OTHER IDEOLOGICAL GROUPS

Vi. OTHER IDEOLOGICAL 6R0UPS

a) Muslim Conference (1940-47):

The matter of the conversion of Muslim Conference into National

Conference was still under consideration when some Muslim young men opposed it1.

These young people included M.A. Sabir, Ghazi Aman Ullah Khan, Kh. Ghulam

Nabi Mirza, Ghulam Mohi-ud-Din, Abdul Aziz and some others2. They openly

declared that they would never allow the conversion of Muslim Conference into

National Conference3. In order to mobilize public opinion in favour of their move

they launched a campaign during April, 193 94. They organised public meetings and

carried out some processions in Srinagar, Baramullah, Anantnag and Jammu5. During

the course of their campaign, these leaders denounced Nationalist politics and the

idea of nationalism6. They alleged that S.M.Abdullah was purchased by Indian

National Congress at the hands of Gopal Swami Ayyengar after the payment of a

heavy amount7. It left the National Conference leadership in a desperate situation for

about two years8. However, with the passage of time the opposition against the

conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference was drowned.

It was on March 21, 1940, that All India Muslim League in its annual

session held at Lahore adopted its resolution demanding the partition of India and the

creation of a separate state for the Muslims of the subcontinent9. The passage of this

historical resolution proved to be an event of far-reaching consequences both in the

freedom struggle of India as well as the State of Jammu and Kashmir10. This

significant development in the political synario of the subcontinent went to a great

extent in encouraging the anti-Nationalist forces in the State who had already

327

opposed the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conferece.11 It was

during its Lahore Session (1940) that All India Muslim League organised All India

States Muslim League in order to keep an eye on the political matters of the Princely

States12. Professor Ishaq of Jammu and Prof. Aziz from Srinagar participated in the

Muslim league session and Prof. Aziz was nominated to represent the State of Jammu

and Kashmir in the newly formed All India States Muslim League as Working

Committee member13. In the preceding pages we have already referred to the

resolution of Muslim Conference which provided for the conversion of Muslim

Conference into National Conference and which was opposed by a group of

leaders14. The workers of Anantnag who had boycotted the Special Session met

immediately afterwards and resolved to continue the Muslim Conference but as the

most important political leader of the district Mirza Muhammad Afzal Beg was in the

National Conference, they were not able to make any headway15. The young Muslim

leaders of Srinagar under the leadership of Muhammad Yousuf Qureshi organised a

big procession on 15th September, 1939, which paraded through various localities of

the city and eventually, though unsuccessfully tried to capture the Mujahid Manzil,

the headquarters of the National Conference, built on Muslim Waqf land with funds

solely contributed by Muslims when the movement was run under the flag of Muslim

Conference16. Bakshi Ghulam Muhammad came with a large band of volunteers and

raided the spot, with the result that some workers of the young Muslim leaders1 7including Qureshi Muhammad Yousuf were severely beaten .

On 23rd March, 1940 a public meeting was held at Badamwari

Mohallah, Srinagar under the presidentship of Mr. Ghulam Rasul Azad. A resolution

was passed that called upon the political workers who had disassociated themselves

328

with the National Conference to revive the Muslim Conference18. In June, 1940 a

weekly news paper Paigham owned by Muhammad Yousuf Qureshi and edited by

Mr. Nizam-ud-Din started its publication from Srinagar and campaigned for the

revival of Muslim Conference19. Yet another weekly Al-Islah owned by Ahmadies

also condemned the formation of the National Conference and supported the revival

of Muslim Conference. But it was only after 1944 when Mr. A. M. Jinah visited

Srinagar and made a favourable remark related to the entry of Ahmadies in Muslim

Conference20.

On October 10, 1940, twelve political workers met in Srinagar and0 1decided to revive Muslim Conference. In a joint Statement they said:

It is not our intention to enter at present in a public debate about the merits and demerits of the formation of National Conference, nor the desire to say at this stage, as to what consequences have followed from it and how it has damaged the larger interests of the Muslims. However, we have arrived at the conclusion that the purpose for which the so-called Nationalist elements among the Hindus desired the formation of the National Conference was to kill two birds with one stone. They were not able to do so by themselves and, therefore, resorted to the help and co-operation of Muslim leaders.

An important session of the Muslim Conference is being convened very soon and all sympathisers and well wishers will be invited for participation so that by joining our hands, we may be able to evolve an agreed programme.

* 22 The signatories to this statement were as followos:

1. Sardar Gauhar Rehman.

2. Sardar Fateh Muhammad Khan, MLA Poonch.

3. Mirza Attaullah Khan, MLA, Rajuri.

4. Qazi Abdul Ghani Delinah, MLA, Baramullah.

5. Pir Zia-ud-Din, MLA, Badgam.

6. Babu Muhammad Abdullah, MLA Jammu.

329

7. Chaudri Abdul Karim, MLA, Mirpur.

8. Chaudri Hamidullah Khan, MLA, Jammu.

9. Munshi Muhammad Din Fauq, Baramullah.

10. Syed Hassn Shah Jalali, Srinagar.

11. Khawaja Muhammad Yousuf Qureshi, Srinagar.

12. Mr. M. I. Sagar, Srinagar.

13. Mr. Ghulam Haider Gauri. Editor “Naujawan”, Jammu and

14. Syed Mirak Shah, Srinagar.

As referred to earlier that after 1940 All India Muslim League was not

confined to the Nawabs, Jagirdars and the title holders alone but it had begun to

attract the masses23. The clearly emerging division of Hindus and Muslims into two

camps, the first trying to suppress and exterminate the other while the other

separately trying to preserve its entity, could not but have a deep spontaneous and

abiding impact on the politics of the State24. National Conference had not been ablec

to attract any sizable non-Muslim support . There is no doubt that about sixty

Hindus and Sikhs courted arrest in 1938 (when the draft of demands was issued by

the joint-front of all communities and Responsible Government Day observed) but by

1944, all that remained of the non-Muslim contribution was a group of half a dozen

top Hindu and Sikh leaders whose communities were totally opposed to the party and

continued to remain embraced with their own rapidly communal organizations suchOf\as the Yuvak Sab ha or the Dogra Sabha, the A kali Dal and the like . Muslims

naturally could not fail to take notice of this important fact and therefore, voices

began to be raised and questions began to be put to S.M.Abdullah and his colleagues

330

as to what purpose had been served by destroying the powerful Muslim platform that

had so successfully championed their cause and brought them considerable relief27.

The young Muslim leaders launched a campaign of mass mobilization

in favour of their organisation and the National Conference leaders had to put in

28hard labour in diminishing their growing popularity. Mirwaiz Muhammad

Yousuf who had retired from politics began to support the young leaders29. After

some time Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf along with his loyalists declared his

participation in the Muslim Conference.

It would not be out of place to mention that when Pandit Nehru

alongwith other Congress leaders visited the Valley on May 30, 1940, National

Conference took out a river procession in the honour of the Congress leaders from

Chattabal to Amirakadal. Srinagar. The workers of Muslim Conference displayed

their resentment against the entry of Congress leaders in the Valley of Kashmir by

organising hostile demonstrations around the banks of Vitasta . The demonstrators

raised the slogans like Nehru waps jau and Muslim League zindaba etc.31

On June 15, 1941 a big public meeting was called in Jamia Masjid,

Srinagar, where the prominent leaders of the Conference spoke on the aims and

objectives of the revival of Muslim Conference32. Chaudri Hamidullah and

Muhammad Yousuf Qureshi in their speeches stressed upon the unity of Muslims

under the umbrella of Muslim Conference in order to achieve the responsible

government33. Chaudri Ghulam Abbas Khan in his speech referred to S.M.Abdullah

and National Conference and said that he had no animosity with National Conference

leadership34. Chaudri Abbas added that if they (N. C. leadership) believe that

331

nationalism would serve the Muslim interests but he did not agree to that. He also

declared that they (Muslim Confrencies) would not interfere in their mattersi f

provided they shall follow the same policy vis-a-vis Muslim Conference . Let the

36decision be thrown open to the judgment of the people . Chaudri Ghulam Abbas

requested the Mirwaiz to surrender his stipend of six hundred rupees to the

Government as a sincere leader of the Muslim masses37. He also apologized for

favouring the conversion of Muslim Conference into National Conference in 193 938.

A meeting of the political workers who had disassociated themselves

from the National Conference was held on February 5, 1942 at the residence of

Chaudri Ghulam Abbai Khan39. The meeting resolved to convene the first session of

the Conference within two months. Accordingly the first annual session of the

Conference was held at Ghazi camp, Jammu on April 17, 18 and 19, 194240. Chaudri

Abdullah Khan Bhali was appointed as the Chairman of Reception Committee41.

Maulana Zafar Ali Khan of daily Zamindar, Lahore who was a front rank Muslim

League leader performed the flag hoisting ceremony42. He also inaugurated the

session. It was presided over by Chaudri Abbbas43. In a resolution the Conference

recorded its disapproval of the statement issued by Gopal Swami Ayyengar in the

State Assembly on 4th April, 1942 which extended Government’s full support to the

Cripps Plan for a united India44. The resolution further recorded the full support of

the State Muslims to the demand for Pakistan45. The Conference demanded the

withdrawal of the Devnagri Script and repeal of the Arms Act46. It also condemned

the cow-killing provision in the penal code and demanded its abrogation47. The

Conference further demanded the removal of Sir Gopal Swami Ayyengar48. Speaking

332

on the attitude of the non-Muslim leaders towards the nationalist movement Chaudri

Gh. Abbas said:49

I would like to address a few words to my respectable friend S. M. Abdullah and would like to tell him that despite your honest endeavours that non-Muslims may join you in the struggle for freedom, they have declined to do so and a few of them who followed, have also abandoned you in the midst of stormy waters and have also torn the sails of our boat. To expect loyalty or co-operation from them is useless. Please forget them because they are indifferent and join hands with us so that we could jointly take some decision about our future.

Maharaja Hari Singh had issued a statement favourable to the freedom

of India on the visit of Cripps Mission in 194250. Chaudri Abbas hailed the statement

of Maharaja. He also expressed his desire for the establishment of a responsible

government in the State'1. In his address Chaudri Abbas denounced the Cripps Plan

for not seeking the opinion of State leaders in connection with the future of the

State52.

The Muslim Conference Working Committee met in Srinagar for the

first time on September 19, 20 and 21, 194253. It condemned the Quit India

Movement as the Conference deemed that it was aimed at the establishment of

the Hindu Raj. A public meeting was held at Zaindar Mohallah which was addressed

by Chaudri Hamidullah Khan and Qureshi Muhammad Yousuf54.

In the first week of April, 1943, Maharaja Hari Singh replaced Gopal

Swami Ayyengar and appointed Sir Kanwar Maharaj Singh as his Premier55. Gopal

Swami Ayyengar had displayed favour to National Conference and had undermined

Muslim Conference on different occasions56. On hearing the news of his removal

Muslim Conference declared April 9, 1943, to be celebrated as Yaum-i-najat (day of

extrication from a tyrany)3'. Accordingly in the evening of April 9, 1943, a mass

333

meeting was called at Jamia Masjid, Srinagar, which was presided over by Maulvi

Muhammad Amin.58 A resolution condemning the Premier Ayyengar and his

regime was moved in the meeting by Maulvi Noor-ud-Din which was seconded by

Syed Mirak Shah59. It was passed unanimously.

Muslim Conference leaders decided to call annual session of the

Conference on August 13, 14 and 15, 194360. In this connection they invited Nawab

Yar Jung, President of All India States Muslim League, to preside over the session61.

On his arrival to Srinagar Nawab Yar Jung delivered a speech to the General Council

62of Muslim Conference at Mirwaiz Manzil on August 14, 1943 . On the same day, he

was served an order from the Government to leave the State within twenty four

hours63. This measure of the Government sent a wave of indignation in Muslim

Conference circles64. But the Nawab Yar Jung thought it better to honour the order in

the larger interests of the Conference65.

The annual session of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference was

held on August 13, 14 and 15, 1943, under the presidentship of Mirwaiz Muhammad

Yousuf Shah66. In his presidential address Mirwaiz focussed on the past

achievements, concrete programme and sincere role of Muslim Conference. He

condemned the anti-Muslim policy of the Ayyenger regime and the suspicious

67attitude of the Maharaja vis-a-vis his policy . By attributing peoples grievances to

irresponsible system of government he made an appeal to the people of the State to

68stand united for the achievement of responsible government . He stressed upon the

Maharaja to include his subjects in the administration, in order to make the use of

administrative machinery in the interests of the people. By taking this step, he

expected Maharaja to prove himself pro-democracy in the circumstances when a

334

great power like Britain was about to liberate India69. Some of the speakers alleged

outrightly that Nawab Yar Jung was drawn out of the State because of joint

70conspiracy of the State Government and National Conference . Several resolutions

71were passed in the session which include:

1. Lifting of ban against cow-slaughter.

2. Cancellation of the law with regard to the confiscation of property of a neo­convert to Islam.

3. Amendment of the Arms Act.

4. Continuation of the Persian Script in the State.

5. Establishment of the responsible government.

After the annual session the Muslim Conference leaders from Jammu

accelerated their activities72. They organised public meetings in Jammu province and

73passed resolutions in favour of the emergence of Pakistan . At certain places there

were riots between the Hindus and Muslims74

As mentioned in the preceding chapters that a famine had broken out in

the State, because of the World War depression and unfavourable weather conditions.

All the prominent political parties were united to fight out the peoples grievances at

that critical stage. Muslim Conference not only joined the United Front, but also

played a significant role to press upon the Government to end the food crisis by

making necessary arrangements75.

Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf Shah while opposing the Royal

Commission of 1943 declared a boycott against it, on the plea that the appointment of

this Commission was a conscious attempt to ignore the Glancy Commission

335

recommendations of 193276. Chaudri Gh. Abbas and Chaudri Abdullah Vakil

(Secretary Muslim Conference Udhampur) while seconding the call of Mirwaiz

raised an important point related to Maharaja’s declaration for the appointment of a

commission wherein he had promised equal status and treatment for all the political*7*7and social groups of the State . These leaders declared the Maharaja’s proclamation

a betrayal because Muslim Conference Assembly members had not been provided

78any representation in the Commission.

The constitution of Muslim Conference had been drafted in a way that

the Ahmadies could not become the members of this organisation. But on May 23,

1944, Mr. Jinah in a press conference while responding to a query in this connection

ruled out any decent against the participation of this community in Muslim

Conference79. The result was that the maximum people of this sect joined Muslim

Conference and Gh. Nabi Gilkar particularly came forward to contribute to the

80growth of Muslim Conference with his all expert abilities

As mentioned in the preceding chapter that during his stay at Srinagar a

number of deputations had their meetings with the League President, in order toA «

discuss the political scenario of the State . One of these deputations was headed by

Shaikh Anwar. The deputation expressed its desire that Mr. Jinah may exercise

his influence in order to strengthen Muslim Conference in the State82. In

response to the request of the deputation Mr. Jinah asked for providing him a

leader of strong calibre in the Valley83. He rejected both Mirwaiz Muhammad

Yousuf as well as Chaudri Gh. Abbas as the leaders of the people of the Valley for

two different reasons84. According to him Mirwaiz was lacking the qualities of

political leadership85. In politics Mr. Jinah symbolized Mirwaiz with a rotten egg*6.

336

In case of the latter Mr. Jinah gave his descent on the ground that he was not the

resident of the ValJey and was therefore, a stranger to Kashmiri language and

culture87.

The Muslim Conference called its annual session at Muslim Park,gg

Jamia Masjid, Srinagar, on June 16, 17, 1944 . The leaders of the Conference

thought it advisable to call the session at that stage in order to cash the opportunity

89of the presence of the League leader at Srinagar . Maulvi Muhmmad Amin

presented an address to A.M.Jinah on behalf of the Conference90. The session was

presided over by Chaudri Gh. Abbas who presented his presidential address orally91.

While admitting the participation of one lakh people in the session, Mr. Jinah said,

“Even though this large gathering is the result of the political awakening forged by

the movement which the Kashmiri Muslims launched in 1931, but still it is

insufficient92. The prevailing situation demands the participation of the people at

large scale”93. While declaring Muslim Conference as the only representative body of

the State Muslims Mr. Jinah said:94

Ninety Nine percent people who met me are of the opinion that there is only one party which represents the Muslims. It is Muslim Conference. Mr. President this is the voice of the Muslims. Now it is your responsibility to look after this opinion.

Mr. Jinah rejected the theory of the Kashmiri Nationalists that even if

the Hindus and Sikhs do not join National Conference at large scale, let them not, but

the doors of Conference cannot be closed for them as it would help to prove that

there was no place for communalism in Kashmir95. This type of polity according to

Mr. Jinah amounted to betrayal of the minorities96. In response to this approach Ali

97Muhammad Jinah observed:

337

Some brothers want that Muslim Conference should merge with National Conference and I heard their story. I do not want to pressurise anybody and the matter of Kashmir is definitely different from British India. But even then as a Muslim, it is my duty to listen to the opinion of my brethren and to advise them. To my understanding it is not the right path (continuation of National Conference). I do not think that they would succeed in it. National Conference has come into existence some seven years back in 1938. On confirming that how many Hindus and Sikhs joined it? The reply was that a few Sikhs and some Hindus.

If for the last eight years Hindus and Sikhs did not enter this door what is the reason? It is therefore, a mistake (to continue National Conference). It is the reflection of Muslim division and each group motivates the other to merge with it. After a serious consideration the reply is that we (Nationaslists) want to show the world that there exists no communalism in Kashmir. Indian National Congress was also claiming for the leadership of whole India which was not a fact. After adopting this policy Congress made a false propaganda. The result was that the Muslims, Sikhs and Christians who had joined it, parted their ways with it. Because on every matter the majority undermined the issues related to the welfare and benefit of the minorities. Do you want to repeat the same in Kashmir? It cannot happen and by doing so you cannot win the confidence of Hindus and Sikhs. Be clear that we are Muslims and we do not represent the all.

In his speech Mr. Jinah made it dear to the Muslims of the State that

for the achievement of responsible government it was necessary for them to have anno

access to the sources of wisdom and knowledge . According to him if the Kashmiri

Muslims did not possess the knowledge, their struggle was futile". The first

condition for this purpose according to the League leader was that the people of the

State should stand united and practical in approach.100 Several resolutions were

passed in the session which related to:101

1. Amendment of the Arms act.

2. Abolition of the law related to ban against the cow-slaughter.

3. Division of India and the foundation of Pakistan.

4. Establishment of responsible government.

5. Withdrawal of the orders related to the introduction of the double script in Government schools.

338

6. Abolition of heavy taxation in Poonch.

7. Abolition of the law providing for the confiscation of property on conversion to Islam.

8. Representation of the Muslims in Government services according to theirpopulation ratio.

9. Condemnation of the mal-administration in Food Control Department.

The speech of Mr. Jinah on the closing day of the annual session of

Muslim Conference surcharged the whole atmosphere in Srinagar as well as in its

peripheries in favour of the Muslim Conference . It appeared that a revolution broke

out and a new life was thrown in the half-dead body of Muslim Conference103. The

leaders of Muslim Conference began to present their views on sound basis104. The

Pandit leaders associated with National Conference started to criticize S.M.Abdullah

in the light of speeches delivered by A.M. Jinah105

The historical verdict given by the League President during the

midnight of June 17, 1944, in favour of Muslim Conference was not less than a bomb

shell which he threw on the citadel of nationalism106. According to Prem Nath Bazaz,

“it was the inefficiency, incompetence and short-sightedness of the Muslim

Conference leadership that they could not cash the opportunity provided to them by

the historical verdict of the League President^107. In order to mould the public

opinion which had gone in favour of Muslim Conference the National Conference

leaders launched a vigorous campaign of mass mobilization throughout the Valley108

by which the impact of Mr. Jinah’s verdict was drowned to a great extent.

As mentioned in the preceding chapter that Maharaja Hari Singh

returned from England on May 18, 1944. Following the foot prints of National

339

Conference, Muslim Conference also extended a warm reception to Maharaja Hari

Singh109. P.N.Bazaz is of the opinion that Muslim Conference committed a mistake

by receiving the Maharaja and it also resulted in diminishing the impact of the

historical verdict which the “Qaid-i-Azam had given in favour of Muslim

Conference”110.

Naya Kashmir Manifesto was generally appreciated inside, as well as

out side the State, because of its progressive orientation111. The Muslim Conference

leaders inspite of their rivalry with National Conference appreciated the document112.

However, its Mirwaiz group levelled unhealthy and imbalanced criticism against

Naya Kashmir113. In a convention of Muslim Conference called at Safa Kadal,

Srinagar, on November 11, 1945, under the leadership of Mirwaiz Muhammad

Yousuf Shah, Muhammad Ismail Sagar, Gh. Mohi-ud-Din Wani and Ab. Salam Dalai

made severe attacks against the document of Naya Kashmir114. Gh. Mohi-ud-Din

Wani of Baramullah gave a unique interpretation in his opposition to Naya Kashmir.

He said that Naya Kashmir Manifesto was a signal of death-blow to the upper classes

of Kashmir113 and its implementation would be tantamount to the destruction of both

Hindu as well as Muslim Capitalist classes116. He added that it would prove harmful

117to Muslim unity as well as to the cause of Islam.

Muslim Conference celebrated the festival of Id-I-Milad on March 16,

19459. On this day the Conference organised a procession in Srinagar which passed

through different streets118. It was participated by the Muslims at a large scale119. The

celebrations of Id-Milad served only a cover . There were hundreds of placards

bearing political slogans121. The main slogans raised in the procession were Pakistn

zindabad, Lay kay rahin gay Pakistan, Bat kay rahay ga Hindustan}22

340

An annual session of Muslim Conference was called at Poonch on 1st,

2nd and 3rd of July, 1945123. It was presided over by Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf

Shah124. In his presidential address while criticizing the role and political outlook of

National Conference, Maulana said that, “some political parties of our State had

published booklets in the name of Naya Kashmir and circulated the same among the

masses only for their survival purposes . They did so for not to be called as a

purposeless organisation”126. He denounced National Conference for its role and

127called it a meaningless organisation struggling for its survival . While demanding

the establishment of responsible government in the State, Maulana declared it as the1 ^ 0 (

fundamental demand of Muslim Conference . In addition to it he criticized the

participation of National Conference in the State Cabinet by calling it a betrayal of

129National Conference with the people of the State . He also voiced his concern for

the poor representation of Muslims in the State services.130

It was in this session that Muslim Conference issued its manifesto

called Azad Kashmir in the form of a pamphlet wherein it reproduced all those| |

resolutions passed in its meetings at different occassions . It is to be noted that on

the first day of the Muslim Conference session, the appointment of R. C. Kak as the

Premier of the State was announced by the Government132 The Conference passed a

133resolution of no-confidence against the new Premier

As mentioned earlier that in 1945 National Conference leaders invited

outstanding leaders of Indian National Congress to participate in the annual session

of the Conference held at Sopore on 3, 4 and 5 of August134. They arranged a river

procession in the honour of the Congress leaders on August 1, 1945135. When the

procession passed between Ali Kadal and Zaina Kadal, the Muslim Conference

341

workers resorted to stone pelting on the procession136. In addition to stone pelting

they put off their dress and had a nude dance in order to ventilate their resentment

against the entry of the Congress leaders in the city of Srinagar137. National

Conference launched Quit Kashmir Movement in May 1946. On May 30, 1946,

Chaudri Gh. Abbas, the President of the Muslim Conference in a statement at Lahore

declared that “the agitation had been started at the behest of the Congress leaders”

and that “the object was to restore the lost prestige of the Nationalists”138. When the

Working Committee of the Muslim Conference met subsequently at Srinagar on June1 OQ

8, it adopted a resolution on similar lines . The Committee warned the Muslims not

to take any part in the movement as that would jeopardize the interests of the Muslim

Community140.

In 1947 the people of Kashmir wanted to keep their motherland aloof

from the communal savagery, the carnage and the holocaust which were raging in

British India before and after the partition141. In the opinion of P. N. Bazaz,

“barring the National Conference other main political parties in the country

including the Muslim Conference had repeatedly advised the Maharaja to be friendly

with the Congress and the League blocs in the Indian Constituent Assembly and to1 ADremain neutral without joining the one or the other” . But Shaikh Muhammad

Abdullah in his autobiography writes that the National Conference also wanted to

remain aloof from both the dominions that is India as well as Pakistan upto the

achievement of complete independence by the State of Jammu and Kashmir.143 And it

was only because of the tribal raid that National Conference decided to have a

conditional accession of the State with India144. About the attitude of Muslim

Conference vis-a-vis the accession issue P.N Bazaz writes that “it was only when the

342

Maharaja’s fatal desire became manifest and when he began to make feverish

preparations to get the State acceded to India that Muslim Conference veered round

to the view point that Kashmir should accede to Pakistan”.145

b) Kisan Mazdoor Conference (1945-1947):

The history of modem Kashmir is silent about any organised movement

of the peasantry. The scholars of modem Kashmir had put forth different views for

the absence of any resistance from the agrarian class of Kashmir. Grinded under the

policy of exorbitant taxation and official oppression, the peasantry of Kashmir could

not launch any struggle against the Dogra rule as late as 1945.

As referred in the preceding chapter that National Conference joined

the State Cabinet in 1944. On October 19, 1944, Mirza Muhammad Afzal Beg was

sworn in as Public Works Minister. He was a resident of Anantnag. While he was in

power, the local Co-operative Bank and the Co-operative Stores came to be in the

grip of the Beg family146. The distribution and sale of the necessities of life such as

sugar, salt, kerosene oil, cloth, etc; were controlled and distributed among the people

of the Tehsil through the agency of the Co-operative Stores147. Not even a part of the148goods meant for the lakhs of peasants reached them . Most of the supplies, it

was alleged, were sold in the black market by the Nationalist management of

the Co-operative Stores149. This sent a wave of resentment and indignation among

the peasant masses150.

In 1945 the whole countryside in the Valley was simmering with

discontent. The economic and social conditions of the tillers o f the soil had always

been pretty bad151 but the control on necessities of life such as sugar, salt, cloth and

343

kerosene oil and the corrupt nature of those who were responsible for their

distribution turned it from bad to worse152. In Anantnag Tehsil conditions turned

untolerable153. On 19 July, about a dozen Kashmiris met in the Achabal Garden with

the purpose of discussing the situation154. They thought on ways and means against

the tyranny of those who were instrumental in making life unbearable for the

peasants155. It was decided that an organisation be formed to safe-guard the rights

and interests of the peasants in the State156. It’s name was to be the All Jammu1 57and Kashmir Kisan Conference . Abdul Salam Yatu a young matriculate of village

Khushipora was unanimously elected as the president of this organisation158. A

written document regarding the proceedings of the meeting with an oath to be true

and loyal to the new organisation was drawn up and signed by all the members

present in the meeting :9. The fundamental aims and objectives of the Conference

were as below:160

1. To establish complete democratic and responsible government in the State by over throwing the autocratic rule.

2. To do away with discriminatory attitude between rural and urban masses of

the State.

3. To abolish jagirdari and chakdari system by awarding land to the tiller.

4. To ensure socio. economic and educational welfare of the peasantry.

The news of this historical meeting spread like wild fire first through

Brang (modem Kokemag constituency), Shahabad (modem Doom constituency) and

Kuthar (Shangas constituency) and then in hundreds of hamlets of Anantnag

district161. Within days Kisan Committees were formed in big villages of Anantnag

district162. These committees were looked upon as rivals by the leaders of the

344

National Conference1 e\ Instructions were sent from Mujahid Manzil that Ihe High

Command utterly disliked the growth of the peasant movement outside the precincts

of the National Conference164. In order to warn the peasants against participation in

the peasant movement without the approval of S.M.Abdullah a band of Nationalist

leaders including Ghulam Nabi and Hakim Muhammad Amin Qureshi, was sent

immediately to the spot165. It was November 16, 1945 the day of Idd166. There is a

Holy shrine at Kabamarg village about seven miles far from the Anantnag town167.

About twenty five thousand Muslims had flocked to the Holy shrine in order to offer

prayers168. Among the devotees that year were the leaders of the Kisan movement

besides the National Conference workers.169 At the end of the prayers Mr. Qureshi

ascended the dais to read khutba170. Instead of delivering any religious discourse he

started to ridicule the Kisan leaders and denounced the peasant movement171. A

few Kisan workers stood on their feet and asked him to restrain from casting

aspersions on the popular leaders of the working class172. Unfortunately he ignored

the warning and persisted in abusing the new rising leadership by calling them

illiterate, upstart and mean173. It proved a signal which started a storm. Qureshi was

thrown down from the dais and was bruised174. Nationalist workers were severely

beaten175 along with many other innocent residents of the Anantnag town who

happened to be in the gathering176. It was with great difficulty and at the intervention

of the Kisan leaders that the workers of the National Conference escaped with their

lives177. Next day sixteen leaders of the Kisan Conference including Abdul Salam

Yatu, President, Habibuallh Shah, Vice-President, Gh. Ahamd Naz, General1 78Secretary and Kamal Ahangar were implicated by the police and prosecutions were

launched against them for taking part in a riot179

345

In March, 1946 a necessity for the formation of an alliance between the

peasant leadership and the socialist party was felt on either side180. A joint meeting

of the top leaders of both the organizations was therefore arranged to exchange

views in the objective of a democratic revolution in the State181. The meeting

was held in Srinagar on March 24, 1946 and twenty six leaders attended it182. The

prominent among those who attended the meeting were Abdul Salam Yatu,

Habibullah Shah, Kanhaya Lai Koul, Noor Muhammad, Prem Nath Bazaz,

Muhammad Akram, Jagan Nath Sathu, Ghulam Ahmad Naaz, Azad Kamal, Prithvi

Nath Buth, Assadullah Rishi, Gh. Muhammad Paray and Abdul Subhan183. The1 RAmeeting lasted for more than eleven hours . All the problems were frankly thrashed

out185. The leaders decided to hold a Congress of the working classes of Kashmir at

186Kabamarg, Anantnag on May 11, 12 and 13, 1946 . To make suitable preparations

for the Congress it was resolved that a convention of the prominent workers be held

at Dyalgam on April 7, 1946187.

More than two hundred delegates from every part of Anantnag district

and a few from other regions of the Valley came to participate in the discussions and

deliberations of the political, economic and social problems of the State.188 Unusual

enthusiasm was in evidence in the village of Dyalgam in which not only the adult

male population took a profound part189, even women and children were seen giving a

friendly ovation to the delegates when they streamed in on foot, in motor cars, on

horse back or in tongas190. The convention lasted for two days. The deliberations

started at noon and continued till midnight with a small break for dinner for half an

hour191. It was an amazing experience to find that how the peasant workers

intelligently comprehended the problems created by the rapidly changing times192.

346

The convention elected Abdul Salam Yatu as the president of the first Congress of

the Kisan Conference, which was to be held at Kabamarg193. A sub-committee was

formed in the convention to draft a memo-randum for submission to the Cabinet

Mission194. A telegram was sent to the Mission telling them that the peasants in

Kashmir forming 90 percent of the total population refused to be represented by any

one other than the leaders of the Kisan Conference195. It was considered important

because the Nationalist leaders had been trying to secure an interview with the

Cabinet Mission to represent the case of the State people according to their own

ideology196. A public meeting was held at Dyalgam at the end of the convention

wherein about a dozen distinguished leaders spoke on the aims and objectives of the

197 198peasant movement . It was attended by about five thousand people

Kabamarg to which we referred earlier is a spot bestowed with

tremendous natural beauty. This spot was destined to become the venue of the

historic Congress of the Kashmir Kisan Conference, where the teeming and toiling

people of the State adopted decisions of far-reaching consequences for the first

time in the annals of the land199. On May 11, 1946, this beautiful land became a city

of tents and shamianas200. Some of the leaders and workers had arrived a couple of

days earlier and confirmed that every thing was arranged properly and completely201.

The Congress was to begin its first session in the afternoon, on 11th May, 1946.202

Early in the morning batches of peasant students went in small processions to the

near-by villages to collect funds and address the local people on the aims and

objectives of the movement . One such procession was accompanied by the peasant

band and buglers204. They were ambushed by the Nationalist volunteers and

beaten205. Some musical instruments were snatched away from them206. It was a

347

warning to the peasant leaders which they could not ignore. Further enquiries

revealed that a big gang of the Nationalists had collected at the village Nasu at a

distance of half a mile making preparations to attack the Kisan Congress207. They

had assembled under the lead of a Nationalist worker, Muhammad Afzal Beg the

resident of village Nasu208.

Two opinions prevailed at Kabamarg as to how the Nationalist attack

was to be faced209. The extremists were of the view that the peasant volunteer corps

should go ahead and disperse the National Conference workers if needed by force210.

But moderate leaders were of the opinion that such a step would result in bloodshed

and prove detrimental to the cause of the movement211. They advised that the

Congress should go on with its work and the volunteer corps should guard the

pandal on all sides212. The latter view was unanimously accepted. Abdul Ghani

Magray, chief of the Kisan volunteer corps was instructed to place his 500 uniformed^13

men round the entire camp and defend it at all costs.”

It was because of the Nationalist threat that the leaders of Kashmir

Kisan Conference had organised a volunteer corps some nineteen days earlier to

Kabamarg Conference214. Within a couple of days, not less than five hundred

illiterate but well build peasants left the fields while they were preparing the soil to

sow paddy and joined the corps to defend the peasant movement against any on-ni c

slaught of the National Conference . On April 23, 1946, a public meeting was held

216at village Vanihama where the volunteer corps was inaugurated . It was a sight

worth seeing.217 Khaki uniforms on their bodies, varnished dandas in their hands and

marching in rows, with their feet in tune, one could hardly believe that these men had

been working in fields only a few days before . Peasants-men, women and children

348

• • _219had collected to witness the inauguration ceremony^ . It was an event of pleasure

for them to see that a revolution was taking place under their own eyes220. They could

not believe what they saw221. Women vied with men in raising full throated slogans

admiring the volunteer corps, the Kisan leaders and the revolu-tionary movement222.

The three day session of the Kabamarg Congress was a landmark in the

history of working classes of the valley223. More than a hundred delegates had come

from all parts of the valley to participate in the deliberations224. There was

• 225enthusiasm, serenity, responsibility and tolerance. Everyone tried to understand

others point of view226. It looked like the real parliament of the peasants and workers

who were guided by the sympathetic and patriotic intellectuals227.

Welcoming the delegates to the Congress, Ahad Ullah Mir, President of

the Reception Committee, observed:

Only a toiler can feel and understand the agony of a fellow toiler, none else can do so. The upper classes are only misleading us by their alluring slogans and schemes. They, in no way, want our freedom.

Mentioning the bitter experiences of the working class Ahad Ullah

stated:229

The freedom movement in our country is now fifteen years old. It has been dinned into our ears since long that the movement aims at complete emancipation of the toiling masses. But the freedom is yet to come and meanwhile during past six years of global war the upper classes, in no uncertain terms, laid before us their interpretation of freedom. During this period commodities essential for the life of the people became scarce in villages, not for all but only for the masses. The upper classes got these commodities in abundance in our name but totally deprived us of the same. Miserable as we began to feel we, however, became conscious of the fact that the upper classes and the toiling masses were two distinct forces. It is wise to believe that the toiling masses can never achieve freedom, so long as they do not have their own organisation, free from the influences of the upper classes. An awakening has been noticeable among the masses during past nine months and naturally the upper classes

349

feel ill at ease. They have, however, begun to realise that we are undoubtedly tyrannized and oppressed.

About the future of the peasant movement, Ahad Ullah declared:230

As a matter of fact the upper classes are worried about their personal interests. They believe that if the toiling masses carried on their organizational activities unchecked and unhampered their vested interests will come to an end. It is why they seek a compromise with us so that they could obstruct our march. But we have met here in a conference to warn them that our movement will live till the toiling masses of the State achieve complete freedom.

In his presidential address Abdul Salam Yatu stated the aims of the

Kashmir Kisan Conference. Mentioning the causes of the birth of the working class

231movement Abdul Salam Yatu said:

The movement of the toiling masses in the world has awakened us also. We have begun to look at the freedom struggle of our country from a different angle. Now political freedom alone is not our cherished goal. We demand and carve for social, economic and spiritual emancipation as well. The toiling masses of the subcontinent of India not only want to throw away the yoke of foreign imperialism but are also keen to free themselves from the bondage of indigenous feudalism and capitalism. The day of deliverance from alien rule is not far off. Events bear testimony to the fact that the British cannot stay long in India. There is an awakening in the country and the British cannot hold it in subjugation. But let me pose a question. Who will replace the British authority in India? Will there be a government of the upper classes or one representing the toiling masses? This is the main and the biggest problem facing the country at present.

232Regarding the partition of India he observed:

The upper class Hindus, having thrown into background the question relating to the future government of India, are engaged in the dispute over Akhand Hindustan with a view to preserve their vested interests. Their counterparts among Muslims demand the establishment of Pakistan for identical reasons. But we stand neither for the one nor for the other. We believe that so long as it is not decided who the future rulers are to be, we can neither support Akhand Hindustan nor side with the demand for Pakistan. Our first task is to do away with the prevailing social and economic inequality and injustice and lay the foundations of a new and just order of society. It is only when this objective is achieved that the people of India can themselves decide whether they want to preserve the unity of the country or divide it. At the present moment the basic problem referred to above does not receive necessary attention. The supporters of Akhand Hindustan and Pakistan want to preserve the present social

350

order which is dominated by capitalists and feudalists. That being so the toiling masses can have least interest in this scramble for power.

About the aims and objectives of the Kisan movement Abdul Salam

Yatu said:233

Following in the footprints of the workers of Europe we have to put an end to the capitalistic and feudalistic social order so that a new society based on social justice and equality is brought intp being. We want an end of all kinds of exploitation so that the peasants are not tyrannized and the mill owners get no opportunity to rob the workers of the fruits of their labour. All laws aimed at sucking the blood of the toiling masses need to be repealed and abolished. We want establishment of a society which will guarantee to the workers fullest opportunity for progress.

Enumerating the bitter experiences of the working classes of the State

which they had gained during the course of the freedom movement Mr. Yatu said:234

The freedom movement in our State is now fifteen years old. The toiling masses have nourished it by undergoing supreme financial and physical sacrifices but without any good to them. Only the upper classes have been benefited by it. They have not only been able to preserve their vested interests but have also added to these. The reason is that both the toiling masses and the upper classes took part in the struggle and whereas the former fought for freedom, the latter used it to their advantage. Why it happened so is not difficult to understand. We had been entertaining hazy and vague notions about our goal so far. But now the freedom movement has reached a new stage. The toiling masses and the upper classes have fallen out. We want to revolutionize the present unjust society so that the toiling masses get their political and economic rights. This we call real freedom.

Explaining the future of freedom movement he declarded:235

Till now the upper classes exploited us because we were not clear about our goal but they find that such exploitation is not possible in future. Freedom for us means establishment of a new social order in our country which knows no exploitation and guarantees equal social, economic and political status for all. Our movement aims at affording all the opportunities and facilities to the toiling masses here in our country which a man in this world is entitled to. The upper classes have raised communal slogans so that the masses are misled in the name of religion. Also with a view to preserve their vested interests the upper classes have founded parties in the name of the nation and the countiy. The toiling masses have nothing to do either with the communal organizations or the so-called nationalist parties. Our struggle knows no communal barriers or nationalist prejudice. We are hostile to all distinctions based on

351

colour, creed or race. We believe in a society which is free from the evils of landlordism and feudalism and which is opposed to exploitation of man by man.

Abdul Salam Yatu concluded by saying:236

Our movement is world wide. Hundreds of millions of the toiling masses throughout the world are associated with it. It is bound to succeed sooner or later. If we organise ourselves and march unitedly towards our goal we can establish the society of our conception sooner than is expected.

The Kisan Congress adopted seventy-five resolutions in all,237 four of

which were introduced at the instance of the Working Committee and rest by the

delegates . The resolutions dealt with all conceivable matters from the abolition of

the unrepresentative government to the repairs of roads and canals239. According to

one of the resolutions the Congress expressed its determination to end exploitation of

man by man in every form and shape after overthrow of the feudal and capitalist

regime in the State240. Another resolution sounded the death-knell of Jagirdari and

absentee landlordism241. By another resolution the Congress expressed the solidarity

of the state working classes with the workers of the world242. One of the resolutions

forbade the tillers of the soil to take the place of any tenant who is ejected by a

chakdar for no valid reason.243

A sub-committee of the Subjects Committee prepared a draft of the

constitution for the party244. It was adopted by the Congress after necessary

changes243. It was deemed necessary because henceforth the organisation was to

represent and speak for the entire working class in the State246 and as already

hundreds of non-peasant workers and intellectuals had enlisted themselves as the' J A H

members of Kashmir Kisan Conference . It was no longer only an organisation of

the peasants. It was therefore, called All Jammu and Kashmir Kisan Mazdoor

C o n feren ce . P.N.Bazaz was asked to prepare a comprehensive manifesto

352

explaining the aims and objectives of the Conference in accordance with the

constitution and the resolutions adopted in the Congress249. It had been published in

anticipation of the sanction of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference in a book-form entitled

Azad Kashmir in 1950.250

There is no denying the fact that the manifesto of National Conference

called Naya Kashmir was a document of socialist orientation. But the constitution of

Kisan Mazdoor Conference was more radical and progressive than the Naya Kashmir

manifesto. It did not display any sentiment of loyalty by stating that the

representative government in the State was to be established under the aegis of the

Maharaja251. Indeed there was no mention of the Maharaja in the constitution of

Kisan Mazdoor Conference . It provided that the people’s democracy was to be of a

sovereign republican form . No doubt the manifesto of Naya Kashmir guaranteed

the abolition of landlordism254 but with a maintenance allowance for the landlords255.

In comparison to it Azad Kashmir pleaded for the abolition of landlordism without

any compensation for the landlords.

With the adoption of every important resolution there was a firing of

crackers in the camp . The audience raised shouts of joy and threw turbans and caps

high in the air257. There was great rejoicing and merry-making as if the adoption of a

resolution meant its implementation . In the morning on the May 14, 1946, the

camp was dismantled and a long procession of leaders, delegates and workers started

259from Kabamarg and went to Dyalgam . Throughout the way on both sides of the

road, peasants-men, women and children came out and showered flowers, dry fruits

and shirini on the procession260.

353

Kisan Mazdoor Conference was a movement of the working classes of

the State. Unlike National Conference the leadership of this organisation belonged to

the working class261. The leadership of National Conference sprung from the middle

class, whereas the leadership of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference belonged to learned

section of the working classes.

Kisan Mazdoor Conference had a concrete programme of socio­

economic and political welfare for the people of the State in general and to those of

the working classes in particular262. The leadership of the Conference strived for the

educational welfare of the working classes of the State. During its short span of life

the Conference had started a Kisan school at Dyalgam, where the education was

imparted along the modem and scientific lines . In addition to prevailing system of

education the students were educated in polity in order to ensure an everlasting

socialist revolution264. This institution was run on the donations and funds supplied

265by the peasants

The Jammu and Kashmir National Conference launched Quit Kashmir

agitation in May 1946. Soon after the agitation started, Abdul Salam Yatu, President

of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference, issued a statement advising the working classes to

desist from taking any part in the movement266. In the middle of November, 1946 a

band of Kisan leaders numbering thirty six including Abdul Salam Yatu and

P.N.Bazaz made extensive tour in the Anantnag Tehsil. For a fortnight they traveled

from village to village meeting local workers and addressing public meetings which

were attended by thousands. At the end of the tour a mass meeting was held at

267Anantnag on November 17, 1946

354

On April 5 and 6, 1947, the Working Committee and the General

Council of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference met at Achabal to review the political

situation. The British Government had issued a declaration on February 20 creating

two blocks in the Constituent Assembly of India which had come into existence as a

result of the plan formulated by the Cabinet Mission and accepted by the Congress

and the Muslim League. The General Council of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference

adopted four resolutions268. It welcomed the declaration of the British Government

regarding independence of India and advised the Maharaja to have friendly relations

with both the blocks in the Constituent Assembly but remain aloof from either. The

Council demanded the establishment of full responsible government in the State. It

269deprecated communal activities as harmful and dangerous

The balanced and cautious lead given by the Kisan Mazdoor leaders

was palatable neither to National Conference nor to Kak Government. They became

impatient to nip in the bud the growing plant of democracy270. On the night of April

11, 1947, P.N.Bazaz who had throughout accompanied the tour of Kisan leaders and

boosted their morale was shot at short range from behind by three men while he was

returning home from his office271. He was seriously wounded and taken to hospital272

where he laid hovering between life and death for many days . Three workers of the

National Conference were arrested by the police and held responsible for the crime.

They were tried and committed to the Session Court but were however acquitted and011

released soon after the National Conference came to power in November, 1947.

Abdul Salam Yatu President of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference, was

arrested on May 12, 1946, on the charge of having made on 25th February a speech

in village Vanihama274. In his speech he had said that “the Kisan Mazdoor

355

Conference is determined to end the present system of government in the State”272.

He was tried and sentenced to two months rigorous imprisonment276. He appealed to

the Session Judge and pleaded that to end any system of government was within the

rights of any citizen according to the accepted interpretation of law on the subject.->-7

His appeal was accepted" .

Only a month later the Kak Government launched three criminal

prosecu-tions against certain active and enthusiastic Kisan leaders including Mr.

Yatu. They were accused of having assaulted State servants at Khuhsipora278. This

was done at the instance of Mustafa Malik, leader of the State People’s Conference (a

pro-government organisation), a pet of R.C. Kak, who believed Kisan workers to be• • • 279so many thorns in his path. The accused were arrested and lodged in jail

The leaders of Kisan Mazdoor Conference were supporters of

independent Jammu and Kashmir. No doubt they opposed the Quit Kashmir agitation

of National Conference but they did so as they thought that the slogan was mainly

aimed at raising the political status of National Confemce280. Kisan Mazdoor

Conference had advised Maharaja to be friendly with both the Congress and the

League blocks in the Indian Constituent Assembly and to remain neutral without

joining the one or the other. It was only when the Maharaja’s fatal desire became

manifest and when he began to make feverish preparations to get the State acceded to

India that the conference suggested and pleaded the accession of the State with

Pakistan281. In order to give Maharaja the last chance to prove his bonafides the

leaders of the Conference proposed that the issue may be decided by a plebiscite

to be held on the basis of Adult franchise282. On September 5, 1947, the Working

Committee of the All Jammu and Kashmir Kisan Mazdoor Conference adopted a

356

resolution on the subject283. The resolution was confirmed by the members of

General Council of the Conference a few days later and published in press on

September 16, 1947.284

In November, 1947, National Conference came to power and a reign of

terror was let loose against Kisan Mazdoor Conference and other parties who had

ideological contradiction with the ruling party285. Abdul Salam Yatu was arrested

from his residence at village Khuhsipora by a police party which had raided the home

of Kisan leader in the early morning when the villagers were busy with the morning

prayers in a local Mosque286. The police party was led by a National Conference

worker Janki Nath Kakroo of Achabal, Anantnag287. The researcher heard the details

of the arrest of Kisan leader from the local elders and volunteers of Kisan Mazdoor

Conference. The story of the arrest is certainly heart rending. Led by Mr. Janki Nath

Kakroo the police party had tied the arms of Abdul Salam Yatu with a rope from

back-side and drew him out of his residential house288. The sincerity of the Kisan

leader is obvious from the fact that being cautious of his arrest during the night hours

he had preferred to stay in his own house in order to avoid the persecution of his

289loyalists by the police.

On hearing the news of Mr. Yatu’s arrest the people of Khuhsipora had

come out of the mosque and demonstrated against the unprovoked arrest of their

favourite leader290. It was on the intervention of the masses that the arms of the Kisan

leader were freed which had been tied with rope.291 The police party had opened fire

in air and thus succeeded in arresting Mr. Abdul Salam Yatu292. He was exiled to

Pakistan in 1947293. It would not be out of place to mention that the National

Conference Government had stationed a police camp at village Khuhsipora. after the

357

arrest of Abdul Salam Yatu in order to avoid law an order problem294. It is strange

and unfortunate that the police camp had not only persecuted and harassed the

inhabitants of the locality but had exacted rasum from them in form of rice and

poultry295.

c) Socialists and Communists (1930-1947):

The history and culture of Kashmir has derived much from the Central

Asian Countries. Its relations with Central Asian Countries were centuries old and it

was due to this reason that Russia several times thought of invading India through

Kashmir. After the establishment of the communist regime in Russia, the then British

Government in India took special steps to stop what they termed as Bolshevik

literature and ideas and accordingly a strict watch ordered to be kept on the entry of

the Communists in the State296. All political activity even the formation of societies

was banned and it was ordered that “the germs of mischievous political ideas should

be immediately nipped in the bud” 297 It was but natural that the suffering masses of

Kashmir looked with favour a revolution in Russia which promised much for the

poor.

Most of the political leaders in the valley received inspiration from the

progressive elements of Punjab298. The Communist leaders of Lahore greatly

influenced the thinking of the Kashmiri leaders299. Faiz Ahmad Piracha was the first

Indian communist who had surrendered the services of the Nawab of Bilochistan and

settled in Kashmir in 1929.300 It was in 1931, that he started a Communist movement

in Kashmir, in association with Raday Nath Koul (a favourite of Baghat Singh

group)301 But the movement could not achieve much success in the State of Jammu

358

and Kashmir302 In reaction to his activities the Government kept a strong vigil against

the spread of his ideas303. In 1937, the Personal Secretary of Pandit Jawahar Lai

Nehru, Kanwar Muhammad Ashraf, well known for his leftist ideas came to

Srinagar304. It was with the assistance of Faiz Ahmad Piracha that he laid the

foundation of Students Federation and started a Study Circle which disseminated the

communist ideology305. This group came to be called as Mukiem-ud-Din Farooqi

Group306 When the activities of this group began to gain a momentum, the

Government directed Mr. Faiz to leave the State307. No doubt Mr. Faiz left the State,

but the Government could not succeed to put off the candle of his influence from the

valley of Kashmir308.

The Patna session of Farooqi Group held in 1938, was participated by

G.M.Sadiq from the Valley309 and Comrade Deno Nitri from Jammu,310 on behalf of

the Kashmir Students Federation. On their return they met a number of trade

union leaders at Lahore and invited them to Kashmir311. It was the Kashmir Students

Federation which made its efforts for the first time to organise the labour class in

Kashmir312. Comrade Pran Nath Jalali with the cooperation of Peer Yahya Shah

Sidiqi established the first labour unit at Karan Singh woolen Mills, Srinagar.313 In

November, 1937, Mazdoor Sabha was organised under the leadership of Mohi-ud-

Din Qara,314 which later on merged with Kashmir Students Federation*15. It is to be

noted that the Students Federation was working behind the curtain of All Jammu and

Kashmir National Conference and enjoyed the favour and support of its High

Command316. The important leaders of Students Federation were:314

1. Janki Nath Zutshi 2. Pran Nath Jilali

3. Ram Nath Sonawali 4 Peer Gayas-ud-Din

359

5. Hamam Singh 6. Dr. Naseer Ahmad Shah

7. D. P. Dhar 8. G.M.Sadiq

9. Poshkar Nath Zadu 10. Bakshi Ab. Majid

It was during early forties that Fazel Ilahi Kurban a well known trade

unionist came to Srinagar. He took a houseboat on rent wherein he started a study

circle318. In order to give practical shape to his mission he organised a group

of young people and Bakshi Gh. Muhammad became their first District Secretary319.

But, Mr. Bakshi was expelled after some time on the suggestion of K.M. Ashraf after320his observation that the former had no commitment to communism . This group

lateron merged with Students Federation and the Congress Socialist Group.

In 1937, another ideological group had sprung in the Valley of Kashmir

under the leadership of Kashi Nath Bamzai called Congress Socialist Group321. It

was organised under the guidance of the Indian leaders like Ram Manohar Lohiya

and Jai Prakash Narayan322. This group was known as anti-Communist group and its

important leaders were Muhammad Yousuf Dar, Omkar Nath Dhar, Muhammad

Yousuf Saraf and Moti Lai Misri323. It is to be remembered that the ideologues of

these two groups were working in India under the Congress cover324. Likewise, the

Kashmir Students Federation and Congress Socialist Group carried their mission

behind the curtain of All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference325 During the

middle of nineteen forties S.M.Abddullah had shifted his sympathies from Students

Federation to the Congress Socialist Group326. By the year 1944, S.M.Abdullah had

grown very suspicious of Communist ends327. At a workers meeting in Srinagar he

tore into pieces a copy of their party organ people’s War and threatened to expel

them if they continued to sell it instead of the National Conference organ Daily

360

Khidmat’28. In his speech delivered in the Sopore session of the National Conference,

S. M. Abdullah accused Communist visitors of taking undue advantage of the

hospitality extended to them by his party. G. M. Sadiq and Mr. Bedi silently slipped

away from the pendal329

The Congress Socialist Group organised Kashmir Youth Congress

under the presidentship of Muhammad Yousuf Saraf330. The primary purpose of this

wing was to counter-act the growing communist influence331. S. M. Abdullah was

sympathetic towards it332. The first anti-Communist Students Conference was held on

September 30, 1944, at Mujahid Manzil, Srinagar, under the presidentship of Raja

Muhammad Akbar Khan, a top ranking Nationalist leader from Mirpur, as a part of

the National Conference annual session333. The Communist wing of National

Conference was very angry with S.M.Abdullah for having permitted the holding of a

pronouncedly anti-communist conference as a part of the party’s annual session,334

but had to swallow the bitter pill as they had no other alternative. The next annual

session of the Congress Socialist Group was held on July 12, 1945 in Srinagar, under

the Presidentship of Mr. Taj Muhammad Khan a Congress leader from W.F.P. It was

inaugurated by S.M.Abdullah and was attended by Mrs. Indra Gandhi also335.

In 1940, Miss Mehmoda and Niranjan Nath had returned from Lahore

and Allahabad after receiving higher education.336 Both of them started a campaign

for the spread of Communist ideas in the city of Srinagar337. It is to be noted that in

1941, Dr. Adikari, member central committee Polit Bureau and B. L. Bedi had come

to Kashmir338. They had not only brought the National Conference leadership under339their influence but had laid a deep impact on the struggle for freedom in Kashmir .

361

It was on July 13, 1942 that a group of Nationalist leaders influenced

by leftist ideas made their presence felt when they raised the slogans like Bahaduran-

i-rous zindabad, Rous-ki-jung-awam-ki-jung, awam-ki-jung-hamari jung ,340 It was

the first day in the history of Kashmir when the influence of Communist

ideology was openly demonstrated.341 In order to disseminate the communist ideas

the leftist wing of National Conference had founded Kashmir Literary League under

the chairmanship of Gh. Mohi-ud-Din Qara342. They had also organised a forum

called Friends o f Soviet Russia under the presidentship of Khawaja Gh. Muhammad

Sadiq343. The combine secretary of these two forums was a popular journalist of the

State Sati Paul Sahani344.

In 1943, World War 2nd was at its climax, and its destructions had

created a chaos throughout the Europe. The participation of Russia in the war from

the side of Allies had made the latter to gain the sympathies of communists all over

the world. The communists, after the participation of Russia declared it a war for the

sake of democracy against the Facism345. The Leftists of Jammu and Kashmir did not

remain silent in these circumstances. Students Federation declared March 3, 1943, to

be celebrated in the State as Red Army Day346. On this day they organised a

procession of their workers. The processionists while riding on bicycles passed

through the main streets of Srinagar city347. They shouted slogans like Red Army

Payandabad. At evening a mass meeting was organised at Lai Chowk, Srinagar,

wherein a resolution was passed eulogizing Russia and condemning Nazism.348

A few educated people mostly Kashmiri Pandits formed a new

revolutionary body in the State. It was called the Kashmir Socialist Party and came

into being in March, 1942349. The ideologue of this organisation was M. N. Roy, an

362

outstanding Communist leader of the Indian subcontinent. Prominent among those

who founded the party were Prem Nath Bazaz and Kanhaya Lai Kaul351. The

socialists immediately applied themselves to the task of educating the people about

the fundamental problems of economics and politics in order to make them politi­

cally conscious352. A large number of youngmen and college students came under the

influence of the socialists353. By the middle of 1942 another progressive organisation

Young Socialist League came into existence to disseminate knowledge on the subjects

of Philosophy, History, Independence, Democracy and Socialism354. Sham Lai

Yacha, Suna Ullah Shamim, Arjan Nath Chakku, Prithvi Nath Koul, Gh. Muhammad

Kashkari, Lok Nath Kissoo, Dwarika Nath Bhan, Nand Lai Wattal, Brij Nath Safaya,

Gh. Rasool Mir, and Kashi Nath Aima were some of the enthusiastic workers of the

League355. Classes were held under the auspices of the League where scientific

356education on politics was imparted to scores of youngmen

After discussing the emergence and role of different socialist and

communist groups, let us have a focus on the contribution of some progressive poets

who acted as the torch bearers of the Kashmir freedom struggle. The outstanding

socialist poet of the period under discussion was the illustrious son of the soil Ab.

Ahad Azad357. He was bom at village Rangar in Badgam District in 1902358. His

association with the Kashmir Socialist Party afforded him the chance to study the

most modem literature and the trends in the contemporary philosophy and

progressive throught359. All his latent capacities were unfolded360. Being a

revolutionary at heart and a bom profound thinker, he freed himself of all dogmas,

superstitions and prejudices361. He questioned the need of religion, the infallibility of

scriptures and the existence of God . He declared that the sovereignty of man was

350

363

supreme and there was no other power, seen or unseen, over him which could

command his allegiance.363 Explaining the object of his life Azad said:364

To become free, to end tyranny and to abolish superstition;

This is my cherished dream, this is my desire and this is my slogan.

Reviewing the Freedom Movement from early ages to the present days

and the part played by the patriots including himself in it Azad obeserves:365

I have accepted the burden o f ages on my head;

The angels o f the heavens have shuddered at my doggedness ;

I have sipped the blood o f my heart;

But this my head has not, till this day;

Bent low before any one else but thee.

While Mahjur (an outstanding poet who had made a significant

contribution to Kashmir freedom struggle) was wavering between religious humanism366and modernism, Azad courageously preached scientific humanism . He denounced

communal bigotry and religious fanaticism in vehement terms . In his poem shama368(candle) the poet asks and then himself answers:

In this vast expanse o f oneness,

Who is my kin, and who a stranger to me?

A Muslim is to me as good as a Hindu,

My deen is fraternity, my dharma is oneness,

My light is meant fo r one and all...

Azad is no admirer of nationalism. He calls it jugglery and cause of

enmity between man and man . He brackets nationalism and communalism

together370. In his opinion neither the one nor the other can liberate mankind371. He is

364

confident that he was free spiritually as well as intellectually, but is anxious that his

countrymen may also share this freedom with him372.

Azad was a protriot par excellence and a passionate lover of Kashmir.

“Though I know rivers of milk flow in heaven but my mind refuses to forget Sindh,

Ranbiara, Vitasta, Varinag, Ganga and Jumna, the rivers and springs of my

motherland”, he declared.373 Throughout his poetry the poet shed tears of blood over

the enslavement of Kashmir and its people374. But he believes that man is more a

prisoner of his own superstitions, ignorance and prejudices than of any physical or

temporal power375. He exclusively contributed his poems and writings to the columns

of the Hamdard376. Some of his poems have been published in booklet form entitled377Sangarmala in five parts . It is a monumental work of immense importance to

the cultural development of Kashmir and a history of Kashmiri literature.378

Among other poets who had attained fame for their progressive ideas

during the course of our study were Pitambar Nath Dhar Faani, Dina Nath Nadim and

Abdul Satar Gujri. Pitambar Nath Dhar Faani became popular for his radical and

progressive views. He was a graduate and a teacher by profession379. His poems

380reflect a burning desire for the freedom of Kashmir . He wanted to destroy the• j o t

antiquated social, political and economic order . He was a socialist and denied the

382existence of any super natural force A materialist by faith and conviction, he

thought that unless the masses of the Valley were liberated spiritually and culturally,

383the attainment of complete freedom was not possible. Like Azad he liked neither

communalism nor nationalism and considered both as “Chains to bind humanity”384.

A selection of Faani’s poems had been published in three booklets Poshi Daly a

365

(bouquet of flowers), Poshi Bagh (flower garden) and Tarana-i-Zindgi (the song of

life).385

Dina Nath Nadim a graduate and teacher by profession was poet of

communist views386. He started as an Urdu poet but turned to Kashmiri in 1944387 He

was a regular contributor to Kwang Posh or (the saffron flower) a monthly journal-300

run by communists m Kashmir . Besides writing lovely lullabies harping on the

time of freedom, he utilized the folk technique in writing a few labour-chants too389.

One of these addressed to Shah-e-Hamdan runs below:390

O Shahe Hamdan, O Shahe Hamdan

Are we human?

Who says we are?

Winter, imminent

Pockets empty

Cottage, roofless

That too may be

Confiscated

O shahe Hamdan, O shahe Hamdan.

Nadim’s Vaavan Vennum (the wind reported to me) is a strong

condemnation of all those reactionaries who were one way or other trying to exploito n 1

the Kashmir issue to their own advantage Having come from over the hills and the

rocks across the fields and the lakes and having chatted with the mounts and the

woods throughout the length and the breadth of Kashmir, the wind recounts her

impression of the peoples resistance to all outside interference. Reports the Wind:392

366

I have witnessed the eyes o f the Rose red with indignation,

Revolution has infused quite a new vigour into the rills,

The turf I found vying with flowers in zest,

I sensed a new determination in the ever running cascade,

I saw the cypress take a rock-firm stand,

and blades o f grass were rising to their feet.

And, by summing up, the wind emphasizes:

One was the slogan o f the flowers,

Kashmir is ours,

And Kashmiri's bright future is verily ours.

Satar Gujri who wrote under the pen name of Aasi belonged to

milkman class. He had started his life as a labourer and a load-carrier.393 In the

beginning he composed Persian ghazals but influenced by the freedom movement he

turned towards Kashmiri. He composed several poems and songs expressing the urge

of the people for liberation.394 His Siyasi Qaidi or the Mazoor or the “Labourer”

Nawjawanun Se Khitab or an “Address to Youth” are popular poems. Aasi was

known as Mazoor Shair or the “Labour poet”. He was imprisoned for three months in» • • •1942 for his radical views in politics. He died in 1951.

367

R E F E R E N C E S

1. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. II, pp. 54-55.

2. Ibid.

3. Ibid.

4. Prem Nath Bazaz, The History o f Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, pp. 176-177.

5. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, pp. 54-55.

6. Ibid.

7. Ibid.

8. P.N. Bazaz, The History ofStruggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, pp. 176-177.

9. M.Y.Saraf, Kashmiris Fight fo r FreedomI, Vol. I, p. 555.

10. Ibid.

11. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 188.

12. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 326-327.

13. M. Yousuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight fo r FreedomI, p. 553.

14. Ibid. pp. 551-552.

15. Ibid. p. 552.

16. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, pp. 383-384.

17. Ibid.

368

18 M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 553.

19. Ab. Majid Qureshi, Tajdeed-i-Muslim Conference, Srinagar, 1941.

20. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 291. It is to be noted that some journalists asked a questionto Mr. Jinah about the participation of Ahmadies in Muslim Conference and the latter replied, “I have no authority to declare any one a non-Muslim whenhe has the claim of being a Muslim.

21. Statement issued to press vide Saraf, Op. Cit; pp. 553-554.

22. A. M. Qureshi, Tajdeed-i-Muslim Conference, Srinagar, 1941.

23. M. Y. Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 554.

24 Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 80-81.

25. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; pp. 174-175.

26. Saraf. Op. Cit; p. 555.

27. Ibid.

28. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 92.

29. Ibid.

30. See Supra, Chapter-V, sub-heading Political Role.

31. Ibid.

32. Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 148-149.

33. Ibid.

34 Ibid

369

35. Ibid.

36. Hamdard, June 17th, 1941.

37. Ibid.

38. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 149.

39 Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 611.

40 Ibid.

41 Ibid.

42. Javid, Jammu, April 22, 1942.

43 Ibid.

44. Hamdard, Srinagar, April 22, 1944.

45. Ibid.

46. Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 611.

47. Ibid

48. Ibid.

49. Presidential address delivered by Chaudri Gh. Abbas in the first annual session of Muslim Conference on April 19, 1942.

50. Ibid.

51. Ibid.

52. Ibid.

370

53. M.Y. Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 612.

54. Ibid.

55. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 198.

56. Ibid.

57. Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 247-248.

58. Ibid. p. 248.

59. Ibid.

60. Hamdard, August 17, 1943.

61. Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 252-253.

62. Hamdard, August 15, 1943.

63. Al Islah, Srinagar, August 17, 1943; P.N. Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 203. Sir KailashNarain Haksar the Premier of the State served him a notice declaring him apersona non-grata and requiring him to leave the State within 24 hours.

64. Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 252-253.

65. Ibid.

66. Hamdard, Srinagar, August 16 and 17, 1943.

67. Ibid.

68. Ibid.

69. Ibid.

371

70. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 253.

71. Ibid. p. 254.

72. Ibid.

73. Ibid.

74. Ibid.

75. Ibid. p. 174.

76. Ibid. pp. 271-272.

77. Ibid.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid. pp. 290-91.

80. Ibid.

81. M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 626.

82. Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 291-92.

83. Ibid. p. 292.

84. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 292.

85. Ibid.

86. S.M.Abdullah, Atashi-i-Chir

87. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 292.

. 319.

372

88. Al Islah, Srinagar, June, 20, 1944.

89. S.M.Abdullah, Op. Cit; pp. 314-15.

90. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 294.

91. Ibid.

92. Ibid.

93. Ibid.

94. An interview with Jagan Nath Sathu, editor Hamdard, August, 1999.

95. Ibid.

96. Ibid.

97. Speech of A.M.Jinah in the annual session of Muslim Conference held in Muslim Park, Srinagar, June 17, 1944.

98. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 299.

99. Ibid

100. Ibid.

101. Hamdard, Srinagar, June 20, 1944.

102. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; pp. 210-211.

103. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 302.

104. Ibid.

105. Ibid.

373

106. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 214.

107. Ibid.

108. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 302.

109. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 215.

110. Ibid.

111. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 379-80.

112. Ibid.

113. Ibid.

114. Ibid.

115. Ibid.

116. Ibid.

117. Ibid.

118. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 224.

119. Ibid.

120. Ibid.

121. Ibid.

122. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 319.

123. Javid, Jammu, July 5, 1945.

124. Ibid.

125. Presidential address delivered by Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf Shah in the annual session of Muslim Conference held at Poonch, July 3, 1945.

126. Ibid.

127. Ibid.

128. Ibid.

129. Ibid.

130. Ibid.

131. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 402-403.

132. Ibid.

133. Ibid.

134. Ibid. p. 412.

135. Ibid.

136. Ibid.

137. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 412.

138. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 257.

139. Ibid.

140. Ibid.

141. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 321.

375

142. Ibid.

143. S.M.Abdullah, Op. Cit; p. 396.

144. Ibid. pp. 417-418.

145. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 321.

146. Ibid. p. 226.

147. Ibid.

148. An interview with the Khawaja Abdul Salam Dar, Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag, February 15, 1998 (Working Committee Member of Kisan Mazdoor Conference).

149. An interview with Khawaja Abdul Karim Wani, Khushipora, Anantnag,Volunteer of Kisam Mazdoor Conference and the next door neighbour ofAbdul Salam Yatu, President of the Conference, February 13, 1998.

150. Ibid.

151. An interview with Khawaja Abdul Salam Dar of Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag, Working Committee member of the Conference, February 15, 1998. During his interview with the researcher Mr. Dar revealed that even in forties of the 20th century the economic conditions of the peasantry were so weak that some house holds were not in a position even to afford the funeral of their deceased family members. On such occasions the Kisan Conference workers used to raise funds in their respective localities.

152. P.N.Bazaz Op. Cit; p. 226.

153. Hamdard, Srinagar, August 29, 1945.

154. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 226.

376

155. Ibid.

156. Ibid.

157. Ibid.

158. Hamdard, September 19, 1945.

159. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; pp. 226-227.

160. An interview with Khawaja Abdul Salam Dar of Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag, Working Committee member of the Conference, February 15, 1998.

161. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 227.

162. Ibid.

163. An interview with Khawaja Abdul Ghani Magray of village Lalan, Anantnag, Volunteer Corps Commander of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, February 18, 1998.

164. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 227.

165. Ibid.

166. An interview with Baha-ud-Din Shah, the son of a veteran Kisan leader, Habibullah Shah of village Vanihama, Anantnag, February 19, 1998.

167. The researcher personally visited the spot while collecting facts on the rise and role of Kisan Mazdoor Conference in February, 1998.

168. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; p. 227.

169. Ibid.

170. Ibid.

377

171. An interview with Khawaja Ab. Ghani Magray, Volunteer Corps Commanderof the Kisan Mazdoor Conference and retired village patwari, February 18,1998.

172. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 227.

173. Ibid.

174. An interview with Khawaja Abdul Karim Wani of village Khushipora,Anantnag, Age 75 years, Volunteer of the Kisan Mazdoor Conference,February 13, 1998.

175. Ibid.

176. Ibid.

177. P.N. Bazaz, Op. Cit; pp. 227-228.

178. M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 662.

179. Ibid.

180. Hamdard, Srinagar, March, 26, 1946.

181. Ibid.

182. An interview with Abdul Ghani Magray, Volunteer Corps Commander ofKisan Mazdoor Conference, February 18, 1998.

183. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 228.

184. Ibid p. 229.

185. Ibid.

378

186. An interview with Abdul Salam Dar Bulbul, Nowgam, Working Committee member of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, February 18, 1998.

187. Ibid.

188. An interview with Suna Ullah Paray of village Ugjan, Dyalgam, Anantnag, the son of a Veteran Kisan leader Ghulam Muhammad Paray, February 11, 1998.

189. Ibid.

190. Ibid.

191. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 229.

192. Ibid.

193. Ibid.

194. Ibid.

195. Hamdard, Srinagar, April 9, 1946.

196. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 230.

197. Ibid.

198. Ibid.

199. Vitasta, Srinagar, May 20, 1946.

200. Ibid.

201. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 235.

202. Ibid.

203.

204.

205.

206.

207.

208.

209

210

211

212

213

214

215

An interview with Kh. Ab. Ghani Magray, resident of village Lalan, Anantnag, retired village patwari, Volunteer Corps Commander of Kisan Conference, February 18, 1998.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

P. N. Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 235.

An interview with Kh. Ab. Ghani Magray resident of village Lalan, Anantnag, retired village patwari, Volunteer Corps Commander of Kisan Conference, February 18, 1998.

P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 235.

Ibid. pp. 235-236.

Ibid. p. 236.

Ibid.

An interview with Kh. Ab. Ghani Magray resident of village Lalan, Anantnag, retired village patwari, Volunteer Corps Commander of Kisan Conference, February 18, 1998.

Ibid.

Ibid.

An interview with Bahu-ud-Din Shah, the son of Habibullah Shah, a prominent leader of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, resident of village Vanihama, Anantnag, February 19, 1998.

380

217. Ibid.

218. Ibid.

219. Ibid.

220. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; p. 234.

221. Ibid.

222. Ibid.

223 Vitasta, Srinagar, May 11, 1946.

224. Ibid.

225. Ibid.

226. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 237.

227. Ibid.

228. Welcome address delivered by Mr. Ahadullah to the Kabamarg Congress of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, May 11, 1946.

229. Ibid.

230. Ibid.

231. Presidential address delivered by Abdul Salam Yatu to the Kabamarg Congress of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, May 13, 1946.

232. Ibid.

233. Ibid.

381

234. Ibid.

235. Ibid.

236. Ibid.

237. P. N. Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 240.

238. Ibid.

239. Ibid.

240. Hamdard, Srinagar, May 15, 1998.

241. Ibid.

242. Ibid.

243. An interview with Kh. Ab. Ghani Magray, resident of village Lalan, Anantnag, Commander of Volunteer Corps, Kisan Mazdoor Conference, February 18, 1998.

244. Ibid.

245. Ibid

246. Ibid

247. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 241.

248 Ibid.

249. Azad Kashmir, the constitution of Kisan Mazdoor Conference.

250. Ibid.

382

251. Ibid.

252. Ibid.

253. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 24.

254. Naya Kashmir published in 1944.

255. Ibid.

256. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 241.

257. Ibid.

258. Ibid.

259. An interview with Kh. Ab. Karim Warn Kisan volunteer of village Khushipora, Anantnag, February 13, 1998.

260. Ibid.

261. Based on the information collected on the background and ancestry of Kisan

Mazdoor Conference leaders.

262. Azad Kashmir, the constitution of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, published in

1950.

263. An interview with Abdul Salam Dar, Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag Working Committee Member of the Conference, February 15, 1998.

264. Ibid.

265. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; p. 269.

266. Ibid. p. 257.

383

267. Ibid. p. 269.

268. Ibid

269. Ibid.

270. An interview with Kh. Ab. Salam Dar of village Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag, Working Committee Member of Kisan Mazdoor Conference, February 15, 1998.

271. Ibid.

272. Ibid.

273. Ibid.

274. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; p. 270.

275. Ibid.

276. Ibid

277. Ibid.

278. An interview with Bahu-ud-Din Shah retired school teacher and the son of a veteran Kisan leader Habib-ullah Shah, resident of Vanihama, Anantnag, February 18, 1998.

279. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 270.

280. An interview with Abdul Salam Dar of village Bulbul Nowgam, Anantnag, February 15, 1998.

281. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 321.

282. Ibid.

384

283. Resolution of Kisam Mazdoor Conference passed in its Working Committee

meeting on September 5, 1947.

284. P.N.Bazaz. Op. Cit; p. 323.

285. Based on the information collected during the course of interviews with the living workers and leaders of Kisan Mazdoor Conference.

286. An interview with Kh. Ab. Karim Wani, Kisan Volunteer and next door neighbour of Ab. Salam Yatu, the president of Kisan Mazdoor Conference,

age 75 years, February 13, 1998.

287. Ibid.

288. Ibid.

289. Ibid.

290. An interview with Kh. Ab. Karim Warn, Volunteer of Kisan Mazdoor Conference and the next door neighbour of Abdul Salam Yatu, president of

Kisan Mazdoor Conference, age 75 years, February 13, 1998.

291. Ibid.

292. Ibid.

293. Ibid.

294 Ibid.

295. Ibid.

296. JKA, Political Department, File No, 166/102 C of 1921.

297. F.M.Hassanain, British Policy Towards Kashmir, p. 14.

385

298.

299.

300.

301.

302.

303.

304.

305.

306.

307.

308.

309.

310.

311.

312

313.

314.

315.

F.M.Hassanain, History o f the Freedom Struggle in Kashmir, p. 111.

Ibid.

Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 210-211.

Ibid.

M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 258.

Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 210-211.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; pp. 657-58.

Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 210-211.

Ibid.

M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 658.

Taseer, Op. Cit; pp. 210-211.

Ibid.

Ibid.

316. Taseer Op. Cit; p. 212.

317. Ibid. p. 200.

318. M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 657.

319. Taseer, Op. Cit; Vol. II, p. 200.

320. Ibid.

321. Ibid. p. 212.

322. Ibid.

323. Ibid.

324. Ibid.

325. Ibid.

326. M.Y. Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 659.

327. Ibid.

328. Ibid.

329. Ibid.

330. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 212.

331. Ibid.

332. M.Y.Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 659.

333. Ibid.

334. Ibid.

335. Ibid.

336. Manzoor Fazli, Socialist Ideas and Movements in Kashmir, p.

337. Ibid.

338. Taseer, Op. Cit; p. 209.

339. Ibid.

340. Ibid. It is to be noted that it was the anniversary of the 13 July, 1931, martyrs.

341. Ibid.

342. Ibid. pp. 311-312.

343. Ibid.

344. Ibid. pp. 232-233.

345. Ibid. pp. 232-233.

346. Ibid.

347. Ibid.

348. Ibid.

349. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 195.

350. See Appendix C.

351. Ibid.

352.

353.

354.

355.

356.

357.

358.

359.

360.

361.

362.

363.

364.

365.

366.

367.

368.

369.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

P. N. Pushp, The Reflection o f Freedom Struggle in Kashmiri verse vide Yasin andRafiqi, Op. Cit; p. 215.

P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 300.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Kuliyat-i-Azad, pp. 225-226.

Ibid.

P.N.Bazaz Op. Cit; p. 300.

Ibid.

Kuliyat-i-Azad, p. 67.

P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 301.

Ibid.

389

370. Ibid.

371. Ibid.

372 Ibid.

373. Kuliyat-i-Azad, p.

374. It is obvious from the poetry of Azad.

375. The fact is amply bome out by the following couplet from a poem of Azad vide Kuliyat, p. 231.

Duti bram pannavi karau, divan ch.uk kesmatik barau,

Tar an chuk pranvi tarau, lagi kati tar insanau?

Trans: oh, man you are misled by your deeds but you blame your destiny. You have adopted the path of tradition, how could you overcome the new challenges?

376. P.N.Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 302

377. Ibid.

378. Ibid. p. 304.

379. Professor P.N.Pushp. The Reflection o f Freedom Struggle in Kashmir Verse, vide Yasin and Rafiqi, Op. Cit; p. 215.

380. P. N. Bazaz, Op. Cit; p. 305.

381. Ibid.

382. Ibid.

383. Ibid.

390

384. Ibid.

385. Ibid.

386. Somnath Dhar, Freedom struggle of Jammu and Kashmir State as seen on folklore, vide, Yasin and Rafiqi Op. Cit; pp. 226-228.

387. P.N.Pushp, Op. Cit; p. 306.

388. Ibid.

389. Professor. P.N.Bazaz, The Reflection o f freedom Struggle in Kashmiri Verse

vide Yasin and Rafiqi, Op. Cit; pp. 217-218.

390. Ibid.

391. Vaavan Vennum, a poem composed by Dina Nath Nadim.

392. Ibid.

393. Somnath Dhar, Freedom Struggle as seen in Folklore, vide Yasin and Rafiqi,

Op. CiV, p. 229.

394. P. N. Bazaz, Op. CiV, p. 302.

395. Ibid. p. 305.

391