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PB 04 - 5/17| 1© Centre for Human Rights and Policy Studies
About This BriefThis policy brief originates from a study
conducted on the Effectiveness of Alternative Community Led
Security Mechanisms in Dar es Salaam Tanzania. The views expressed
in this policy brief are exclusively those of the author.
1. IntroductionSecurity provision, such as the protection of
people from crimes has traditionally been regarded a domain of the
State. This, however, is no longer the case in that – security is
currently provided and organized in different ways by the
collection of formal, informal, commercial or voluntary
establishments. In other words, security is now provided by a
multiplicity of actors. The provision and organization of security
takes different forms in diverse communities and locations – rural
and/or urban, affluent and/or low income neighbourhoods. In
addition to the presence of state security, for example, affluent
areas are well positioned to pay for security services provided by
private security companies and individuals. This, however, is not a
case in vulnerable low income neighbourhoods where there is less
presence of the state police and police patrols.
Accordingly, in Dar es Salaam, relatively low income
neighbourhoods of Changanyikeni sub-ward in Kinondoni district and
Kigeni Chini sub-ward in Ilala district have established
community-led security mechanisms. In Changanyikeni, a
community-led security mechanism known as Jirani Tujilinde
(neighbourhood watch) popularly called JITU, operated from 2000 to
2007. Later, in 2008 Changanyikeni switched to another mechanism
called ulinzi shirikishi (participatory security), which was also
adopted by Kigezi Chini during the same period. Ulinzi shirikishi
started widely operating from 2006 in several urban areas as a
response to rising concerns about the increase of crimes against
persons and properties, and criticism regarding corruption and
unsatisfactory performance the police force (URT, 2013; James,
2013).¹ For this particular brief, the analysis of JITU and Ulinzi
Shirikishi is confined to Changanyikeni and Kigezi Chini.
2. Establishment of JITU and Ulinzi Shirikishi: Roots and
DriversThe formation of JITU and ulinzi shirikishi needs to be
understood in connection with the increase of security challenges
in rapidly growing urban areas, such as Dar es Salaam, Mbeya,
Arusha and Mwanza, which host nearly 20% of the Tanzanian
population (United Republic of Tanzania (URT), 2013). The 2000
survey of the Safer City Project indicated that many residents of
Dar es Salaam are less safe. According to the survey, burglary is
the ‘most prevalent’ form of crime, ‘with 43% of the victims saying
their households were burgled over the past five years’ (Louw,
Robertshaw & Mtani, 2000, p. 13). Other crimes prevalent in the
city of Dar es Salaam include theft, assault, vehicle theft and
hijacking. In the view of the said, the question about rising
security challenges in urban areas is gendered given that women are
the most vulnerable to thefts than men (Louw, Robertshaw &
Mtani, 2000; 2001).
It was in response to increasing incidents of crimes and
insecurities that in 2000 residents of Changanyikeni Magharibi
(West) resolved to establish JITU to address crimes in their
neighbourhood. It should be noted here, however, that the immediate
factor leading to the establishment of JITU was a 2000 incident of
break-in in a household of a resident who had just moved to
Changanyikeni to live in a rented house. The resident shouted for
help, but no one woke up at night to assist. Thus, residents of
Changanyikeni Magharibi established JITU, which made it compulsory
for all abled men aged between 18 to 60 years to wake up at night
to provide security.
On the other hand, ulinzi shirikishi emerged in 2006 in response
to a nationa-wide outcry about increased crimes against property
and persons. Residents also decried corruption and unsatisfactory
performance of the police (URT, 2013; James, 2013). Ulinzi
shirikishi thus needs to be understood as one of the initiatives
emanating from police reforms which started in 2006. Nonetheless,
domestication and implementation of the security mechanism remains
in the hands of community members in each respective administrative
area. For example, it is the community
______________________________________
1 In Tanzania, Mtaa (sub-ward) refers to an urban or town
administrative area below a ward. On the contrary, a ward is an
administrative area below a division, and a division is
administrative area below a district, which is an administrative
area below a region.
Options for strengthening JITU and Ulinzi Shirikishi as
community-led security mechanisms in Dar es SalaamDr. William John
Walwa
Policy Brief No. 4. May 2017
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PB 04 - 5/17 ׀ 2 © Centre for Human Rights and Policy
Studies
that decides on the amount and mode of household contributions
to sustain ulinzi shirikishi. The police play an advisory role,
such as training youths recruited to serve in the patrol units and
advising the community regarding best ways to manage and sustain
established ulinzi shirikishi.
3. Effectiveness of JITU and Ulinzi Shirikishi in providing
security
Changanyikeni and Kigezi Chini do not have police stations and
residents of these areas complain that they only see the police
when an insecurity incident is reported and that the police never
come in time. Thus, the presence of JITU and ulinzi shirikishi
helps to reduce the security threats and fill a vacuum left by the
police.
Community members raised concern that the police are few and the
police stations are located far away, making it difficult to come
in time when incidents of insecurity are reported. For instance,
the distance from Kigezi to Chanika where a police station is
located is about 8 kilometres and according to residents, the
police station does not have a vehicle. It is on this basis that
ulinzi shirikishi has social licence in areas like Changanyikeni
and Kigezi Chini.
The operation and perceived effectiveness of ulinzi shirikishi
connect to the question about gender. Most of the victims of the
insecurity in urban areas are women. Not surprisingly therefore, it
is in the interest of women to see ulinzi shirikishi work. Even
though women do not directly participate in patrol units at night,
they view ulinzi shirikishi as a security approach which is closer
to them and the community in general.
About 13 suspects were arrested by patrol units in Changanyikeni
and Kigezi Chini during the period from January to October 2015.
Ulinzi shirikishi in Changanyikeni arrested 6 suspected burglars
and handed them to police while in Kigezi Chini 7 suspects were
arrested between January to October 2015. This signifies that the
presence of Ulinzi Shirikishi helps to address security concerns,
which would hardly be addressed by the police who are few and whose
stations are located far away from many neighbourhoods.
In practice, however, JITU is hard to organize and operate in a
complex community with a large number of households. JITU operated
smoothly for the period of about seven years when there was a small
number of households that knew each other. However, when the
population and the number of households increased, it proved
difficult, if not almost impossible, to organize and mobilize all
households to provide security at night.
JITU did not have a clear and predictable plan of leadership
succession andwas not attached to a formal administrative structure
of local governments at the Mtaa and ward levels. This made the
security initiative susceptible to problems of leadership
succession. In 2005 when the chairperson of JITU wanted to retire
from his position, he informed the community about this intention,
but nobody volunteered to replace him. This is unlike Ulinzi
shirikishi, which has a clear and predictable leadership succession
arrangement since it is attached to the local government
administrative structure at the mtaa and ward levels. The interface
between JITU, ulinzi shirikishi and the State avoids operational
conflicts and makes the two community-led security
initiatives more effective. The Police Commissioner responsible
for community policing commended ulinzi shirikishi for helping to
bring great impact in addressing security concerns and
complementing activities of the police. In his view, people’s trust
in the police has significantly increased and the number of crimes
has declined in comparison to the period when ulinzi shirikishi had
not been established. The Commissioner maintained: “Community
members can now volunteer to mobilise resources to construct police
stations in their areas. People can now volunteer to give their
land to be used to construct police stations.” Commanders of ulinzi
shirikishi have been given mobile phone numbers of the Officer
Commanding Stations (OCSs) serving Changanyikeni and Kigezi Chini.
The police too have cell phone numbers of commanders and assistant
commanders of ulinzi shirikishi. The OCSs have too shared their
phone numbers with mtaa chairpersons. Patrol units of ulinzi
shirikishi use phone numbers of the OCSs to seek assistance when
they arrest or come across suspected criminals.
Recent incidents involving attacks on police stations has
however tarnished the established close relationship and
cooperation between the police and ulinzi shirikishi. In Dar es
Salaam, Stakishari police station in Ukonga was attacked leading to
the deaths of four police officers, two civilians and one auxiliary
army officer (Mwillo & Chilongola, 2015; Habari Leo 2015). This
police station is also sometimes used to serve Kigezi Chini. Youths
involved in ulinzi shirikishi complained that ever since this
attack, their relationship with the police has negatively changed.
It is alleged that one of the leaders of ulinzi shirikishi was
involved in engineering the seizure of Stakishari Police Station.
In effect, the police are now suspicious working with patrol units,
and that they sometimes have been carrying out patrols alone.
JITU and ulinzi shirikishi serve to promote and enhance social
cohesion – considering that they bring together community members
to find solutions to their security and related problems. During
JITU day, for example, residents of Changanyikeni have opportunity
to know each other and find solutions to problems of common
interest. The same can be said about ulinzi shirikishi, which is
conceived by Mtaa Assemblies providing avenue for residents to know
each other and deliberate on security and related problems of
common interest. Thus, an avenue provided by JITU and ulinzi
shirikishi creates and strengthens cohesion of social groups with
diverse backgrounds in terms of origin.
Ulinzi shirikishi specifically serves to provide solutions to
the question of youth unemployment. Groups of youths providing
security at night receive monthly honoraria arising from
contributions of communities. The monthly pay is a significant
source of income to compliment other informal activities that
youths engage with during the day. Ulinzi shirikishi, therefore,
allows unemployed youths to be productive by working at night to
provide security.
Further, ulinzi shirikishi is a potential avenue that can help
to engage youths in finding solutions to the question about violent
extremism (VE). An existing network of youth serving in ulinzi
shirikishi are well positioned to provide intelligence information
that can be used to unveil possible cases of VE. The same can be
used to offer and disseminate CVE narratives to other youth that
are not taking part in patrol units.
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PB 04 - 5/17| 3© Centre for Human Rights and Policy Studies
4. Policy Recommendations
The effectiveness of community-led security initiatives will be
dependent on the commitment of elected leadership capable of
mobilising community members to contribute and participate directly
or indirectly to ulinzi shirikishi. • The government, political
parties and other stakeholders should promote and build a strong
leadership base that can allow the election of leaders who can
sustain community- led security mechanisms at the local level.
Sustainability of ulinzi shirikishi will depend on raising
awareness regarding its mandate, and mobilisation of all community
members to contribute to its activities. Several people resist to
contribute to activities of ulinzi shirikishi thinking that it is
part of the municipal auxiliary police. Ulinzi shirikishi will only
be more effective and sustainable when all community members will
realize that it is their own security initiative. • The government,
CSOs, the police and political parties should build and promote
awareness of people regarding ulinzi shirikishi.
Effectiveness and sustainability of ulinzi shirikishi will
depend on careful selection, loyalty and commitment of youths
involved in ulinzi shirikishi. There are already rumours that some
people involved in ulinzi shirikishi are responsible for incidents
like recent attacks of police stations. • Security committees, the
government and communities at the local levels need to address such
concerns to help strengthening already established cooperation
between the police and ulinzi shirikishi.
ReferencesCross, Charlotte. 2014. Community Policing Through
Local Collective Action in Tanzania: Sungusungu to Ulinzi
Shirikishi. University of Sussex. Dupont, Benoˆit., Grabosky, Peter
& Shearing, Clifford. 2003. The governance of security in weak
and failing states. Criminal Justice, 3 (4), p. 331–349. Fleisher,
Michael. L. 2000. Sungusungu: State-sponsored village vigilante
groups among the Kuria of Tanzania. Africa, 70 (2), pp.209-28
Habari Leo. 2015. Hongera Polisi Kunasa Majambazi Stakishari. July
22. Heald, Suzette. 2005. State, Law, and Vigilantism in Northern
Tanzania. African Affairs, 105 (419), pp. 265-283. Heald, Suzette.
2002. Domesticating Leviathan: Sungusungu Groups in Tanzania.
Crisis State Program, 16, pp. 1-29.Kibasso, John. 2015. Nani
Wanaohusika uporaji wa silaha, kuuwa polisi vituoni? Nipashe,
January 31, 2015.Louw, Antoinette., Robertshaw, Rory & Mtani,
Anna. W. 2001.
Victim Surveys as a Basis for City Safety Strategies. African
Security Review, Vol. 10 (1)
Louw, Antoinette., Robertshaw, Rory & Mtani, Anna. W. 2000.
Crimes in Dar es Salaam: Results of a City Victim Survey and in
Depth Interviews on Violence Against Women.
http://www.unhabitat.org/downloads/docs/1827_64144_darcrime.pdf.
Mushi, Peter. 2012. Jinsi ya Kuanzisha Kikundi cha Ulinzi
Shirikishi, Uzoefu katika Mtaa wa Oysterbay. Menace Publishers: Dar
es Salaam.Mwillo, Suzan. & Chilongola, Pamela. 2015. Watu Wenye
Silaha Wavamia Kituo cha Polisi Dar, Waua, Waiba Silaha.
Mwananchi, July 13, 2015.Reisman, Lainie., Mkutu, Kennedy.,
Lyimo Samwel., & Moshi,
Monica. 2013. Tackling the Dangerous Drift: Assessment of Crime
and Violence in Tanzania and Recommendations for Violence
Prevention. Open Society Foundations Crime and Violence Prevention
Initiative (OSFCVPI) and Open Society Initiative for East Africa
(OSIEA).
URT. 2013. The Evaluation of the Impact of Community Policing in
Tanzania: An Extended Executive Summary.
URT. 1989. People’s Militia Act.
AcknowledgmentsDr. William John Walwa is a senior lecturer in
the Department of Political Science at the University of Dar es
Salaam, Tanzania. The research was commissioned by CHRIPS with the
support of the Institute of Development and Research Centre (IDRC)
and supervised by Prof. Mohamed Bakari (University of Dar es
Salaam).
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PB 04 - 5/17 ׀ 4 © Centre for Human Rights and Policy
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About CHRIPSThe Centre for Human Rights and Policy Studies
(CHRIPS) is an independent think tank, research and policy
development centre. CHRIPS invests in the generation and
dissemination of knowledge that
facilitates the development of innovative and effective policy
solutions to the pertinent security challenges in Africa. Through
its work, CHRIPS seeks to advance rights and social justice.
Centre for Human Rights and Policy Studies │ P.O Box
23748-00100, GPO Nairobi, KenyaTel: + 254 20 527 0577 │ Email:
[email protected] │ Web: www.chrips.or.ke
Centre for Human Rights and Policy Studies P.O Box 23748-00100
GPO Nairobi, Kenya Email: [email protected]
Web: www.chrips.or.ke
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Centre for Human Rights and Policy Studies P.O Box 23748-00100
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Web: www.chrips.or.ke
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Tangled Ties: Al-Shabaab and Political Volatility in Kenya
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security. Worsening violent insecurity in Kenya suggests that the
more important impact of the group has been to simply unmask the
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Eastern Africa: A Research Agenda (CHRIPS, 2015). This study
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Opportunities for Action (CHRIPS, 2015). This study examines police
accountability structures and needs at the local community level,
where the scru�ny of oversight ins�tu�ons, civil society
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confidence in the police as the key hindrances to local policing
accountability.
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Kenya (CHRIPS, 2014). This study argues that coun�es are central
not only to development but also the implementa�on of security
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Centre for Human Rights and Policy Studies P.O Box 23748-00100
GPO Nairobi, Kenya Email: [email protected]
Web: www.chrips.or.ke
Missing the Point: Violence Reduction and Policy Misadventures
in Nairobi’s Poor Neighbourhoods (CHRIPS & IDS Sussex, 2014).
The study finds that the failure of the state to provide for basic
needs in health, education and social care, as well as a lack of
effective policing, has created an opening that criminal
organizations and gangs have exploited.
Civil-Military Relations in an Era of Violent Extremism: Policy
Options for The Kenya Defence Forces (CHRIPS, 2016). This study
examines the civilian oversight structures over the Kenya Defence
forces, in the context of military engagement in countering
terrorism and violent extremism in Kenya. The study argues that the
threat of terrorism requires a multi-pronged approach in developing
an effective national security strategy.
Building a National Intelligence Service for a Democratic
Society: Policy Options for Strengthening Accountability and
Oversight (CHRIPS, 2016). This study is a critical examination of
the effectiveness of the accountability of the intelligence
services in Kenya. In tandem with the central tenet of the
constitution that all national security organs remain subordinate
to civilian authority, the study argues that democratic
accountability would ensure proper impetus for reforming the
National Intelligence Services.
Where is the Money? Donor Funding for Conflict and Violence
Prevention in Eastern Africa (CHRIPS, 2017) This study demonstrates
that donors have a variety of security and commercial interests in
the region, and these are not always neatly separable from conflict
and security priorities
Missing the Point: Violence Reduction and Policy
Misadventures in Nairobi’s Poor Neighbourhoods
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Lind
November 2013
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Prevention in Eastern AfricaPatrick Mutahi and Mutuma
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