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PAZHASSI RAJA : A REVISIT

A MINOR RESEARCH PROJECT WORK SUBMITTED

TO UNIVERSITY GRANT COMMISSION

BY

SIJESH.K

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

GOVERNMENT COLLEGE MADAPPALLY

VATAKARA

2015

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DECLARATION

I, Sijesh. K, hereby declare that this Minor Research Project

entitled ‘PAZHASSI RAJA:A REVISIT’ submitted to University Grant

Commission is a bonafide record of work carried out by me and that

no part of this work has been presented earlier for the award of any

degree, diploma or any similar recognition or title.

Madappally

15-11-2015

Sijesh.K

ASSISTANT PROFESSOR

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY

GOVERNMENT COLLEGE MADAPPALLY

VATAKARA

1

Contents

Preface 2- 7

Introduction 8 -21

Chapter 1: Mysore Invasion and its Consequences 22-38

Chapter 2: The Restoration of Old System 39-48

Chapter 3: The Era of Pazhassi Raja 49-68

Conclusion 69-80

Bibliography 81-85

Glossary 86-87

2

PREFACE

Pazhassi Raja, the ruler of the princely state of Kottayam in

northern Kerala, has been given a revered position in the history of

modern India mainly for his struggle against the British. The role of

Pazhassi raja in the struggle against British colonialism has been studied

by many a scholars and they projected and glorified his heroic struggles

against the British and thus adorned him the characterization of martyr

for that cause. Pazhassi’s relentless struggle against the British has

been subjected to criticism in the light of the discovery and re-

interpretation of some firsthand materials1. Recently a forthcoming

book jointly authored by noted historians M.R. Raghava Warrier and

Rajan Gurukkal has sparked off a heated debate among historians

regarding the relationship of Pazhassi Raja with the British2. The re-

reading and re-interpretation of Pazhassi’s letters to the East India

1 These are letters which were first preserved at the Bombay Archives and later has been shifted to the Regional Archives at Kozhikode 2 The New Indian Express Daily, 29 August 2015

3

Company officials in Malabar and Bombay revealed that Pazhassi Raja

was loyal, submissive and subservient to the British authorities.

Responding to this observation, eminent historian

M.G.S.Narayanan3 remarked that Pazhassi Raja’s relationship with the

British has to be distinguished as two phases and to portray him as a

pliant to the British was not correct. K.K.N.Kurup who has studied in

detail the struggles of Pazhassi raja against the British, opined that the

ruler could not be characterized only on the basis of his letters.

Pazhassi raja was the de facto ruler of the princely state of

Kottayam after the Mysore army withdrew from Malabar with the

Sreerangapattanam treaty of 17924.There was a terrible episode of the

persecution of Mappilas during the reign of Pazhassi Raja particularly in

the first half of the last decade of the eighteenth century which

hitherto remained untouched by historians. The atrocities on the

Mappilas were committed at the instance of Pazhassi and by his Nair

3 Who was the former chairman of ICHR and author a large number of books on Kerala history 4He was only the de facto ruler of Kottayam. The struggle for power within the royal family has not been dealt with in detail. For more details see Pazhassi Samarangal of K.K.N.Kurup,Pp.19-32

4

warriors. In fact Pazhassi was taking revenge on the Mappilas for their

support extended to the Mysore army in subjugating Hindu rulers in

Malabar. Perhaps, this part of Pazhassi’s reign in Kottayam might have

been either overlooked or trivialized by historians who wrote works on

him in their zeal to glorify Pazhassi’s heroic struggles against the British.

The present study is an enquiry into the persecutions meted

out on the Mappilas during the era of Pazhassi in Kottayam after Raja

assumed power of Kottayam and the background of such a situation.

For such a study, I have mainly consulted secondary sources and the

first hand materials used for the study are letters written by Pazhassi to

the Company officials. These first hand materials are now preserved in

the Regional Archives at Calicut. The secondary works, I could mainly

make use of, are available in Malayalam and English. Mappila Muslims

of Kerala, Malabar Manual and Pazhassi Samarangal are the chief

works which were found very much useful in tracing the most

5

important part of the present work, that is, persecution of the

Mappilas.

I express my heartfelt gratitude to U.G.C for sanctioning the

financial aid to carry out this minor research project. I should like here

to record my deep sense of obligation to K.K.N.Kurup who was a former

faculty member at the department of History, Calicut university and

had served as the Vice Chancellor of the same University, and his library

at Vatakara named ‘Malabar Institute for Research and Development’

which is very much useful for undertaking studies related to local

histories especially in Kozhikode and Kannur districts. It was his work in

Malayalam entitled ‘Pazhassi Samarangal’ that greatly motivated me to

undertake such a study on Pazhassi. In this work he has made

references about some of the anti-Mappila deeds of Pazhassi. When I

made an interview with K.K.N.Kurup he was not ready to accept the

fact that Pazhassi was an anti-Muslim.

6

I am very much indebted to the Public Libraries at Kozhikode

and Vatakara and to the library of the Department of History, Calicut

University for giving me permission to refer books related to the topic. I

extend gratitude to the libraries of the departments of Histories at

Government Brennen College, Thalassery and Government College

Madappally for issuing me books on Pazhassi Raja.

I would like to express sincere gratitude to the staff of the

Regional Archives of Kozhikode. Some of the official correspondence of

the British and letters of Pazhassi Raja to the British officials have been

found useful to the present studies which are preserved in the archives.

Much of these letters and documents were earlier kept in the Mumbai

Archives and were recently transferred to Kozhikode archives.

Finally I acknowledge my sincere thanks to my colleagues at

Department of History, Government College Madappally who helped

me a lot by providing relevant works related to the topic. The work is

mainly intended to point out the hitherto untouched aspect of Pazhassi

7

raja’s life and it has been done in a fairly and truthful manner. The

present work, I think, would be a motivation to others to undertake

studies on the hitherto hidden or buried areas of history.

8

INTRODUCTION

The salient feature of Kerala culture, as of Indian culture in

general, is “unity in diversity.”It was Kerala’s foreign contact from the

earliest days which helped in the evolution of a way of life and culture

noted for its catholicity and universality. The neighbouring states of

Tamilnadu and Karnataka have also exercised some influence on the

evolution of the life and culture of the Kerala people. At the same time

the peculiar geographical position of Kerala, as the southernmost part

of the Indian peninsula, separated from the rest of the country by the

natural barriers of the Western Ghats and from the rest of the world by

the high seas has helped the people of the land to develop a culture

marked by the virtues of unity and cohesion in every sphere of life and

activity. The gradual evolution of a composite and cosmopolitan culture

led to the emergence of a spirit of tolerance and catholicity of outlook.

9

The religious atmosphere that prevailed in Kerala was one of

tolerance and amity. In spite of the existence of diverse sects within

Hindu religion itself and the prevalence of several other non-Hindu

faiths in the land, there was absolutely no religious rancor of any kind in

the outlook of the people of Kerala. The Hindus as a whole treated the

followers of other religions like Jainism, Buddhism Christianity and

Islam in a spirit of extreme friendliness. Notwithstanding the

predominant position occupied by the Hindu religion in the life of the

people, the other religions like Islam, Christianity etc. existed side by

side with it were in no way looked upon as inferior in any respect.

The first eight centuries of Mappila1 growth following the

establishment of Islam in Kerala were marked by a calm forward

movement. Reports of travellors of this period to the Kerala coast

indicate an increasing number of mosques in the port cities2.The

Muslims of Calicut, during the days when the Zamorins of Calicut were

1 Hindu converts to Islam in Malabar are generally called Mappilas. 2 For more details see Roland E Miller’s Mappila Muslims Of Kerela,Pp.52-60

10

in full power, were a power to be reckoned with. Nevertheless, it did

not succeed in making as many converts as did the Portuguese to

Christianity, for the reason that it did not make such sustained efforts in

the direction of effecting conversions, or display the latter’s

proselytizing fervor or ruthlessness in dealing with the inhabitants of

this country.

It was the Portuguese who planted the seed of the spirit of

militancy among the Mappilas3. The results of the Portuguese period

for the Mappilas can be summarized as: the economic retrogression4,

estrangement from Hindus, bitterness against Christians, and a new

militancy5. While Islam permits the use of force, however interpreted,

there is no record of the Mappilas being engaged in any militant activity

defensive or offensive, prior to the Portuguese period. The terrible

3 For more details see Shaykh Zainuddin Makhdum’s Tuhfat al-MujahidIn translated from Arabic with annotations by S Muhammad Husayn Nainar, Calicut, 2007 4 The Portuguese domination compelled them to turn inward from the profitable seaward commerce in search for new avenues of economic well-being. But there they found the land all but totally occupied by the Hindu landlords and their lessees. The Mappillas did not have adequate resources or initiative to work their way out of the predicament. It is here that we must find the starting point for the community’s later poverty, ignorance and inwardness. 5 Roland E Miller, Mappila Muslims Of Kerala, P.75

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events during the Portuguese period indicate that the Mappilas had the

“art” of fighting a war. This was a newly-kindled flame, which future

conditions were to fan into a blazing fire6.

The Mysore invasions that took place in the second half of

the 18th century accelerated the growth of Islam in Kerala. The religious

policy of the Mysore sultans was a milestone in the history of the Islam

in Kerala. It was during the period of their occupation that the number

of the Muslims increased considerably. Their occupation administered a

shock treatment to the traditional Kerala society based on caste

system. It sounded the death-knell of the Hindu social order based on

Chathurvarna system and ushered in an era of impending social change

in Kerala. The Mysore sultans took steps to deprive the higher castes of

their time-honoured privileges .The Nairs were the special targets of

the wrath of the Mysore rulers. The spectacle of the higher castes being

seized and converted to Islam or forced to flee from their homes in

search of asylum elsewhere had a tremendous psychological impact on

6 Ibid., p.77

12

the people. The illusion of social superiority stood exposed and

Mappilas and members of the lower castes developed a self-confidence

of their own.

It was the British who came to the rescue of the local rulers

from the Mysore atrocities. With the Sreerangapattanam treaty of

1792, Malabar fell into the hands of the British. Robert Abercrombi

after hoisting the Union Jack at government house in Calicut, declared

that company among other things would protect the interest of the

upper castes7.The British political and economic policy was based on a

modified restoration of the old order which left Mappilas out of

consideration. At the beginning of their rule they were negative

towards the Mappilas because of their support to the Mysore intruders

and favourable towards the Hindu establishments. The Hindus took the

opportunity to wreak their vengeance on the Mappila rivals. The

Mappilas who had been deprived of the great power they had

exercised till the end of the Mysore occupation resented the loss, while

7 William Logan, Malabar Manual.vol.l.p.539

13

the Nair followers under the protecting aegis of the company set

themselves up to seek revenge on their former despoilers. From the

beginning of 1791 instead of seeking to conciliate the Mappilas the

members of the royal family and their Nair militia thought only of

attacking and subduing them.

It was in such a situation that, in the last decade of the

eighteenth century, the Mappilas of Kottayam too were subjected to

atrocities by Pazhassi Raja and his Nair supporters. The local rulers and

their Nair warriors were, in fact, taking revenge on the Mappilas for the

latter’s support to the Muslim Mysore rulers in subduing the Hindu

chieftains of Malabar and committing atrocities on the caste Hindus. As

far as the Mappilas of Kottayam were concerned, the period of Pazhassi

can be called “reign of terror”. In many occasions Pazhassi was found

instigating his men to commit atrocities on the Mappilas and to

demolish their mosques. Many Mappilas were murdered by his

supporters and one Mappila was murdered at the hands of Pazhassi

14

himself at the royal court. Even Mappila massacres were reported at

places coming under his jurisdiction which were committed at the

instance of Pazhassi. The cruelties inflicted upon the Mappilas drove

them to a terrible situation, and throughout the period of Pazhassi in

Kottayam they were found to be mutineers.

The oppressions and atrocities meted out to the Mappilas in

any princely state, other than that of Pazhassi is unheard of in the

history of India. If the word “state sponsored terrorism” is suitable that

can be used to characterize the situation prevailed in the princely state

of Kottayam during the era of Pazhassi Raja. This part of the

persecution of the Muslims during the reign of Pazhassi was totally over

looked or trivialized by historians who made studies on Pazhassi and

projected him as a hero who fought war against foreign occupation.

K.M.Panikkar8 who made detailed inquiry into the struggles organized

by Pazhassi against the British characterized him as Kerala Simhom(The

Lion of Kerala). 8 He was the former diplomat and historian. He wrote an exclusive work in Malayalam on Pazhassi raja entitled ‘Kerala Simhom’.

15

Pazhassi’s relation with Tipu Sultan is also to be examined in

the context of the former’s anti-Muslim stand. The understanding

reached between Pazhassi and Tipu Sultan was meant for encountering

a common enemy, the British. Though Tipu was found to be sincere in

his alliance with Pazhassi, the latter had only malicious intentions in

joining hands with the former. Pazhassi never wanted a Muslim ruler

like Tipu as his ally as it would be a threat to his authority in the future.

Even while Pazhassi was in alliance with Tipu, he was found making

efforts to conclude peace treaty with the company. Pazhassi’s

understandings whether it was with the Company or Tipu Sultan were

meant to make his power sustainable.

That, Pazhassi fought war against the foreign occupation which

gave him a honourable position in the history of modern Kerala, is an

indisputable fact and historians do not have any contradictory view on

it. While this aspect of Pazhassi’s life was given too much importance,

16

the scholars failed to analyze other aspects of his reign which were

irrelevant for them. And hence, it is high time to examine the

deliberately omitted aspects of his life that the atrocities on the

Mappilas he committed, which have been hitherto lying buried in

history. The present study is centered on the anti-Mappila stand of

Pazhassi and consequent persecutions of the Mappilas in the last

decade of the eighteenth century.

This work is divided into three chapters which stretch from

the Mysore invasion of Malabar to the reign of Pazhassi Raja in

Kottayam in the last decade of the eighteenth century. This

chapterisation is done with a view of getting a fuller picture of the

situation that prevailed in Malabar since the Mysore invasions in the

second half of the eighteenth century. It is highly important to know

the Hindu-Muslim or Nair-Mappila relation9 in Malabar of this century

9 It is better to say Nair-Mappila relation instead of Hindu-Muslim relation. Hindu consciousness was not developed among the avarna communities or lower castes during this period. Upto the independence of India Hindu identity was not given to the lower castes by the upper castes and in practice they remained as untouchables. Some of the prominent so called Hindu organizations like R.S.S have denied entry to untouchable castes to their organizations for a long period.

17

so as to understand ‘how’ and ‘why’ the Hindu-rulers of this period

became anti-Muslims. Up to the period of the Mysorean invasion, the

local rulers of Malabar never tried to oppress their religious opponents,

though there were some religious disputes. The wars among the rulers

of Malabar were only political and religion was not a bone of

contention among them. It was the Mysore invasion and their

revengeful acts that turned local Hindu rulers against Mappilas who

extended full support to Mysore Sultans. In order to understand the

violent situation prevailed throughout Malabar including Kottayam, one

has to go through these parts.

The first chapter, entitled ‘Mysore invasion and its consequences’,

deals with the Malabar invasions of Mysore sultans and the cruelties

inflicted on the local rajas and their traditional Nair soldiers by the

Mappila backed Mysore army. Their invasions rang the death-knell of

the ruling Hindu rajas and their traditional Nair warriors. The Mysore

army was fully backed by the Mappilas in Malabar and they inflicted

18

damage to the life and property of the ruling elites and their Nair men.

The reform measures initiated by the Mysore Sultans after cementing

their authority in Malabar which were detrimental to the interests of

the higher caste Hindus are also described in this part.

The social and economic reform measures introduced by the

Mysore rulers helps a lot in infusing self-confidence and a new spirit

and vigour among the Mappilas. These reform initiatives and the

changing attitudes of the Mappilas are also mentioned in the chapter. It

is to be noted that Malabar was in the hands of the Mysore rulers for a

short period during which higher caste Hindus suffered a huge loss both

in life and property and subsequently a large number of them fled to

Travancore. It was during this period that Mappilas and lower castes

began to experience the taste of freedom and equality which were

hitherto denied to them and it infused a new lease of life among them

while the Brahman landlords, local rulers and their Nair supporters who

lost all their rights and privileges, fled en masse to Travancore and

19

many of their survivors in Malabar got forcibly converted to Islam by

the Mysore army. A clear picture of the situation prevailed in Malabar

after the Mysore invasion is necessary if one has to understand the

oppressions of the Mappilas during the period of Pazhassi.

The second chapter entitled ‘The Restoration of the Old

System’ examines the restoration of the old social system by the British

with the Sreerangapattanam treaty of 1792 and the consequent

retaliatory acts of the Malabar Hindu rulers against their Mappila

opponents. When Malabar came in the hands of the British, the

erstwhile rulers and their Nair warriors returned to Malabar and they

began to take revenge on the Mappilas in all possible ways with the

support of the British. A wide description of the atrocities on the

Mappilas throughout Malabar is not included in it. A short description

of the anti-Mappila deeds of the Hindu rulers of Malabar is referred

here as to know the mental state of such rulers during this period

including Pazhassi raja.

20

The anti-Muslim deeds of Pazhassi Raja and his supporters

are dealt with in the third chapter entitled ‘The Era of Pazhassi Raja’.

Such acts were revengeful on account of the role of the Mappilas in

committing atrocities on the elite Hindus particularly on the Nair

soldiers during the Mysore invasion and their subsequent occupation of

Malabar. Their acts include demolition of mosques and murders and

even massacres of Mappilas. His relation with Mysore Muslim ruler

Tipu Sultan is to be enquired into in this context of the former’s anti-

Muslim stand. And hence the alliance forged by Pazhassi with Tipu

Sultan, is too critically dealt with in this part.

So far Pazhassi’s anti-Muslim stand remained buried in

history. Such a stand should not be seen as having possessed only by

him. This was the general feeling among other Hindu rulers of Malabar

which is not intended to discuss in detail10. Pazhassi’s anti-Mappila

stand could be exposed with a series of incidents of this period in

10 For more details see Roland E Miller’s Mappila Muslims Of Kerala, Pp.85-147 and Lewin.B.Bowring’s Haidar Ali and Tipu Sultan,Pp.42-46

21

Kottayam. His retaliatory acts on the Mappilas had created unrest in

many parts of Kottayam and Mappilas were found to be rioters because

of such oppressions. Such a situation prevalent not only in Kottayam

but also in the entire Malabar, is well reflected in the official

documents and letters of the British. The Mappila oppression of this

period in Kottayam is, indeed, a historical fact and this aspect of

Pazhassi’s life as ruler, hitherto remained untouched, is discussed in

detail.

22

UNIT-I

MYSORE INVASION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

Malabar, at the time of Mysore invasion, was politically

divided into a number of petty states constantly fighting with each

other. North Malabar consisted of the Nair principalities of Kolathu

Nadu, Chirakkal, Kadathanad, Kottayam, Kurungod Nair and the

Mappila principality of Cannanore. South Malabar was divided between

the Zamorin of Calicut and the Raja of Cochin. As they were in

opposition to each other whenever chances came up they did not

hesitate to accept the help of conquerors in destroying their foes. The

clashes that took place among the local rulers were intended to

materialize their political ambitions and annihilation of any community

particularly the Mappilas has not come to their policy.

23

The clashes that had existed between the Ali Rajas of Kannur1

and Kolathiri, the ruler of Kolathunad in northern part of Kerala were

not due to the religious dispute. However, there were instances of

hurting religious sentiments on the part each ruler that created friction

between them. Some cases of religious disputes between them had

been reported to the Company Government. For instance, Kolathiri

wrote to the chief of the English Factory at Tellicherry to say that Ali

Raja of Kannur had given the greatest affront possible to the Hindu

religion by putting a golden spire on the top of one of his mosques, it

being contrary to their established rules to have a spire of gold on any

edifice through the coast except on the principal pagodas. But the

Company did not seem to have taken interest in resolving such issues.

The persecution of the Mappilas on the ground of religion by any

local Hindu ruler prior to the advent of the Mysore rulers was unheard

1 They were the rulers of the Arakkal House of Kannur and the rulers of the members of this dynasty were generally known as the Ali Rajas of Cannanore. They were the only Muslim royal family in Kerala. For more details see The Ali Rajas of Cannanore of K.K.N.Kurup published in 2002 at Calicut

24

of in the history of Kerala2.There were several instances of atrocities

inflicted on the Muslims by the Portuguese3. The over-all impact of the

post-Portuguese Europeans was less brutal than that of their

predecessors, but the net effect on the Mappilas was the same and the

condition of the Muslims continued to deteriorate4. Nevertheless,

Mappilas were never subjected to any kind of persecution on religious

ground by any of the ruler of Kerala.

The Mysorean invasion of Kerala under Hyder Ali and Tipu

Sultan during the second half of the eighteenth century decisively

influenced the course of the later day history of Malabar. The main

purpose of the Mysorean invasion was to oust the British from South

India.5 The political anarchy that had existed in north Kerala during this

period helped the Mysoreans to conquer Malabar without facing any

2 The war against Kunhali Marakkar by the joint forces of the Zamorin and the Portuguese should not be seen as religious one.It was a political war and it was waged when the former tried to establish a parallel government within the territory of the latter 3 For more details see Shaykh Zainuddin Makhdum’s Tuhfat al-Mujahidin translated from Arabic by S Muhammad Husayn Nainar 4Roland E Miller, Mappila Muslims of Kerala,.P.82 5 The Mysorean rulers were friendly with the French. So, when they wanted to make contact with the French Mahe they had to take permission either from the English or from the Zamorin. So in order to avoid this obstacle the Mysoreans thought of conquering the entire Malabar.

25

considerable resistance. Not only that the support extended by the

Mappilas to the Mysore was only due to religious reasons and it was, to

a great extend, a grace to Hyder Ali in subduing the local Hindu rulers.

Malabar represented a special situation where one group,

the Hindu Nairs, stood as the most resistant opponent of Hyder Ali,

while another group, the Mappilas, welcomed the change that his

coming brought to their situation. In this situation Islam became a tool

that was helpful for Hyder Ali in the overcoming of his political

problems6. It was in 1766 that Hyder Ali invaded Malabar with 12,000

men. The immediate occasion for his coming was either a plea for help

from the Ali Raja of Kannur who had suffered an attack by Nairs, or it

was his need to establish a safe route to the friendly French port of

Mahe7. It is clear that Hyder was happy to associate with the Mappilas,

and the latter in turn received him with a great and hearty welcome,

6 Roland E Miller, Opcit,.P.88 7 P.A Seyd Mohamed, Kerala Muslim Charithram, p.26

26

about 8,000 Mappilas joining his armed forces8. The rulers of Chirakkal,

Kottayam and Kadathanad sought English East India Company’s help.

But the Company force then was not in a situation to come to the

rescue of them9. Although the English company had agreed upon to

assist the Chirakkal raja, the factory adopted a neutral policy after

making an agreement with Hyder Ali at Madayi on 23rd February 176610.

The Mysorean forces overcame the weak resistance of the army of the

Kolathiri and conquered Chirakkal and north Kottayam. The

administration of Chirakkal was entrusted upon Ali Raja of Kannur by

Hyder Ali. The Mappila army of the Ali Raja committed all possible

atrocities against the people of the Kolathiri. They had particularly a

vengeance against those people and the Zamorin of Calicut who had

murdered more than six thousand Mappilas in this period in a

conspiracy11. Thus, the army of the Ali raja was moved by “desire of

8 Ibid .,p.23 9Early the Company did not want to make Mysoreans their enemies. They were waiting for an appropriate time to struggle with them. In 1780 English forces defeated the Mysore forces at Tellicherry. But with the 1784 treaty Malabar was returned to the Mysore sultan. 10 K.K.N.Kurup and E.Ismail, The Keyis of Malabar,p.21 11 M.M.D.L.T., History of Ayder Ali khan, vol.l.p.101

27

vengeance and the hope of recovering their losses at the expense of

their enemies12. The defeated Kolathiri escaped to Travancore with his

family. Zamorin made all attempts to appease Hyder offering him

wealth and valuable gifts but was rejected. Finding no other way the

Zamorin surrendered and sent his family members to Ponnani and

committed suicide by burning his palace. Later the Zamorin’s family

took asylum in Travancore. The dethroned rulers of Kottayam,

Kadathanad and Chirakkal also made a futile attempt to forge an

understanding against Hyder Ali with the Tellicherry factory of the

company13. With the things came to their way the Mysore rulers

started wreaking vengeance on all the rebels particularly the Nairs.

The frustrated Nairs of Calicut, Kadathanad and Kottayam,

fretting under the heavy imposts of the conqueror, under the

instigation of some of the members of the Zamorin family launched an

extensive rebellion against the Mysoreans in Malabar. A contingent of

12 Ibid,p.103 13 Te.fa.da.ca.diary 5 sept.1767 number1478,pp.16-22

28

the Mysore army was besieged at the banks of the river Ponnani by the

rebels. On hearing the news about the rebellion of Malabar Hyder

rushed from Coimbatore with a strong contingent to Malabar and

ruthlessly crushed the rebellion. To break their stubborn rebellion

Hyder Ali is said to have conceived a plan to transport Nairs to

uninhabited areas of Mysore, but less than 1,000 of the 15,000 thus

transported survived the experiment14. Several Nair soldiers were killed

and others escaped to Travancore. The Mappilas associated with the

invasion used the opportunity to express their pent-up resentment in

violent form against both the persons and properties of the ruling Nairs

and Brahmans15.

During the absence of Hyder Ali in Malabar once again the Nair

rebels rose in revolt and they badly defeated the four thousand strong

Mysorean army at Kottayam. Consequently, Hyder Ali had to reach at a

truce with the rebels and he offered compensation for the Nair soldiers

14 Ibid ,p.89 15 Roland E Miller, Op.cit., p.87

29

which was readily accepted.16Hyder Ali returned the conquered

territories to the Rajas of Kottayam, Kadathanad and Calicut on the

condition that they would give him a fixed amount of annual tribute.

Palakkad and Kannur were kept under Hyder himself. The Mysorean

army thus was withdrawn from Mysore in 1768.

As the rajas of Malabar did not give the agreed amount of tribute

to Hyder he once again attacked Malabar in November 1773. Zamorin

had made no preparations to resist the attack and by January 1774

Hyder easily conquered Calicut and the royal family once again took

asylum in Travancore. Following the Zamorin the Naduvazhis of

Malabar too surrendered to Hyder. This time Mysore occupation of

Malabar did not last long. As part of the Anglo-Mysore war an English

contingent under Major Abhington defeated Mysoreans under Sardar

Khan17. As a result, the company army freed the whole of North

Malabar from the Mysoreans. Taking advantage of the situation the

16 It was the diplomacy of Maddanna, an army commander of Tipu that saved the Mysoreans from a fatal defeat by the rebels and Hyder Ali had no other options other than granting favours to Nairs. 17 For more details see Pazhassi Samarangal 0f K.K.N.Kurup

30

rajas of Malabar sought company’s help and consequently they were

reinstated. In the meanwhile the army of the Zamorin was reorganized

and they ousted the Mysoreans from South Malabar.

In1784 Malabar once again came under the dominance of the

Mysoreans as per the treaty of Mangalore18.It too resulted in fleeing

of large scale Caste Hindus to Travancore.19 During this time the royal

family of Kottayam was in exile in Thiruvithamcore and Pazhassi and his

supporters were in jungles fighting against Mappila-backed Mysore

army. It was at a time when company was moving with a war with

Mysore that the company began to mobilize the support of the native

rulers. Taking advantage of the changing situation Pazhassi Raja, like

other chieftains in Malabar, joined hands with the British20. He sent a

18 Following the death of Hyder Ali in 1782 Tipu Sultan continued invading Malabar.In 1784 the second Anglo-Mysore war came to an end with the treaty of Mangalore. According to the treaty the company gave up its claim over Malabar and recognized the supremacy of the Mysoreans in the area and Arshadbeg Khan was appointed as the Mysorean governor of Malabar. 19 Dharma Raja ‘the king of Travancore had given asylum to the enemies of Tipu belonging to Malabar.Tipu believed that the king of Travancore was behind the revolts in Malabar against him. Consequently he started invading the frontiers of Travancore which lasted till 1790. 20 During this time Pazhassi and his men, joining hands with the British, were in fierce fight against the Mysoreans

on the condition that the Company would return Kottayam to Pazhassi after the defeat of the Mysoreans.

31

contingent of his Nair force comprising 2000 to help British force at

Kottayam.

When Tipu returned to Mysore21, the chieftains of Malabar

who had lost their powers to the Mysoreans began to organize

themselves to recapture their lost territories with the support of the

British. They returned from jungles and began to harass the Mysore

forces stationed in their areas and to carry on depredations all round22.

In the mean while Tipu was completely defeated in the third Anglo-

Mysore war and he sued for peace. With the treaty of the

Sreerangapattanam in 1792, Malabar came in the hands of the British

and the Mysorean occupation came to an abrupt end.23

Consequence of the Invasion

As noted above Malabar represented a special situation where

one group, the Hindu Nairs, stood as the most resistant opponent of

21 At a time when Tipu was advancing towards Travancore after subduing Malabar he came to know that the English Company forces were going to attack Mysore. Subsequently he returned to Mysore to protect his own territory. 22 Mohibbul Hasan, History of Tipu Sultan.p.143 23 As per the Sreerangapattanam treaty in March 1792 Malabar was officially ceded to the British by Tipu Sultan.

32

the Mysore rulers, while another group, the Mappilas welcomed the

Mysore army and extended all possible help in subduing the Hindu local

rulers. With the situation came in their way the Mysore army backed by

the Mappilas began to take revenge on their opponents. While

wreaking vengeance on all rebels, “the Nairs were the object of their

special vengeance24. Their property was seized and destroyed. Many

were killed, women and children enslaved25, and others fled to

Travancore. William Logan notes that 280 jenmi families went to

Thiruvithamkur who claimed ownership over the lakhs of hectors of

land from Kasargod to Chettuva river26. During Mysore occupation

nearly 30,000 Brahmans along with their family with the support of Ravi

Varma, a member of Kottayam royal family had fled to Travancore27.

Some of the members of the ruling families together with their

Nair warriors went to jungles putting up stiff resistance against Mysore

24 C.A.Innes (F.B.Evansed), Malabar Gazatteers,p.63 25 It is reported that in the first part of the eighteenth century “the Mappilas were much addicted to robbery and kidnapping the children of Nairs, whom they sold into slavery to the French at Mahe and the Dutch at cochin. 26 William Logan, Malabar Manual.vol.l, p.449 27 Ibid

33

army28. Hyder ordered that Nairs should be deprived of all their

privileges and should henceforth be treated as the lowest class, adding

an edict in which he offered to restore all the lost privileges to “such

Nairs as should embrace the Muhammadan religion.”29 One of the

Mysore rulers’ generals reported that it was the Ali raja and the

Mappilas who finally prevailed upon Hyder Ali to give up his scorched

earth policy , which otherwise would have been the ruination of all30.

In 1784 at the beginning of Tipu’s reign, the Mappilas

besieged and destroyed the Hindu temple at Manjeri. To keep the

peace a large group of Tipu’s soldiers attacked and overcame them.31

But it was not possible then or later, to overcome by force the

successful injection of the force in principle. Such activities had

28C.A.Innes (F.B.Evans,ed.), Malabar Gazatteers,p.73 29 M.Wilks, Historical Sketches of the South India , Vol.ll,p.9. 30 Roland E Miller, Op.cit., P.88 31F.Fawcett, War songs of the Mappilas of Malabar , P.499. In many works Tipu has been characterized as a

religious fanatic. It is true that Tipu had made efforts to convert Hindus to Islam but at the same time he made all efforts to keep harmony in society and made even donations to temples

34

engendered a fierce and abiding hatred between the Hindus and the

Muhammadans32.

In 1788 Tipu issued a proclamation against Nairs directing them

to be obedient and loyal with him33. He made assurances too that Nairs

would be restored all their old rights and privileges only if they

embraced Islam. In the wake of these decrees thousands of Brahmans

and Nairs fled to Travancore or to the jungle, while others resolved to

fight to the end34. Taking advantage of this proclamation many Nairs

got converted to Islam and but many took asylum in Thiruvithamkur35.

Again, when Tipu returned to Malabar in 1789, he issued a

further edict and directed people to embrace Islam and reminded of

the consequence if they failed to abide by.36 This programme was

undoubtedly put into effect at least to some degree, especially during

32 C.A.Innes (F.B.Evans,ed.), Malabar Gazatteers,p.97 33 For more details see Rolland E. Miller’s Mappila Muslims of Kerala p.92 34 William Logan, Op.cit., p.452, He argues that if the British, “a still longer race”(!) had not come the nairs would have become a jungle tribe. 35 T.V.Krishnan, Logante Malabar Manuel.p.457 36 This order was found by the British in the Palaghat fort .

35

the years 1788-89. In July 178837, an estimated 200 Brahmans were

converted and forced to eat beef38.Members of raja families in

Nilampur and Parappanangadi were similarly treated. In1789 the

programme was extended to North Malabar and 2000 Nairs were

forcibly converted to Islam in Chirakkal.39 The position was most serious

in the interior areas. It is evident that Hyder Ali was not over involved

with forced conversion but “in the case of Tipu Sultan there may be

some force in the allegation that he converted some Hindus …forcibly

in mistaken zeal…always aimed at high-caste Hindus”40. The whole of

country from one end to the other was devastated by fanatic Muslim

hordes. The sword of the Quran was the alternative offered.

Everywhere the Hindus were persecuted and robbed of their riches,

37 Tipu in that year attempted a forcible conversion campaign directed against Malabar Hindus , at least those of high caste. Entries for 14 July and 20 July 1788,G/37/7, Tellicherri Factory Records,pp183-84 38 William Logan, Op.cit.,p.449 39 Lewin B Bowring, Haidar Ali And Tipu Sultan,p.136

40 Hamid Ali, The Moplahs in Malabar and Its Folk edited by T.K Gopal Panikkar,p.269

36

their women and their children………the Mappilas increased in numbers

and influence, while the Nairs diminished in importance41.

At Kuttipuram which functioned as the head quarter of the

Kadathanad royal family Tipu’s army surrounded an old fort where

nearly 2000 Nairs were hiding in a bid to escape from the attack of

Tipu’s army. Subsequently surrendering orders were issued that the

whole of these unfortunates should be offered the alternative of

becoming good Mussalmans, or, in case of non-compliance, that they

should be banished to Sreerangapattanam42. They reluctantly

acquiesced in the former alternative, knowing well what the

deportation meant. The next day, accordingly, all the males were

circumcised, while both sexes were compelled to eat beef, as a proof of

their conversion43. One of the principal victims of Tipu’s revenge was

41 K.P.Padmanabha Menon, A History of Kerala, vol.ll,p.267. The work was written in the form of notes on Canter Vischer’s letters from Malabar. 42 Lewin B Bowring, Op.cit.,p.136 43 Ibid,p.137

37

the raja of Chirakkal, who having been falsely accused of conspiring,

was attacked and killed, and his body hung up44.

It is clear that Tipu engaged in acts of religious oppression in

the place under his control and that this expressed an attitude as well

as policy45. Tipu adopted the same attitude towards his opponents in

Malabar too46. The letters written to the chief of Tellicherry by the

chieftains of Kadathanad and Kottayam urging the company to give

protection to them from the onslaught of Tipu, reveal the terrible

condition encountered by the elite Hindus. Tellicherry Factory Records

of the English East India Company too gives details about the policy of

the forcible conversion of the Hindus by Tipu.

44 In this raid the Mysore sovereign is said to have carried off large treasures plundered from the temples in Malabar. 45 It is said that Tipu had killed, deported or converted more than 30,000 Nairs, Brahmins and Christians in Kanara. 46 Historians are of divergent views regarding the religious policy of Tipu Sultan. One view holds that it was not a government policy of the Mysore sultans to convert non-Muslims to Islam or destroy Hindu temples. Tipu as a conqueror had destructed some temples on the way of the march of his forces for wealth but not to frighten the believers. Another view depicts Tipu as a religious lunatic whose era in Malabar witnessed persecution of the Hindus.

38

Family names, the existence of wealthy Muslim landowners ,

and the prevalence of the marumakkathayam47 system of inheritance

among the north Malabar Mappilas were signs that such conversion as

there was in Hyder Ali’s time largely took place in that region. The

absence of these indications and historical reports indicate that in

south Malabar the Nairs fled the scene, or were killed or transported,

rather being converted48 .

In this way Tipu had to resort to such an extreme step against

such obstinate chieftains and Nairs49. The colonial report of Malabar in

the last decade of the 18th century noted that, because of Tipu’s

persecution in 1788-89 of the Malabar Hindus, many of the jenmies,

who were nearly all of that religion, were reduced to the necessity of

relinquishing everything and of taking refuge in Travancore. The

Mappilas increased in numbers and influence, while the Nairs

diminished in importance.

47 Marumakkathayam was a matrilineal system prevailed among Nairs in Kerala. 48Roland E Miller,Op.cit.,P.89 49 T.V.Krishnan,Op.cit.,p.499

39

UNIT-II

NEW AWAKENING OF THE MAPPILAS

When the 2nd Mysore war came to an end in 1784 British and

Tipu signed a treaty at Mangalore. According to the provisions of the

treaty the company gave up its claim over Malabar and recognized the

supremacy of the Mysoreans in the area. The Mysorean occupation of

Malabar led to a new awakening not only among the Mappilas but also

lower castes. It also gave a severe blow to the dominance of the higher

castes and deprived of their privileges.

Mappila interaction with the Mysorean conquerors had an

important influence on their later development. The relationship was a

mixed one, containing both positive and negative elements .The advent

of the highly successful Muslim rulers gave Mappilas a much-needed

psychological boost50.The fact that they were for the first time living

50 Roland E Miller, Mappila Muslims Of Kerala,.p.94

40

under Muslim rulers made it appear that matters had finally turned

their way. This emotional impact was reflected in the support given by

the Mappilas to Tipu Sultan in his fight against the British. The Mappilas

and the lower castes became conscious about their status and dignity

and developed self respect among them. .

The community of Mappilas benefitted in a variety of other

ways from the new situation .They were naturally favored by the

Mysore rulers for position. They not only obtained service in large

numbers in the military forces, but they were also employed in the

administrative system51. More important, Mappilas were able to

purchase at low cost or to seize land rights held by fleeting land lords,

this becoming the first large scale opportunity for them to gain

possession of land52.

51 Francis Buchanan, A journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore,Canara and Malabar, lll Volume,p.550 52 Roland E Miller, Mappila Muslims Of Kerala.p.95

41

The economic reforms initiated by the Mysore Sultans were

detrimental to the interests of the caste Hindus53.Comprehensive

agrarian reforms were introduced for the first time in Malabar54. First,

Hyder Ali brought challenge to the traditional social and economic

system prevailed in Malabar. He altered its entire basis by making the

arbitrary assumption that the state was the lawful landowner and the

rightful recipient of a portion of its income. William Logan states that

the revenue system was implemented not with the landlords but with

the peasants. It was therefore required that those who worked in the

land in Malabar should pay land tax directly to the sultans

representatives55, allowing the traditional receivers of land income only

that portion which might be left over. The ordinary arrangement was

the establishment of a lump sum requirement for a certain area, which

amount had to be produced by the sultan’s agent. The new system

53 For more details see Roland E Miller’s Mappila Muslims Of Kerala,pp.85-100 54 The revenue reforms of Mysore rulers provoked the farmers of Malabar including the Mappila chiefs and they rose in revolt during 1785-86. 55 Some scholars argue that it was only in south Malabar that Government established direct relation with the tillers after the Mysore occupation shattered the existing social relations.

42

weakened the firm hold and authority of the jenmies over the land56.

The lands of the runaway landlords of Malabar were permanently given

to the tenants who had earlier worked under them. The stoppage of

the exemption given to the Devaswam land curtailed the socio-

economic dominance of the higher caste Hindus particularly the

Brahmans. It was for the first time that the Brahman dominance over

Kerala society, which had continuously existed for about one thousand

and five hundred years, was questioned and shattered. Ryotwari

system was introduced after surveying the lands for revenue

collection57. Accordingly, keeping aside intermediaries for revenue

collection the state directly started revenue collection58. It put an end

to the oppression and exploitation of the ryots by the traditional

landlords.

56Roland E MillerOp.cit.,p.98

57 M.K.Kottur, Anglo Mappila Yudham(Mal), p.21 58 It has been argued that the tax collected from the peasants by the officials of Tipu was excessive and it had led them to revolt.

43

The second major implication of the Mysorean period was

the effect that it had on Mappila attitudes towards land rights. The

Mappilas, until the Mysoreans took control, were prevented from

becoming land owners by the system of land tenure that uniquely

prevailed in Malabar. The events of Mysorean era resulted in a

temporary release from the shackles of the feudalistic system for the

Mappilas59. They had tasted a new freedom and hope, whose effect

lingered on in the coming years60.

The economic reforms of Hyder Ali were followed by

the social reforms of Tipu. C.A.Innes mentiones Tipu’s social reform

proclamation made to the people of Malabar.61 The oppression,

untouchability and caste system which were the hall marks of Hindu

society, had created distress and aversion in Tipu62 being a staunch

believer of Islam which stood for equality and fraternity. Tipu’s attempt

59 The release was later revoked by the actions of the British regime when Malabar came to their hands. 60 The freedom and equality enjoyed by the Mappilas and the lower castes did not last long. When Malabar came in the hands of the British old system was restored. 61 C.A.Innes, Op.cit.,p.68 62 It is said that Tipu’s contemptuous remark about the polyandry of Malabar provoked the local people, resulting some uprisings.

44

was to totally abolish the theocratic feudal society based on

chathurvarna system in Malabar introducing new reforms. Breaking up

the age old social system lower caste, women were given the right to

cover their upper part of the body63. An attire called chela or sari was

provided for it by the state itself64 and lower caste women started

appearing in public places wearing saris.65 This act infuriated the

orthodox Nairs who opposing it unleashed violence and started taking

off saris in public of those who dared to appear in public wearing sari

defying the age old customs66. He also took measures to abolish

polyandry system that was prevalent among the caste Hindus in

Malabar.

The economic reforms together with the social reforms made

Malabar a new economic force. The ryots who got right to own and till

their lands, became more enthusiastic. The agricultural production in

63 As per the traditional custom women in the lower castes were not permitted to cover the upper part of their body 64 M.K.Kottur,Op.cit.,p.21 65 It is not clear how many women in the lower castes violated the traditional social taboo for covering their upper part of the body. A detailed study has not been done on this event. 66 In history this incident is known as Chela Kalapam

45

Malabar increased fourfold since 177567. It is said that during the then

world scientific and improved cultivation was practiced only in Tipu’s

country and therefore the most prosperous land was Malabar68. Tipu

was of firm belief that agriculture was the lifeline of a country and

hence those who work on the land should be given due consideration

and protection. He also took initiative to grant loans to those peasants

who want to purchase agricultural implements including plough69 and

employed officials to earmark lands which were abandoned by

erstwhile landlords and to re-distribute them among the tillers70. Such

measures brought popularity to Tipu among the common folk including

Mappilas and lower castes and it also infused among them a new spirit

of vengeance against their erstwhile Nair oppressors.

The emergence from darkness into light seemed to be

underlined by the numerical advance of the Mappila community71.

67M.K.Kottur,Op.cit.,p.21 68 Roland E Miller,Op.cit.,p.392 69 Tipu in 1788 issued orders in this regard to his Amildars. 70 K.K.N.Kurup,NawabTipu,p.124

46

During the short span of time the lower class and the Mappilas got a

new lease of life from the age old rotten system of Chathurvarna.

Equality, fraternity, liberty and brotherhood filled the atmosphere of

society and there was no discrimination of lower and upper castes,

Brahman and Sudra, no untouchability and approachability. Hence, it

was natural to get lower caste people attracted to the new religion. In

Vellattirinadu Mappilas increased considerably in numbers where

Cherumars were the largest group who got converted to Islam72.

The fanatic efforts made by the Mysore rulers to convert people

to Islamism was warmly supported by the Mappila inhabitants of

Malabar whom he used as his unscrupulous instruments73.Although

statistics are not available the size of the Mappila community must

have increased sharply during this period despite the relatively short

reign of the Muslim rulers74. Considerably more significant was the

increasing number of lower caste and out caste Hindus who joined

72 T.V.Krishnan.Op.cit.,p.530 73 K.P.Padmanabha.Menon, A History of Kerala,vol.ll.p267 74 Roland E Miller, Op.cit.,p.94

47

Islam, which asserted their equality, gave them freedom from their

traditional masters, and provided new possibilities for economic

improvement75. The new awakening of the oppressed, Mappilas and

the Sudras, created unrest and filled fear in the minds of the caste

Hindus.

The impact of the Mysorean period on the Mappilas had some

major implications that affected the Mappila future. Hyder Ali and

Tipu Sultan injected two related streams of infection into the life blood

of the Mappilas that had not been discernibly present previously76. The

first was the intensification of the spirit of militancy among the

Mappilas. It is to be noted that this spirit first developed in the period

of Portuguese aggression and under the economic imperialism of other

Europeans. It had introduced a beginning of estrangement from the

Hindus. Caste Hindus began to be the natural enemies of the Muslims.

This feeling, characteristic elsewhere in India but not a mark of Kerala

75 Ibid,p.94 76 Ibid,p.96

48

Islam, was now imported and became a strong element in Mappila

psychology77. The other was the acceptance of the use of force in

religious matters.

77 Roland E Miller,Op.cit,p.96

49

UNIT lll

KOTTAYAM UNDER PAZHASSI RAJA

Kottayam, a village in Thalassery in Kannur district of Kerala

state, is located 22 KM towards east from district head quarters Kannur

and 10 KM from Thalassery and is in the border of the Kannur district

and Kozhikode district. The erstwhile kingdom of Kottayam covered

what is today the Thalassery taluk of the Kannur district and Wayanad

district along with Gudalur and Panthalur taluks of the Nilagiri district

and some parts of Kudagu.

Kerala Varma Pazhassi raja1 (1753-1805) was born in the

Padinjare Kovilakam of Purannattu Swarupam- the royal clan of the

kingdom of Kottayam which belonged to the Kshathriya –Brahman

caste2. This Padinjare Kovilakam (western branch) of the royal dynasty

was located at Pazhassi. Thus, the origin of the name Pazhassi was

1 He is mentioned in the company documents as Paichy Raja and Kotyott Raja 2 This royal family among a few families in Kerala had the traditional right to provide potable water to Brahmans

50

pronounced as Pychy Rajah by the early British. The name Cotiote Raja

comes from the British anglicizing the name Kottayam to Cotiote. Much

is known about his childhood. He became a strong army commander

from the experiences he had acquired from the fight against the

Mysoreans.

Like other Hindu rulers in Malabar, it was the Mysorean

occupation and their religious persecution that sowed the seeds of anti-

Muslim feeling in the mind of Pazhassi too. When Hyder Ali subdued

the territories of Kottayam and surrounding areas, Ravi Varma , the

ruler of Kottayam found political asylum in Travancore. During this time

young Pazhassi, the fourth prince in line for succession to the throne,

became one of the de facto heads of the kingdom surpassing several of

his elder royals and also was in fierce guerilla war against the

occupation of Mappila-backed Mysore army.3 When Company was

moving with a war with Mysore it began to mobilize the support of the

3 In December 1782 subsequent to Hyder Ali’s death his son Tipu Sultan continued his father’s policy of annexation .

51

native rulers of Malabar. Taking advantage of the changing situation

Pazhassi, like other chieftains in Malabar, joined hands with the

British4and sent his Nair force to help British force at Kottayam.

When Tipu returned to Mysore in March 1790, the chieftains of

Malabar who had lost their power to the Mysorean invaders organized

themselves to recapture their lost territories with the support of the

British. Along with Kurumbranad and Kadathanad Kottayam too

became independent from the Mysore dominance. In June 1790, with

the death of Ravi Varma, the ruler of Kottayam who had fled to

Thiruvithamkur following Tipu’s invasion, Pazhassi undertook the

administration of Kottayam5. In return, he began to give annual tribute

to the company. After the Sreerangapattanam Treaty in 1792 which

was signed between Tipu and the Company, Malabar went into the

4 During this time Pazhassi extended support to the British on the condition that the former would return

Kottayam to the latter after the defeat of the Mysoreans. The royal family of Kottayam had some family disputes

over Kottayam . 5 K.K.N.Kurup,Pazhassi Samarangal.p.18

52

hands of the British6.With the Sreerangapattanam Treaty the old social

and political order was restored in Malabar and Mappilas and lower

castes once again came under the heel of caste Hindus. The restoration

of old political system was quite detrimental to the interests of the

Mappilas 7.

The British political and economic policy after the

Sreerangapattanam treaty, was based on a modified restoration of the

old order which left Mappilas in a troubled situation. The company

ordered to preserve the rights of the superior class of subjects8.The

anti-Mappila tendency could be seen in the official policy of the British

in Malabar during this period9.It was evident that the friendships of the

past were lost in new bitterness as Hindus took the opportunity to

wreak their vengeance on the Mappilas. The Kottayam raja not only

6 The company declared in 1792 that all the local rajas and the people of Malabar will be under the control of the Company officials and made Kurumbrandu Raja, the uncle of Pazhassi Raja the ruler of Kottayam. This declaration was against the earlier agreement between Pazhassi and the Company. It is needless and irrelevant to describe more about this .For more details see Pazhassi Samarangal of K.K.N.Kurup 7 The detrimental result was of the reversion to the traditional system of land control .The Mappila tenants bitterly resisted the efforts to the land lords to resume control over their properties. 8 The order was issued by British General Abercromby to the newly appointed Supervisor of Malabar.William Logan,Malabar Manual,p.472 9 Roland E Miller, Op.cit., p.104. Some British administrators had struggled against the anti-Mappila tendency in official policy.

53

allowed but seemed to encourage the Nairs “to oppress and maltreat

the Mappilas and to injure their temples…. in revenge for former

molestations of a similar nature by the Mappilas"10. K.P.Padmanabha

Menon writes that ‘the Mappilas who had been deprived of the great

power they had exercised so recently resented the loss, while the Nair

followers under the protecting aegis of the Company set themselves up

to seek revenge on their former despoilers……..The result was awful’11.

Kottayam under Pazhassi represented an era of terror as

far as the Mappilas of this period were concerned. When the power

came to his hand Pazhassi was, in fact, wreaking his vengeance on the

Mappilas for their support to the Mysoreans .The Mappilas had been

deprived of their powers and privileges they had exercised during the

Mysore occupation. During his period freedom of worship, to a large

extent, seems to have been denied to Muslims. Demolition of a mosque

at his headquarter itself is a fact to be cited to point out his attitude

10 Ibid,p.105 11 K.P.P.Menon,Op.cit.,p.268

54

towards Mappilas. Kottayam Bazaar incident clearly indicates the denial

of freedom of worship to the Mappilas. In April 1793 Mappilas started

the construction of a mosque at Kottayam Bazaar but it was pulled

down by Pazhassi’s men12.It is said that its construction was started

without the knowledge or permission of Pazhassi.13 Such a provocative

act committed by Pazhassi’s men at a place coming under his

jurisdiction could not be considered as done without the knowledge of

Pazhassi.

What happened at Kottayam Bazaar was the demolition of a

mosque on the ground that its construction was started without the

permission of Pazhassi. Again in September in the same year Mappilas

of Kodoli applied to Pazhassi for leave to build or to rebuild a mosque,

and were told in reply to give a present. As the Mappilas realized that

his intention was to create constraints in the way of the construction of

12 William Logan,Op.cit.,p.497 13 Ibid, p.497 The Mappilas were of the view that the British had given the administrative charge of Kottayam to Veera Varma, the Kurumbranad raja and the elder uncle of Pazhassi Raja and hence it was needless to seek Pazhassi’s consent for the construction.

55

mosque they began to build without making the preliminary gift to the

raja. The provocatory act on the part of the Mappilas infuriated

Pazhassi and he determined to stop its construction at any cost. So he

sent Calliadan Eman with five armed men to bring the Mappila

headman Talib Kutti Ali before him. The headman delayed; the escort

attempted to seize him; whereupon Kutti Ali drew his sword and killed

Calliadan Eman, and was in turn killed by the others. On receipt of news

of this affair Pazhassi sent an armed party with orders to slay all the

Mappilas in Kodoli14. The party went and slew six Mappilas with a loss

to themselves of two killed and four wounded15.

The Mappila massacre led to a wide spread riots in the area.

On account of this highhanded activity of the raja the English

dispatched their troops to Kodoli and Pazhassi16. Not only that the

Company decided to seek an explanation from Pazhassi for the

massacre. The Raja, alarmed at the movement of troops, designed as

14 William Logan,Op.cit.,p.497 15 Ibid,p.497 16 K.K.N.Kurup,History of the Tellicherry Factory,p.230

56

he thought to make a prisoner of him, refused to come to Tellicherry to

explain matters to the Northern superintendent, and ironically referred

the supervisor for explanation to his “elder brother” of Kurumbranad17.

He further in his reply expressed surprise at his not being “allowed to

follow and be guided by our ancient customs” in the slaughter of erring

Mappilas. As per the Company legal system it could have executed

Pazhassi Raja on the charge of murdering Mappilas. But the Company

was then not ready to take such a stringent action against him and it

scrupulously avoided an open and direct war with him since the former

needed latter’s help in an impending war with Tipu Sultan.

Undoubtedly, it can be said that Pazhassi’s judiciary acted in a

biased manner in order to help those who committed atrocities on the

Mappilas. He extended full support whatever he could in shielding such

culprits. In one such an instance, a Mappila murdered one of the

servants of Narangoli Nambiar, a land lord and close aide of Pazhassi18.

17 William Logan,Op.cit.,p.498 18The murder is only one among many which shows the lawlessness prevailing in Kottayam and the general hostile attitude of the Caste Hindus towards Mappilas

57

In retaliation Nambiar killed three Mappilas who were suspected to be

involved in the murder of his servant19. It was alleged that Nambiar

killed Mappilas at the instigation of Pazhassi20. Though the traditional

legal system permitted Nambiar to punish the culprits the Company’s

judiciary was against it. Nambiar was declared convicted and his

properties were confiscated by the Malabar Commission of the

Company21. But Nambiar was not ready to surrender and he was given

asylum by Pazhassi. With that the allegation that Mappilas were killed

at the instigation of Pazhassi got strengthened. Pazhassi in whose lap

Nambiar was safe, made all efforts to save him from company laws. In

1797 Pazhassi and Company had reached a peace treaty22.One of the

condition that Pazhassi placed before the company for the treaty was

to exonerate Nambiar from all charges that company framed on him. As

the company had no other options other than admitting his conditions

19 K.K.N.Kurup.Op.cit.,p.31 20 T.V.Krishnan,Op.cit.,p.558 21 K.K.N.Kurup Op.cit.,p.31 22 During this time Pazhassi was in war with the Company .The continuous setbacks and defeats at the hands of Pazhassi forced the Company to have a rethinking on their approach towards Pazhassi. Accordingly Company appointed Col.Dowe as the civil administrator of Kottayam and he was given instructions to start friendly discussions with Pazhassi .The discussions were conducted with Chirakkal Raja and Parappanad Raja as intermediaries and finally a peace treaty was signed between Pazhassi and the company in July 1797.

58

it gave pardon to Nambiar and discharged him of all charges and also

gave him back all the properties which had been confiscated by the

Company. Besides, Pazhassi managed to make Company give back the

right to collect tax to Nambiar in the assurance of Devesa Bhandary

Nambiar.

It has been revealed that Pazhassi was directly involved in

the murders of Mappilas. There was an incident occurred at the royal

court of Pazhassi in which a Mappila who had asked permission to build

a mosque without giving the normal accompanying gift was stabbed to

death at the hands of Pazhassi23. In some other works it has been said

that the Mappila who was walking back after surrendering the normal

accompanying gift to Pazhassi was shot dead at the hands of Pazhassi

himself. On being challenged by the British for this action he had

expressed surprise at his not being “allowed to follow and be guided by

ancient custom” in the execution of an erring Mappila24. The incident

23Roland E Miller, Op.cit.,108 24William Logan,Op.cit.,p.503

59

caused much deliberation in the circle of Company. The supreme

Government of Company ordered Pazhassi to be tried on the charge of

murder. But in practice company was not confident enough to resort to

such a measure as Pazhassi was shielded by a strong militia consisting

of tribals and Nairs.25 Under the traditional Naduvazhi system such

murders at the hands of rulers were nothing new and were permitted.

But the incident taken place at the royal court itself and in the presence

of his men exposes how much the gravity of the crime was. Here too

the victim was a Mappila.

It is obvious that death sentence had been awarded to those

who committed big thefts like house breaking, under the legal system

of Naduvazhis. In Pazhassi land too, Mappilas accused of theft cases

were awarded capital punishments. In one such a case, two Mappilas

were directly involved in a robbery and Pazhassi was found taking over

enthusiasm in awarding them capital punishment challenging the

25 The sense of justice of the company was not consistent as it deferred according to its needs. It was a fact that at the beginning of their rule in Malabar the company had possessed negative attitude towards the Mappilas. Some of the British administrators had struggled against the anti-Mappila tendency in official policy. Major Dow was one such an official. Company wanted Pazhassi’s help in the impending war with Tipu Sultan and hence any legal action against Pazhassi would weaken their move against Tipu.

60

British legal system. It was in June 1795 that two Mappilas were

suspected to be committed robbery at a Chetty’s house. Later Pazhassi

put them behind bars declaring that they had admitted their crime and

later they were tried according to nattacharam (traditional rule) and

hanged in public26. The British already had restricted the local rajas

from issuing “any order or sentence that shall affect the life or limb of

the person without first advising the commissioners and obtaining their

sanction”27. Though the order was in effect in Pazhassi land it was not

applicable to Pazhassi Raja. The over enthusiasm shown by Pazhassi in

trying and hanging the Mappilas was, indeed, due to his inherent anti-

Mappila feeling.

In many parts of Kottayam Mappilas were reported to be

mutineers on account of them getting persecuted. As the Mappilas

stood against Pazhassi they were effectively used by the Company in all

the moves against him. For instance, Pazhaya Veettil Chanthu, an agent

26 William Logan.Op.cit.,p.501 27 This was the first attempt to break the traditional judicial administration and to modernize it.

61

of the king of Kurumbranadu, in the name of tax collection, mobilized a

band consisting of nearly 300 Mappilas against Pazhassi28. The Mappilas

employed in the company were also waiting to get an opportunity to

take revenge on Pazhassi and his men.

Therefore, it can certainly be said that the situation prevailed

in Kottayam was much more terrific and horrible than elsewhere in

Kerala. The Kottayam Raja not only allowed but seemed to encourage

the Nairs “to oppress and maltreat the Mappilas and to injure their

temples . . . in revenge for former molestations of a similar nature by

the Mappilas”29. The wide spread riots by the Mappilas were the result

of such persecutions. But in retaliation Mappilas never targeted lower

castes or untouchables30.The Hindu temples and the houses of caste

Hindus especially land lords and royal families were the prime targets

28 The tax collection under the jurisdiction of Pazhassi was a direct challenge to him and Pazhaya Veettil Chanthu was deputed by Veera Varma and the company for tax collection. 29 Report of Joint Commission from Bombay and Bengal appointed to inspect into the condition of Malabar in 1792 and 1793 30 It is a well known fact that lower rung of society had fully supported Mysore Rulers and their administrative reforms as it brought equality and freedom to them and they were on the side of Mappilas.

62

of the rioters.31 The letter written by Pazhassi to James Rivett,

President of Malabar Commissioners shows that Mappilas had set

ablaze temples and houses in his place32.

As the situation was more horrible in Kottayam even Pazhassi

was afraid of going out of his residency. On account of this, he was not

able to come and conclude a treaty with President of the Company33.He

wrote to General Stuart that he was very much disturbed when he

came to know that Mappila soldiers working under the Company had

set fire on his temple.34 It shows that even the Mappila soldiers in the

Company force were in belligerent mood to attack Hindu temples and

houses and had possessed antagonistic attitude towards Pazhassi on

account of the latter’s anti-Mappila measures.

The relation between Pazhassi and Tipu Sultan is a matter to

be discussed in the context of the former’s anti-Muslim stand. The

31 This fact is also visible in the Mappila uprising of 1921 when tenants including lower castes and Mappilas rose in revolt against landlords and their families who were mostly Caste Hindus .At this time too Mappilas and lower castes were under one banner in their revolt against oppressors 32 Letter written by Pazhassi to James Rivett, President of Malabar Commissioners 33 K.K.N.Kurup,Op.cit.p.51 34 Letter written by Pazhassi to General Stuwart on 21 April 1797

63

understanding reached between Pazhassi and Tipu was meant for

encountering a common enemy, the British. In the war against

Company, Tipu’s soldiers had extended military assistance to Pazhassi35.

Though Tipu was sincere in his relation with Pazhassi, the latter had

only a malafide intention in tying up with the former. It is argued that

Pazhassi’s relation with Tipu was determined by the exclusive intension

to sustain his power. Pazhassi never wanted a Muslim ruler as his

permanent ally as it would be a constant threat to his authority.

Whenever he was approached by the British for a truce he never

showed respect to the understanding he earlier made with Tipu. Even

when Pazhassi was in alliance with Tipu the former could be seen

making efforts to conclude peace treaty with the company. When the

company forces marched through Malabar to invade Mysore in 1799

Pazhassi did not come forward to the rescue of Tipu.36 It was a crucial

35 In 1797 at Periya on the way to Elapuram an army contingent of Col.Dow was attacked by a force among whom soldiers attired in the uniform of Tipu’s soldiers could be identified. 36K.K.N.K., Op.cit., p.68 At this time a British force from Bombay under General Stewart landed Kannur and marched towards Sreerangapattanam via Irikkur. At Sadaseer Tipu made an unsuccessful attempt to resist this British force. After this war he encountered the British force under General Haris at Sreerangapattinam and was killed at the battle field on 4th May 1799.

64

moment for Tipu as this march of the Company forces led to the down

fall Sreerangapattanam. Pazhassi could have helped Tipu by blocking

the company force from entering to Mysore. Pazhassi’s decision not to

extend military assistance to Tipu who was then an ally of the former, is

because of his calculations that a Muslim ruler like Tipu winning war

over the company would have a negative impact on his political fate. It

could be said that Pazhassi was then making efforts to forge an

understanding with the company for his political existence and any kind

of assistance to Tipu would make the company his enemy. Not only that

the down fall of Tipu was inevitable for such an existence in the future.

The down fall of Tipu in the 4th Anglo- Mysore war in 1799

was a blessing for Pazhassi because it made things easy for him for a

peace settlement with the British. This fact is visible when he wrote a

letter to Johns Pencer, the then Malabar Commissioner in which he said

that “in the grace of god Sreerangapattanam had been fallen to the

hands of the Company and hence a conducive atmosphere had arisen

65

for a peace treaty between us and he was very much content in it”.37

He also made a request to the company that the charge of revenue to

be collected and paid to the company be entrusted to him thereafter.

In fact Pazhassi did not have any interest in forging a

permanent alliance with a Muslim ruler like Tipu. Besides, he also

feared that if the company forces were defeated by Tipu’s Mysore

forces it would ultimately put an end to his authority too. The fall of

Tipu, therefore, was inevitable for the existence of his state. Why

Pazhassi adopted such an attitude towards Tipu. The answer lies in the

inherent anti-Muslim stand in Pazhassi ever since the Mysore invasion.

It was this fact that was deliberately omitted or trivialized by scholars

who projected Pazhassi’s heroic struggle against the colonial

exploitation of the British.

37 Letter written to Johns Pencer by Pazhassi dated 16 December 1799 .

66

It has been pointed out by many historians that Mappilas in

Malabar had aligned behind Pazhassi in his fight against colonial

exploitation. But even before Pazhassi launching anti-colonial struggle

the real exploited tenants under the leadership of Mappilas had risen in

revolt against the Company38. Their anti-colonial feeling was, in fact,

effectively used by Pazhassi for his ulterior motive. Many times Pazhassi

could be seen making attempts to have truce with the Company

without taking into account the genuine cause of those who stood

behind him. His alliance with Mappila leaders should be seen in this

context. In fact the Mappila leaders were sincere in their alliance with

Pazhassi and every time they wholeheartedly helped Pazhassi against

the Company but the latter never intended to have a permanent

Mappila ally and was making the Mappilas victim of his ulterior

motives.

38 With the Sreeranga Pattanam treaty in 1792 the old social structure was restored in Malabar putting an end to the ryot wary system .The restoration of old social system with the grace of the British made the lower castes and the Mappilas restless and anxious .The people who felt the taste of freedom and equality under the Mysore rulers were not ready to return to old social system .It resulted in the peasant uprisings under the Mappila leaders in Malabar which historians called as Mappila riots .Even after the end of Pazhassi era the real struggles of the exploiters including Mappilas and the lower castes continued which culminated in the 1921 revolt.

67

When the Company made offers to bring Mappilas in to their

side the latter rejected them all. But what Pazhassi did was accepting

offers from the company forgetting his understanding with Mappila

leaders. After the fall of Tipu at Srirangapattanam in May 1799, the

British started a new policy of settling accounts with those Mappilas

who stood firm behind Mysore rulers. Even at this time Pazhassi was

not ready to extend any assistance to them Pazhassi, as already

mentioned, was trying to reach an agreement with the Company. He

had anticipated a Mappila threat in the future to his authority

particularly in the background of the defeat of the Company forces by

the Mysore army and hence Pazhassi could not imagine British being

defeated. It was with this reason that Pazhassi withdrew his support to

Tipu and Mappila leaders from many crucial moments and forged

alliance with Company.

As far as the British Company was concerned Pazhassi was

only an instrument in putting an end to Mysore dominance of

68

Malabar39. His failure to understand the hidden strategy of the British

annexationist policy and together with the blind anti-Muslim feeling got

him to the lap of the British colonialism.

39 It was with this reason that the Company adopted a strategic soft policy towards Pazhassi in many times. It could also be seen that company tightening its hold over Pazhassi with the fall of Srirangapattanam to the hands of the Company.

69

CONCLUSION

As the scholars opined, the revolts, including that of 1857,

organized in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries by local rulers

were feudal counter revolts40. Though the revolt was “revolutionary “in

its attempt to get rid of the alien rule, it was “socially reactionary” in its

goal of restoring the feudal domination. Jawaharlal Nehru writes:

“there was hardly any national and unifying sentiment among the

leaders and a mere anti-foreign feeling, coupled with a desire to

maintain their feudal privileges, was a poor substitute for this”41.If

these revolts including that of Pazhassi Raja are measured using the

yardstick of modern nationalism, they are anti-nationals and their

leaders are to be called traitors.

40 It was Jawaharlal Nehru and Marxist scholars like M.N.Roy, R.P.Dutt and A.R.Desai who analyzed these revolts in this way 41 Jawaharlal Nehru, Discovery of India,p.324

70

Historians, in general, have characterized Pazhassi raja as a hero

who relentlessly fought war against the British and thus, committed

martyrdom. In fact, as noted above, he was a symbol of the feudal

aristocracy which lost power and privileges in society and his struggles

represented an attempt to regain them. His deeds, so called heroic

exploits, and the understandings he reached with the British and Tipu

were intended to regain and maintain the power. What the earlier

historians have done was glorifying this aspect of struggle against the

British. In the search for the exploits of his life they failed to look into

the atrocities inflicted on the Mappilas during the era of Pazhassi in

Kottayam. It is rightly noticed that such atrocities on the Mappilas were

committed at the instigation of Pazhassi himself for the former’s

support extended to the Mysore Sultans during their onslaught of

Malabar. In fact, Pazhassi raja was not the lone ruler of Malabar

inflicted cruelties on the Mappilas during the second half of the

eighteenth century. He was only one among the many Hindu rulers of

this period.

71

As noted in the previous chapter, it was after the disruption

of the Mysorean period with the third Mysore war that the situation in

Malabar turned to be quite disastrous to the interests of the Mappilas.

Indeed, it was the British who prepared the background for committing

atrocities on the Mappilas on account of their support to the Mysore

sultans. The British, who had promised the rajas and Nairs that if they

heartily and obediently aided the British in the war against the Mysore

ruler, they would at the conclusion of peace retain them upon

reasonable terms under the protection of the company, restored the

lost power and privileges of the local rulers after the

Sreerangapattanam treaty in 1792. The changing situation was

favourable to the local rulers and their Nair men in wreaking their

vengeance on the Mappilas. It is embarrassing that instead of seeking

to conciliate the Mappilas the local rajas and the Nairs thought only of

attacking and causing damage to the life and property of the Mappilas.

It was becoming very apparent that the Mappilas, who had been

deprived of the great power they had exercised so recently resented

72

the loss, while the Nair followers under the protecting aegis of the

company set themselves up to seek revenge on their former despoilers.

The same situation was prevalent across Malabar including Kottayam

when the Company tightened its hold.

The British policy of “divide and rule” worked out, here too, in

many occasions. The company first let loose the local rulers and their

Nair men to wreak vengeance on the Mappilas and slowly tightened its

hold over local rulers. When the situation in Malabar got out of their

control the British made themselves all efforts to halt the persecution

of the Mappilas and to alleviate their fear. In 1793 they issued a decree

in favour of the Kondotty Muslims who had been oppressed by Nair

landlords. In 1797 the British proposed the formation of a “Mappila

Corps” of 128 men to carry out militia duty in north Malabar, a similar

Nair corps to operate in south Malabar.

Nevertheless, even the appeasement policy of the British did

not work out to heal the wounds of the Mappilas caused by the Nair

73

attack. Buchanan reports, that no Mappilas had entered the British

government service till 1803 since they retained a high respect for his

(Tipu’s) memory, considering him a martyr. On March 1800, as William

Logan noted, the British issued a formal appeal calling upon the

inhabitants of both castes to lay aside their ancient prejudices against

each other and forget their ancient animosities and live in friendship

and unanimity together42. However, the situation prevailed there was

beyond one’s imagination. Buchanan records, “shocked by the loss of a

sympathetic Muslim ruler, bitter over the re–institution of the old

order, and suffering from the reprisals of Hindu rulers and landlords the

Mappilas did not heed the British appeal43. They rather began to

express their resentments by agitations. Consequently, serious troubles

had been broken out in the Valluvanad area, and the disturbances soon

extended to the neighbouring area of Eranad.

42 William Logan, Malabar Manual.vol.l.p.332 43 Francis Buchanan , A journey from Madras through the countries of Mysore,Canara,and Malabar ,vol.1.p.70

74

It could undoubtedly be said that the anti-Muslim feeling was

inherent in all the Hindu rulers of Malabar during this period. It had its

inception during the onslaught of the Mysore invasion which awarded

them only sufferings and caused great loss to their life and property.

It is to be noted that during the period of Mysore invasion and their

consequent occupation, either the Mappilas or the Mysore army never

tried to attack ordinary Nairs and members of other higher castes or to

cause hardship to them. Their prime target was Nair warriors who

stood opponent in their way of subduing Hindu rulers of Malabar. In

fact the Hindu ruling class and their supporters were the worst hit by

the Mysore invasion.

Hence, it was natural to have anti-Muslim feeling in the mind

of Pazhassi too. When the things came in his way with the third Anglo-

Mysore war Pazhassi let loose his Nair men to cause damage to the life

and property of the Mappilas. There were, as records say, two

massacres of Mappilas reported during the period of Pazhassi in

75

Kottayam. Their freedom of worship had also been found denied. When

the Mappilas felt as everything getting lost and denied, they were

found to be rioters and in many parts of Kottayam they created unrest

attacking Hindu temples which were evident, as noted earlier, in the

letters written to the company officials by Pazhassi himself.

It was ironic to say that Pazhassi raja was the symbol of Hindu-

Muslim joint action in the fight against the British. In fact the real

struggle against the British exploitation had been started by the tenants

including both Mappilas and lower castes under the Mappila leaders44.

Even during the period of the Mysore occupation these people had

raised the banner of revolt against the excessive and oppressive

revenue collection of Mysore rulers and their resistance continued

throughout the 19th century and reached its climax in 1920 with the

44The participation of the lower caste people together with the Mappilas in the revolt against the British is evident.

In an attack made by Kolkars under Thomas Watson, rebel leaders like Poolath Sheik Moopan and Unni Moosa along with his lieutenant Chennoran Chathan Kutty belonging to an untouchable caste were killed.

76

Malabar revolt45. Pazhassi revolt and Kurichya uprising in 181246 were

only some of the chapters in the history of the struggle against the

British.

It is totally mistaken to say that Mappilas had taken part in the

struggles launched by Pazhassi against the British. Even before Pazhassi

starting his resistance the real oppressed and exploited of Malabar

including the Mappilas had launched their struggles. In the true sense,

it was Pazhassi who sought the assistance of the Mappilas and joined

them in their fight against the British. Even during the period of the

Mysore occupation some of the Mappila leaders had raised the banner

of revolt against the enhancement of land tax by the Muslim

administrators. It shows that there was discontent over the rule of the

Mysoreans even among the Mappilas47. Owing to the misgovernment

45 Some historians call the revolt as Mappila revolt. It is not right to characterize it so because all the tillers including Mappilas and lower castes had taken part in the revolt against the British backed landlords who were predominantly upper caste Hindus. 46 For more details see the Kurichya Rebellion of K.K.N.Kurup 47 One of the factors in the disaffection was the exorbitant exaction of Tipu’s revenue collectors, who included

Tipu’s own Muslim administrators , Kanarese Brahmans appointed by him, and even Mappilas. Mappilas such as Musa of Tellichery became the favoured agents of Tipu’s heavy-handed rule to the disadvantage of other Mappilas.

77

of the representatives of Mysore rulers, the Mappilas under Kurikkal of

Manjeri rebelled in 1786, and again in 1788.

The Mappila revolt continued even after the down fall of Tipu.

The Mappilas, in the new circumstance, realized that the company

government was completely against the interests of the Mappilas. The

Muslim religious leaders like Sayyid Alavi Thangal, Sayyid Fazal,

Pookoya Thangal and Ummer Qazi kindled hatred among the Mappilas

against the British. Some of them even requested the faithful to launch

jihad (sacred war) against them. Instigated by them, the Mappilas of

central Malabar under the leadership of Elampulissery Unnimoosa rose

in revolt against the British. In many parts of Malabar Mappilas had

revolted and it continued till they were totally suppressed.

When Mappilas were continuing relentless struggle What Pazhassi

doing, was making efforts to stabilize his power frequently forging

understanding with the British. In one occasion Pazhassi was pardoned

78

for all his misdeeds and granted a pension of Rs.8000 per annum by the

British48. After the down fall of Tipu at Sreerangapattanam Pazhassi

wrote a letter to Johns Pencer, the then Malabar Commissioner urging

him for a peace treaty.49 But the British were determined to suppress

all the uprisings in Malabar including Pazhassi revolt.

Pazhassi’s alliance with Mappila leaders like Manjeri Athan

Kurikkal, Unnimutha Muppan et.al has been highlighted by some

historians in a bid to project him as the symbol of Hindu-Muslim unity.

It is absolutely right that, after the fourth Anglo-Mysore war it was the

combined force of Pazhassi and Mappila leaders which fought the

British till 1805. Pazhassi was well recognized that the British attempt

was to eliminate him completely and therefore, he did not have any

other option other than to seek support of the Mappilas who were

already in war with the British. In fact the understanding forged

between Pazhassi and Mappila leaders was aimed to eliminate the

48 Innes I.C.S , Malabar Gazatteers,p.74-75 49 K.K.N.Kurup,Op.cit.,p.179

79

British dominance. With this understanding, Pazhassi’s intention was to

cement his authority in Kottayam.

Having experienced the persecution and oppression during the

short era of Pazhassi raja in Kottayam the Mappilas again had to

undergo another reign of oppression that too at the hands of a foreign

power backed by the elites. With the down fall of the leaders the

uprisings of the Mappilas and lower castes came to a temporary halt in

the first decade of the 19th century. But throughout the 19th century

several upsurges occurred in Malabar against the revenue system

introduced by the British authorities. These uprisings were organized by

some of the Mappila leaders and joined by poor Mappilas and lower

castes. As the largest section of the participants were Mappilas these

revolts were called Mappila revolts. The Malabar revolt of 1920 was the

culmination of these earlier revolts caused by the exploitation and

oppression of the landlords.

80

The anti-Muslim deeds committed by Pazhassi and his supporters

could not be seen as isolated and it should be viewed from the rising

tide of intolerance against Muslims in Malabar especially after the

British established their authority with Srirangapattanam treaty in

1792. It is doubtful whether there was any princely state in colonial

India as terrible as that of Pazhassi Raja as far as the Mappilas are

concerned. The era of Pazhassi Raja in Kottayam in the last decade of

the eighteenth century can certainly be termed as a “reign of terror”, in

that sense.

81

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86

Glossary

Chathurvarna System: traditional caste system

Chela: Sari, traditional dress of women, but lower caste women were

not permitted to wear it

Cherumar: lower caste people treated as untouchables

Chetty: a community usually engaged in money lending and business

Devaswam: related with temple authority

Jihad: religious war against non- Muslims

Jenmi: landlord

Kolathiri: ruler of northern part of Kerala

Kurichya: a superior community among the tribes in Kerala

Mappila: Muslims in Malabar especially converted from Hindus

Marumakkathayam: matrilineal system prevailed among some castes in

Hindus and Muslims in Kerala

Menon: high caste Hindu, village accountant by profession

87

Mussalmans: Muslims

Naduvazhi: ruler of a land in medieval Kerala

Nairs: high caste Hindu, warriors by profession

Nambiar: high caste Hindu

Nattacharam: existing traditional custom in a land

Padinhare Kovilakam: western branch of a ruling dynasty

Simhom: lion

Sudra: lowest strata in the caste system

Varma: ruling class in Kerala

Zamorin: ruling family of Calicut .