 118-119)3.

The town planning indicates the existence of organized habitation quarters, consisting of megaron-shaped structures and buildings built along different axes, in functional association with the road system which run through the whole site. Building activity took into consid-eration the tendency to exploit every single plot of the sloping area. Religious activity has been attributed to different places spread all over the settlement based on the discovery of portable objects that could have had a cultic use4. This led scholars to the suggestion that in Karphi a possible decentralization of the cult activity took place (D’ Agata 2001, 348-349; Prent 2005, 139; Day Preston 2009, 150-151), in association with a possible political-administrative decen-tralization (Day Preston – Snyder 2004, 77-78).

One of the places identified as a shrine is the open area 16-17 in the eastern part of the settlement. The area is in close proximity to the so-called “Great House”, a building whose unu-sual size and the quality of finds led to its iden-

3. Although sherds of Protogeometric date have been reported from the area of the settlement, no conclusion about the use of the site in this period can be reached be-cause the material remains unpublished. Prent 2005, 138.

4. In some cases conventional names had been given (“Priest’s House”, “Small Shrine”) to places, although the finds (clay stands, whorls, pottery) do not safely suggest their use for cult purposes. In the case of Room 27 the dis-covery of 2 rhyta cannot support the identification of the place as a shrine. In addition to Room 106 of the so-called “Commercial Quarter”, in which fragments of goddesses with up-raised hands were uncovered, various functions could be attributed, not necessarily cultic.


tification as a building of special status, but it is unclear whether the open space was functio-nally related to it (Day Preston – Snyder 2004, 75-76). Area 16-17 was identified as an open air shrine due to the discovery of a group of finds consisting of unspecified fragments of goddes-ses with up-raised hands, a triton shell and a clay stand. However the function of the whole place remains unclear5. The excavators report that some of the finds, which led to the identifi-cation of the area as a shrine, were not actually used in the place they were uncovered, but they possibly belong to a deposit pit (Pendlebury et al. 1937-1938, 135; Day Preston – Snyder 2004, 75).

On the contrary, the so-called Temple can be safely identified as a shrine based on its lay-out and small finds. The building although lo-cated on the inaccessible crest that marks the northern edge of the LM III C site, it was acces-sible through a well organized road system. It is a free standing building, with an independ-ent entrance and an open space to the east (fig. 6). It has been suggested that the building has at least two architectural phases and that dur-ing the first phase it consists of a single large rectangular room (Room 1). The following ar-chitectural phase was characterized by expan-sion of the main room to the south and the con-struction of small subsidiary rooms to the west (Rutkowski 1987, 259-262; Prent 2005, 139; Klein – Glowacki 2009, 158). The north wall of the main room was not preserved and had col-lapsed over the cliff (Gesell 1985, 79; Myers et al. 1992, 118).

The excavations conducted in Room 1 uncovered stone constructions identified as benches or shelves along the south and west wall as well as a platform in the north part of the room. In addition, the important group of

5. The open area 16-17 was originally interpreted as part of the “Great House”. However the absence of any ev-idence of direct communication, its independent access to the road system of the settlement as well as the differenti-ation of the finds uncovered indicate that area 16-17 pro-bably did not belong to the “Great House” and had an au-tonomous function.

objects uncovered mainly in Room 1, but also in one of the small rooms indicate the perfor-mance of rituals: at least five goddesses with up raised hands and fragments of many others, shells, a clay plaque with human head, whorls, tools, a seal and pottery with special use, like kalathoi (Gesell 1985, 79; 2004, 136; Seiradaki 1960, 29; Rutkowski 1987, 263, figs. 8-12). The position of the shrine at the border of the settle-ment and at the edge of the cliff is comparable to the position of the shrine (Room 4) at Kepha- la Vasilikis.

Lastly, at Halasmenos at the north end of the Ierapetra Isthmus the Greek-Αmerican ex-cavations conducted from 1992 onwards un-covered an extensive settlement at an altitude of 240m (fig. 7). The settlement is located on the top of a relatively abrupt mound to the south of the Cha gorge and has unimpeded view towards the fertile plain of the north Ierapetra Isthmus and the Mirabello Gulf. To date an area of at least 3 hectares has been excavated, whereas the whole settlement is estimated to cover 20 hecta-res, placing it among the largest settlements in the area (Tsipopoulou – Nowicki 2003, 562).

Buildings and courts extended on three distinct terraces have been uncovered as well as a small tholos tomb. According to the excava-tors the settlement has a small period of use; it was established, flourished and abandoned be-fore the end of LM III C period (Coulson – Tsi-popoulou 1994; Coulson 1999, 326; Tsipopou-lou 2004a, 103-106; Tsipopoulou 2005, 317-318).

The town planning at Halasmenos took into consideration the configuration of the mound: the majority of the buildings had a NW-SE orientation and most of the open ar-eas were formed by the projecting natural rock. The habitation areas uncovered so far were ad-jacent to each other, usually consisted of a large room with a hearth and two or three small rooms used for food preparation and storage (Tsipopoulou – Nowicki 2003, 562-563; Yasur-Landau 2006). The NW part of the settlement is characterized by a distinctive building area:


at least three attached megara surrounded by courts were uncovered in the most prominent part of the site, which were possibly related to an attempt for social differentiation (Paschali-dis 2006, 221-224). During the Geometric pe-riod a limited reuse took place in the area of the largest megaron related to food and liquid con-sumption (Tsipopoulou 2004b, 129-138; 2005, 329-330).

To the north of the megara, on a low ter-race, a rectangular building (5,5m. × 13m.) which can be identified as a public shrine came to light. The location of the building at the NE edge of the settlement, the unbuilt space that probably surrounded it and its distinct archi-tecture suggest its functional autonomy (Gesell 2004, 136). The shrine consisted of two rooms of different size and was probably associated with storage rooms to the SE (Tsipopou-lou 2001, 99). The building is equipped with a series of stone benches and portable objects some of which were uncovered in a clear func-tional association with them. The special func-tion related to cult practices is well-established by the finds : numerous figures of goddesses with upraised hands, snake tubes, kalathoi, clay plaques, a stand in the shape of an altar, pithoi, pottery related to the preparation and the con-sumption of food (Tsipopoulou 2005, 320; 2009, 124-130; Prent 2005, 150).

It can be suggested that the absence of a political center controlling the production, dis-tribution and exchange of goods had as a re-sult the remodeling of the countryside during the LM III C period in the area of the Ierape-tra Isthmus and the Mirabello gulf and, conse-quently, the flourishing of numerous small in-dependent settlements. These postpalatial set-tlements with buildings used exclusively for cult purposes seem to comprise a network for the control of the production activities.

The settlements discussed share the follow-ing common features: they all consist of resi-dential, administrative and religious buildings suggesting that the postpalatial communities of eastern Crete had an economic, political and

social organization. In addition, in each settle-ment there is a public shrine with distinct ar-chitecture and finds, independent from possi-ble administrative buildings (fig. 8). The pub-lic character of the shrines is suggested by the placement within the settlement, the archi-tectural independence, the special association with the system of communication as well as by the distribution of built and open areas in the settlements. Lastly, although building activity in each site does not follow a specific pattern, the shrine is always located at the edge of the settlement and is approached through the road system and open courts.

These LM IIIC shrines are characterized by the relatively small dimensions and the limi-ted number of rooms, which precludes the pos-sibility to be simultaneously in use by a large number of celebrants. However the accessibility to open areas, some of them equipped with spe-cially formed installations, in association with the homogeneity of the cult objects indicate their use as places of public worship. The place-ment of the shrines at the edge of the settle-ments offered unlimited visibility of the sea and land routes (figs. 9-11). For each settlement its shrine would have been a reference point and a landmark.

In contrast to these settlements that were all established in LM III C, the settlement at Gournia provides an interesting alternative. The postpalatial shrine was built during the LM III B period (Russell 1979, 28; Kanta 1980, 139; Gesell 1985, 72; 2004, 135-136; Rethemniotakis 1997, εικ. XLVIIIe) in an area where no traces of earlier cult existed. The building shares com-mon features as far as architecture is concerned with the LM III C public shrines judging by its small dimensions, the easy accessibility from a road system and an open court and the possible bench construction in the interior. Similarities can be also traced in the cult equipment con-sisting of a goddess with up raised hands and fragments of others as well as snake tubes and a tripod offering table (Fotou 1993, 91-92; Whit-taker 1997, 185-186; Eliopoulos 2004, 81-82;


Gesell 2004, 136). However the position of the shrine within the settlement is clearly differ-entiated by the position of the LM III C public shrines and probably indicates a different role. The shrine is located at the center of the LM I town, at the end of the existing road system, in a distance from the contemporary houses (fig. 12: for the LM III settlement and the possible evidence for social hierarchy see Davaras 1989, 16; Hayden 1990, 209-210; Mazarakis Ainian 1997, 362.). It could be suggested that this loca-tion was dictated by the pre-existing settlement and could be seen as an attempt to a symbolic connection with the past.

To sum up, the evidence from eastern Crete indicates that religion played an impor-tant role for the urban development of the post-palatial settlements. The features of the urban shrines suggest a change in the religious expres-sion during the postpalatial period. The shrines seem to define the identity of the settlements, both of those that continue to exist from earlier periods, such as Gournia, and especially of the newly established in LM III C. It is possible that the collapse of the central palace authority led to the establishment of autonomous communi-ties in the area of Mirabello gulf that may have used buildings as public shrines and religion as an important part of their political, economic and social organization.

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Tsipopoulou, M., 2005. Mycenoans at the Ιsthmus of Ierapetra: some (preliminary) thoughts on the foundation of the (eteo)cretan cultural identity, in A.L. D’Agata – J. Moody – E. Williams (eds.), Ariadne’s Threads. Connections between Crete and the Greek Mainland in Late Minoan III (LM III A2 to LM III C). Proceedings of the In-ternational Workshop held at Athens Scuola Archeologica Italiana, 5-6 April 2003, Ath-ens, 304-343.

Tsipopoulou, M., 2009. Goddesses for “gene”? The Late Minoan IIIC shrine at Halasmenos Ierapetra, in A.L. D’Agata – A. van de Moortel – M.B. Richardson (eds.), Archae-ologies of Cult: Essays on Ritual and Cult in Crete in Honor of Geraldine C. Gesell, Hes-peria Suppl. 42, Princeton, 121-136.

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Fig. 1. Postpalatial settlements with shrines in eastern Crete.

Fig. 3. Building E, the so-called Temple Complex (Elio-poulos 2004, fig. 6.5).

Fig. 2. The LM IIIC-Protogeometric settlement at Kepha-la Vasilikis (Eliopoulos 1998, fig. 5).


Fig. 5. The LM IIIC settlement at Karphi (Pendlebury 1937/1938, pl. IX.).

Fig. 4. The LM IIIC settlement at Kavousi-Vrondas (Gesell – Day Preston – Coulson 1991, fig. 1).


Fig. 7. The LM IIIC settlement at Halasmenos (Tsipopoulou 2004, fig. 2).

Fig. 6. Karphi. The Temple (based on Rutkowski 1987, fig. 2).


Fig. 9. View from the site of Kavousi-Vrondas towards Mirabello Gulf.

Fig. 8. LM IIIC sites with public shrines and possible administrative buildings.


Fig. 11. View from the site of Halasmenos towards Ierapetra Isthmus.

Fig. 10. View from the site of Halasmenos towards Mirabello Gulf.


Fig. 12. LM IIIB shrine at the center of the LM I town of Gournia (Myers et al. 1992, fig. 13.3).

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