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FORMATION OF MUSLIM CONFERENCE (1932)
II. FORMATION OF MUSLIM CONFERENCE ( 1 9 3 2 )
The sigh goes up to the sky to fetch benevolence.O Ye clouds, move aside to clear the way to heavens.
(Agha Hasher Kashmiri)
The preceding pages make it abundantly clear that the Muslim
community of Kashmir was groaning under deep-rooted resentment against the
oppressive, dictatorial and communal character of Dogra rule. However, because of
the autocratic nature of the Dogra rule and the poverty of the political consciousness
of the Muslim community of Kashmir together with the absence of any solid support
from any power outside, the Muslims, for a long time, failed to put up an organized
struggle to free themselves from the shackles of the Dogra Raj. True, when the
oppression touched limits, they did show not only passive reaction1 but also
sometimes raised open revolts like the Shawlbaf revolt o f 1865, but these reactions
lacked organized character. It was in the twenties of the present century that the signs
of political consciousness showed visible indications. This was obviously the result
of growing literacy rate among the Muslims of Kashmir particularly the attainment of
higher education by many of them from different Indian Universities which were
simultaneously the power-houses of freedom movement of India. At the same time,
the support of the Muslims of Punjab to Kashmiri Muslims became highly
pronounced with the beginning of the twenties of the present century. The silk
factory revolt of 1924 and the secret submission of a memorandum by some
prominent Muslims of Kashmir to Lord Reading, the Indian Viceroy, (in which they
demanded the redressal of social, economic and political grievances), were the
obvious fall outs of this perceptible consciousness among the educated section of the
112
Muslim community. However, instead of perceiving the emergence of growing
resentment among the Muslims, particularly among the educated youth, and
providing a healing touch to them, the Maharaja tightened screws of oppressive and
autocratic rule, when he exiled the memorialists and severely punished silk factory
workers. There was no source of expression2 and even ban was imposed on the entry
of Indian Muslim press in Kashmir3. This suffocating situation moved even some
high officials who were having a humanistic bent of mind. Among them Sir Albion
Banerji, a Bengali Brahman who was a Senior Minister of the Executive Council of
the Maharaja will remain memorable in the histoiy of Kashmir. While not tolerating
the inhuman attitude meted out to Kashmiri Muslims, he resigned and explaining the
reasons of his resignation before pressmen, he exposed the Maharaja’s communal,
oppressive and autocratic rule4. His Statement was published in English press on
15th March, 1929 creating havoc5. This fearless criticism of the Dogra Raj by its own
Senior Minister while shaking the Maharajas autocratic rule also encouraged the
educated Muslim Youth of the Valley to come out for putting up an organized fight
against the policies of the Dogra Raj6. The itch for freedom had become so strong
that the persecuting measures of the rulers' and their policy to launch a
disinformation campaign through their favourities - both Hindus and Muslims - to
vainly prove their rule as the most enlightened one could not succeed in averting it8.
Since the formation of political associations was banned in Kashmir,
the India - returned Muslim educated youth formed what is known as the Reading
Room Party,9 in the garb of which they wanted a platform to bring all the educated
youth together for devising ways and means to fight out the injustice done to the
Muslim community in general and the educated Muslim youth in particular10.
113
Reading Room members succeeded in attracting a large number of
educated Muslim youth., consequent upon this a committee was constituted to run the
Reading Room Party on a solid basis. The President and General Secretary of this
committee were M.Rajab and S. M Abdullah respectively. The members of the
Committee included Hakim Ali Peerzada, Ghulam Rasool, Pir Ahmad Shah Fazli,
Hakim Ghulam Murtaza and Mufti Jalal-ud-Din11. In the initial days, the Reading
Room Party focussed its attention to publish the horrifying tale of Kashmiri Muslims1 0through Indian and foreign press .
The Reading Room Party also submitted a memorandum to the
Regency Council headed by Mr. Wakefield13. The Government, took cognizance of
the memorandum and invited the leaders of the Party for discussion14. Though the
Government did nothing substantial to redress the grievances of the educated
Muslims, yet the latter felt encouraged by making their presentation before the
council15. The Government was also impressed by the arguments put forth by the
Reading Room Party members. Wakefield had even expressed it which subsequently
became known to the Muslim leaders16.
The Reading Room Party continued its press campaign against the
policies of the Maharaja with the help of Punjabi Muslim intellectuals and editors17.
The communal attitude of the Maharaja against the Muslim community particularly
in its recruitment policy, which was highlighted through the press by the Reading
Room Party, not only made the latter most popular among the people but also
accelerated the pace of consciousness among the Kashmiri Muslims18.
114
The leaders of the Party also organized secret public meetings in which
they exhorted the people to cultivate a spirit of sacrifice without which freedom
would be a distant dream. For example, in one of his speeches, Shaikh, in his attempt
to appeal to the emotions, of his audience said:19
I said that the only alternative to get rid of this deplorable situation is that Muslims shall have to remain ready for any kind of sacrifice. As long as the fear of jail torture and persecution will cultivate cowardliness among the people, till then there is no hope for the redressal of the problems of Kashmiri Muslims. I also said that for test I will offer myself in the first instance and God willing, I shall be ready to face any kind of sacrifice.
To the good fortune of the Reading Room Party, many sensational
developments took place one after another helping it to mobilize masses openly for
which it had been waiting anxiously since its inception. These events were: ban on
Eid Khutba in Jammu on 29th April, 1931,20 Tauhin-i-Quran (disrespect of Quran) in
Jammu21 and ban on Friday prayers in a village of Jammu22 by the supporters of
23Dogra rulers . This created strong resentment and the Muslim leaders did not loose
the chance to cash it for mobilizing the people against the Raj24.
While co-operating with the Young Men’s Muslim Association of
Jammu, the Reading Room Party distributed the posters published by the former,
25exhorting the Muslims to take out processions and to observe hartals . This naturally
incurred the wrath of the Government and a worker of the Party Muhammad Ismail
was arrested26. The arrest created a strong reaction among the masses who had
already grown sentimental because of the Jammu incidents. The Muslim leaders came
27out openly and delivered fierce speeches against the Government . When the
Government failed to persuade the leaders, it let loose its reign of persecution. One of
its victims was S.M.Abdullah who was suspended from Government service28. This
115
further increased the popularity of the Shaikh and other leaders of the Reading Room
Party among the masses who too got a sense of sacrifice by these incidents29.
The dismissal of Shaikh and the popularity he gained within Kashmir,
emboldened him further to take up the cause of Kashmiri Muslims. He organized
public meetings in different parts of Srinagar city which used to be attended by
thousands of people30. It may not be out of place to mention here that in this
endeavour, S.M.Abdullah received whole-hearted support from Mirwaiz Yousuf
Shah - the Mirwaiz of the time31.
One such big gathering was on 21 June, 1931 which was organized at
Khanqah-i-Maula. “This gathering” in the words of the Shaikh “should be considered
the formal inauguration of the freedom movement of Kashmir”.32 It was at this
historic gathering that a representative body of the Muslims of Kashmir was elected.
It comprised of seven prominent Muslims of Kashmir - Khawaja Sad-ud-Din Shawl,
Mirwaiz Muhammad Yousuf Shah, Mirwaiz Atiq-Ullah Hamadani, Agha Syed
Hassan Shah Jalali, Khawaja Ghulam Ahmad Ashai, S.M.Abdullah and Shahab-
ud-Din33.
At the end of the Khanqah-i-Maula Meeting, an out-sider, Abdul Qadir,
a butler of a European official delivered an emotional speech against the
Government34. He was arrested by the police the next day and ordered to be tried in
Central Jail. On 13th July, 1931, before the trial started, a large crowd gathered
outside the prison walls. When the Session Judge and other officials arrived, the mob
became uncontrollable and some of the Muslims forced their way into the outer
compound of the jail. The District Magistrate who had also come by this time,
116
ordered the arrest of some of the ring leaders of the mob. The arrests highly excited
the crowd who demanded the release of their leaders, and when the demand was not
met, the crowd became restive and threw stones. The Magistrate on duty ordered to
open fire which resulted into the cold-blooded massacre of twenty two Muslims and
35 •scores of demonstrators received bullet injuries . This caused great uproar in the
Valley. One of the unfortunate fall-outs of the 13th July public reaction was the
occurrence of communal riots which further widened the gulf between the Hindus
and the Muslims36.
“Historically and politically” to quote P.N.Bazaz, “ 13 July, 1931, was
the most important day in the annals of contemporary Kashmir. From this day the
struggle for independence and freedom in the most modern sense started openly37”.
The incident of 13 th July shook the whole State including the administration. It
unnerved the Maharaja38. The arrest of the Muslim representatives soon after the jail
incident added fuel to the fire; wild excitement held the people in its grip. 13 July,
1931, saw the beginning of the gigantic force of mass movement39.
The publication of the 13 July news in the Lahore Muslim press sent a
wave of indignation all over Muslim India resulting in protest meetings and
processions in almost every city, town and important village, expressing sympathy
and solidarity with the Muslims of Kashmir and calling upon the British Government
to dispose off Hari Singh and take the State under its direct administration. Press
Statements were issued by all prominent Muslim leaders condemning the outrage and
40assuring Kashmiri Muslims of their full support .
117
In order to coordinate these activities in various parts of India, M irz:
Bashir-ud-Din Mahmud Ahmad, Amir of the Jamat-i-Ahmadiya taking initiative
convened a meeting of some leading Muslims at Simla on 25th July, 1931 to consider
the situation41. It was in this historic meeting that the foundation of All India Kashmir
Committee was laid which later on played a dynamic role in Kashmir politics42.
In response to the call given by the Kashmir Committee Kashmir Day
was celebrated both within and outside the Valley on August 14, 1931. On this day,
complete hartal was observed in the Valley and a procession was held at Martyrs,
Graveyard in Srinagar which was attended by thousands of men, women and
children43. S.M.Abdullah in his address paid tributes to the martyrs of 13th July and
directed the masses to follow their path with patience and courage. He started his
lecture with the following verses:44
O ye heavens, thy commotion had only,
Deprived the dead nation o f its body and soul,
O ye ancient heavens, those whom we fed with our heart, blood,
Have only been dissolved into a river o f blood,
The multi-coloured flowers o f this beautiful garden o f Kashmir,
Have been buried unnoticed and ruthlessly,
The wives o f paragon Muslims hcn>e been molested,
The enemies o f Islam have set in motion a storm.
When the Government, failed to check the growing wave of resentment,
it sought the support of Punjabi Muslims for the restoration of peace in the Valley. It
was at the request of Kashmir Darbar that Syed Mehar Shah, a prominent Punjabi
118
Muslim came to Kashmir and it was due to his efforts that an accord was signed
between the Government and Muslim representatives45. The accord and the
consequent truce was used by the Muslim leaders to strengthen the roots of the
movement among the masses as they under-took extensive tours of the Valley during
this period46.
Soon after signing the accord, pro-Dogra elements launched a
disinformation movement against the Muslim representatives that they had been
purchased by the Government. The propaganda definitely bore fruit as it created
tremendous resentment among the people47, which, besides other things, speaks, in
unmistakable terms of the consciousness that had developed at the gross-root level, so
much so, that the Muslim leaders became obliged to convene a public meeting at
Jamai Masjid on 29th August, 1931, to convince the people about their pro-people
unshakable stand48. After a few days S.M.Abdullah alongwith Khawaja Sad-ud-Din
Shawl and Khawaja Ghulam Ahamad Ashai visited Baramullah, Sopore and
Islamabad. During these tours, peace committees were framed which later on helped
in launching an organized struggle49.
It was during this period that the preparations for the annual session of
Anjuman-i-Nusrat-ul-Islam were being made and S.M.Abdullah took upon himself
the task of collecting funds from the people for this purpose50. In the garb of raising
funds the Shaikh organised public meetings in which he criticized the policies of the
State to sustain the political consciousness of the Kashmiri Muslims. In reaction to
this S.M.Abdullah was again arrested on 21 December, 193151. The arrest of the
Shaikh (who had by now become a popular leader of the Muslim masses) evoked
widespread resentment among the people of the Valley. Processions were taken out
119
and hartals observed in every nook and comer of Kashmir . In order to maintain the
spirit of the movement, a war council was formed under the Dictatorship of Mufti
* 53 • •Jalal-ud-Din . However, no sooner did the public gathering which elected the war
council came out of Khanqah Maula, than Mufti Jalal-ud-Din was arrested and the
public was fired upon, which resulted in four deaths of innocent Muslims. In reaction
to this, people took to the streets at Gaw Kadal and Basant Bagh. They too were fired
upon by the Dogra army causing eight causalties. The reactions to the atrocities
committed by the Dogra army were felt far and wide in the Valley. Public
demonstrations were held at different places and sadly enough the mob was charged
with fire at Islamabad and Shopian54.
The open revolt of the people continued unabated though no stone was
left unturned by the Government to suppress it. Maulvi Yousuf Shah, the Mirwaiz of
Kashmir, gave a call for Jehad which evoked a tremendous response. The people
came out with axes, swords, daggers, and as a matter of fact with whatever tools
that were available to them in their respective homes. The ‘armed’ demonstrators
assembled at Khanyar55. The mood of the people unnerved the Government. Good
sense prevailed upon the Government when it restrained its forces from taking any
action against the demonstrators which would have otherwise resulted in mass
massacre56.
Viewing the mass support which the Kashmiri Muslim leadership
enjoyed beyond their expectations, it was considered timely to launch the movement
in a systematic way by establishing a political organization for the purpose. The
57Kashmiri Muslim leaders consulted the Jammu leaders as well as the leaders of the
Kashmir Committee who assured their full cooperation in this regard58. Immediately
120
a sub-committee of Muslim leaders was constituted to frame the draft of the
constitution of the proposed organization59. For its ratification, a convention of
Muslim leaders was convened at Pather Masjid, Srinagar from 14 to 16 October,
1932. The convention, while ratifying the draft constitution, also suggested and
approved the name of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference for the new
organization60. Thus in the words of Waliullah Zain-ul-Abidin:61
The Kashmiris who were considered a dead nation for three centuries have risen again and are today a living nation. During the last year, they have offered great sacrifices in their struggle for people’s demands. The whole world is amazed to see that a nation which had fallen in the cave of slumber for centuries and the nation which was considered uncivilized has again obtained its place in the community of nations. Today, the hoisting of the green flag with crescent opens a new chapter in the history of Kashmir. As such, it is the duty of the Kashmiris to see that it remains hoisted always. This flag of the conference is the harbinger of love, peace and brotherhood among all the communities living in the State and it is the guarantor of peace, progress and happiness for all subjects of the Maharaja.
121
R E F E R E N C E S
I. For instance, the peasantry refused to pay the heavy tax and to cultivate theland. For further details, see Lawrence, Valley o f Kashmir, pp. 404- 420.
1 JKA, File No. 68/ 102-C of 192.
?. Ghulam Hassan Khan, Freedom Movement in Kashmir (1931-1940), p. 159.
4. See Chapter - 1, sub heading Nature o f the State.
5. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 45.
6. Ibid. p. 46.
For persecuting measures see S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 97.
S. In this context, the rejoinder published on behalf of Agha Sayed Hussain,General Sumander Khan, Col. Ghulam Ali Shah and Mirza Ghulam Mustafa to disapprove of the realities about Kashmir Government, expressed by Sir Albion Banerji before the press conference at Lahore on 15th March, 1929 is worth mentioning; see Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 45-46.
9. Bazaz, The History o f Struggle for Freedom in Kashmir, p. 148; Dastawaizat,p. 10; Atash-i-Chinar, p. 48.
10. “In fact, the establishment of the Reading Room Parly' was an excuse. The basic purpose was that under its garb we could get together and an opportunity of discussing different matters would emerge. This did happen and we held discussions on the problems of government services and the conditions prevailing in the country. We would burst into tears while thinking over the conditions prevailing in Kashmir”, see S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 48.
II. Ibid. p. 48.
12. Ibid. p. 57.
122
13. Ibid. p. 51.
14. Ibid. p. 52.
15. Ibid. p. 45-46.
16. Ibid. p. 54.
17. Ibid. pp. 57-58
18. Ibid. pp. 58-59.
19. Ibid. pp. 62.
20. On April 29, 1931, when the Muslims were busy in a prayer meeting on the Eid-Day, a sub-inspector of police Babu Khem Chand, tried to stop the Imam from reading out the Khutba. The sub-inspector warned the Imam that he should stop delivering a political speech. The Sub-Inspector’s behaviour was taken as an affront by the Muslims and a hue and cry was raised throughout the State against the incident. The Kashmiri Musalman, Lahore, weekly, May10, 1931; P.N.Bazaz, The Histoiy o f Struggle For Freedom in Kashmir, p. 152; S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 67.
21. It so happened that on the morning of July 4, 1934 at an hour when accordingto the standing orders all bedding should have been rolled up and put away bythe constables of the jail guards at the Central Jail, Jammu, a Muslim constable. Fazeldin was found sitting on his bedding, reading the holy Quran. The Head constable, Lakha Ram, remonstrated with him about rolling up his bedding. When he threw the bedding on his box, the Punjsura fell upon the ground. The Indian Nation, Patna, July, 4,1931; S. M. Abdullah, Atash-i- Chinar, pp. 67-68.
22. Another incident occurred at Dogre in Sambha Tehsil about 15 miles from Jammu. A water tank there, was jointly used by Hindu Brahmins and the Muslim weavers. In order to offer their Eid-prayrs, the Muslims began to draw water from the tank, as had been their practice earlier for performing the ablutions. When the Hindus saw the Muslims using the water, they came out
123
of their houses with sticks in their hands to prevent the Muslims from doingso. The police on duty intervened, and made enquiries into “the previouspractice, finding that all Muslims used to perform their ablutions at the tank”. G. R. Raghavan. The Warning in Kashmir, Op. Cit; p. 72.
23. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 68.
24. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, P. 152; S. M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 68-72.
25. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p 68.
26. Ibid.
27. Ibid. pp. 69-72.
28. Ibid. pp. 77.
29. It was during these days that the daily Inqilab published from Lahore attached the name of Sher-i-Kashmir with S. M. Abdullah, Ibid. pp. 77-78.
30. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 77.
31. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p.71.
32. Ibid. p 82
33. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 152; Taseer, Vol. I p. 95; S. M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p.84.
34. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, pp. 152-153; S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 84-85.
35. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 153; S. M. Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 89.
124
36. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 9292; P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 154.
37. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 154.
38. Ibid. p. 155.
39. Ibid.
40. See Chapter - I, sub-heading External Support.
41. P.N.Bazaz, The History o f Struggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 156; S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, p. 102; Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. I, pp. 141-42.
About seven thousand to eight thousand protest telegrams were sent to the Maharaja by Muslim individuals and organizations from all over India. Thousands of telegrams were also addressed to the Viceroy urging him for immediate intervention, Inqilab, Lahore, 23 August, 1931.
42. See Chapter - 1, sub-heading External Support.
43. Ibid.
44. Taseer, Tahrik-i-Hurriyat-i-Kashmir, Vol. I, p. 142.
45. S.M.Abdullah, Atash-i-Chinar, pp. 104-05; P.N.Bazaz, The History o fStruggle fo r Freedom in Kashmir, p. 156.
46. S.M.Abdullah, Op. Cit; pp. 105-107
47. S.M.Abdullah, Op. Cit; p 108.
48. Ibid. p. 110.
To undo the propaganda launched by the pro-Dogra elements for eroding the image of the leaders who signed the accord, Shaikh Abdullah said in the
125
meeting, “was it not a victory for them (Muslim representatives) that an autocratic government came down to sign an accord with the Muslim representatives”.
49. Ibid. p. 110.
50. Ibid. p. 111.
51. Ibid. p. 112.
52. Ibid.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid. pp. 113-114.
55. Ibid. pp. 115-116.
56. Ibid. p. 116.
57. Ibid. p. 156.
58. Taseer, Op. Cit; Vol. I, pp. 245-246.
59. S.M.Abdullah, Op. Cit; p. 156; Taseer, Op. Cit; Vol. I, pp. 245-246.
60. S.M.Abdullah, Op. Cit; p. 157, Saraf, Op. Cit; p. 482; Bazaz, Inside Kashmir, p. 183.
61. Speech of Wali Ullah Zain-ul-Abidin, a Punjabi Muslim leader, on the flaghoisting ceremony of Muslim Conference, at Srinagar, dated October 15,1932.
126