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Over to You, DickAuthor(s): Mark LanghammerSource: Fortnight, No. 345 (Dec., 1995), pp. 20-21Published by: Fortnight Publications Ltd.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25558674 .

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XVith the ceasefires over a year old there is still no sign of any realignment in Northern politics. If anything the communal nature of politics has be come more entrenched. Politics is still on a war footing. Protestant versus catholic. What evidence there is shows, if anything, a deepening of sectarian ism. There is considerable 'marking out activity',

whether by wall murals, kerb painting or marching confrontations. At local level I have noticed a consid erable increase in constituency problems relating to sectarianism - broken windows, youths in ritual 'set piece' confrontations and 'Al intimidation' hous ing cases. It is as if sectarian enmity, previously subdued and canalised through warring paramilitaries, has been let out of the bag and given free rein. So what ought Labour minded people do?

The building blocks of the peace process - the Framework Document, the Declaration and indeed the Anglo Irish Agreement itself, envisage no alter native to managing the sectarian blocs, reducing friction between them and minimising the opportu nities for each to 'do' the other. Sectarian politics is seen as immutable: genetics as politics in essence.

For some years I was involved in the attempt to persuade the Labour party to organise in Northern Ireland. That cainpaign, though mischievously mis

represented by both nationalists and unionists, was about providing a focus, through a major party contending for power at the level of state, to disrupt existing sectarian patterns. That campaign failed. It failed not just because of the traditional British 'arms length' policy of quarantining Northern Ire land from British party politics. It failed in the end because of substantial unionist disruption of it, both by Kate Hoey M.P. and her unionist minded col leagues in 'Democracy Now' and by loyalist minded elements in the trade union movement. The union ist 'family' itself firmly rejected the prospect of La

bour (or Conservative) politics, effectively rejecting the extension of the British Constitution to North ern Ireland.

The problem is that politics in Northern Ireland is disconnected from the business of government. Politics, in limbo from the party politics of either the Republic or Britain, and disconnected from both, provides the ultimate stimulus for communal poli tics. Since unionists themselves have rejected poli tics moving in a British direction, some sort of

movement in an Irish direction is the logical alterna tive to breaking the limbo. Is there any possibility of political realignments in an Irish direction which might disrupt sectarian bloc politics?

20 FO R T N I G H T DECEMBER 1995

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POLITICS *

Given the Irish Labour Party's activity over the past 15 years, clearly using its influence to discourage the

Labour Party from organising in the north, Ruiari Quinn's comment that he would respect any deci sion of (British) Labour to organise is surprising to say the least. Against that, Irish Labour's submission to the Forum was encouraging for its emphasis on developing a 'third strand' in Irish politics - neither unionist or nationalist. Is there scope for Irish La bour to give effect to the 'third strand' by becoming active on the ground in Northern Ireland? It had,

within recent memory, active branches in Derry and Newry. If the substance of the Framework Docu ment, with north/south bodies, is eventually imple mented, the logic of such a move would be obvious. Without overestimating its effects, an Irish Labour presence in the north would at least provide a focus for disrupting sectarian blocs. In the ICTU, a paral lel exists - an island wide labour movement, with a largely autonomous Northern Ireland Committee.

This arrangementwas agreed to by a unionist admin istration in the 1960s and does not unduly disturb

northern protestant trade unionists. While the pros pect of upsettingJohn Hume might not entice Irish Labour at present, the alternative is ongoing exclu

sively sectarian bloc politics. The muted merger with Democratic Left may force consideration of the issue in any case, if only because Democratic Left has a northern membership.

The other potential contributor to a socialist rea lignment lies within the trade union movement.

During the war, the unions' contribution to keeping sectarianism out of the workplace was necessary and

worthwhile. However, the notion that its members might need an independent political arm was largely kept off limits. Union consideration of political development consisted of keeping its head down, of 'not farting in church'. The Campaign for Equal

Representation, before its dissolution, persuaded positions to be adopted on Labour organisation in the AEU and the UCW (both after ballots). The MSF union is, I understand, presently exploring ques tions of how best to represent its members politi cally. However this turns out it is clear that active union involvement is a necessity to make a 'third strand' in Irish politics a reality.

So, is the 'third strand' which exists in the society to be given political effect? Or must Labour wait, again. Over to you, Dick! +

Is the party over?

Gary Kent

Corruption in British politics is relatively low yet sleaze and graft have dominated it for many months and mayyet prove to be the final nail in the coffin of this 16 year old Conservative administration.

John Major is himself rather austere, avoiding the temptations of being wined and dined in favour of a solitary trip to the local MacDonalds. But his party are seen as self-seeking. The public feels that most

MPs are on the make. In fact only a quarter of them moonlight - picking up 356 consultancies between them. Ministers are barred from active business interests, but a succession of retiring ministers have been signed up by corporations. Norman Tebbit, who privatised British Telecom, is now a BT board member. Douglas Hurd receives an annual wage of ?250,00 from the NatWest. Some top civil servants are also on this gravy train, moving, after an interval - to the boards of those concerns they looked after in public service.

The Tories have rolled back the central State and given considerable power and control over public spending to Quangos. Their boards are peppered

with Tory supporters. The Tories have traditionally received considerable funding from business. This is now declining because of recession and disillusion

ment. They have also put considerable effort into recruiting foreign business supporters, some of them rather unsavoury.

They have ruthlessly used the powers of the state to promote thier own interests. Millions have been

spent on pushing privatisation. The Conservatives have substantially increased the time people can be absent from the UK and still retain their vote. Once aimed at diplomats who were away for up to five years, the Tories increased this to 20 years and set up party organisations in places such as South Africa. Before the 1992 general election, the Government spent more on encouraging overseas voters than domestic voters, even though 3-4 million people are missing from electoral registers. Expats may have secured a Tory victory in one or two seats at the last election. Ironically, Labour is now seeking to harvest overseas voters in Australia where 3,400,000 people are eligible to vote in UK elections.

To counter the perception of corruption and to

The Conservatives have ruthlessly used the powers of the state to pro-mote

their own interests

haul the Government out of this hole, Major com missioned a seniorjudge, Lord Nolan, to investigate standards in public life. Nolan was discouraged from examining party political funding and focused on the behaviour of MPs. Harold Wilson once remarked

DECEMBER 1995 FORTNIGHT 21

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