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Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economicrelations of work
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HOW OCCUPATIONAL SEX SEGREGATIONSHAPES LOW-SKILLED MEN'S EMPLOYMENTOPPORTUNITIES IN AUSTRALIA
MEGAN MOSKOS
To cite this article: MEGAN MOSKOS (2012) HOW OCCUPATIONAL SEX SEGREGATIONSHAPES LOW-SKILLED MEN'S EMPLOYMENT OPPORTUNITIES IN AUSTRALIA, Labour& Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work, 22:4, 415-432, DOI:10.1080/10301763.2012.10669449
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.2012.10669449
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Labour and Industry 22:4 August-December (2012) pp. 415-432
HOW OCCUPATIONAL SEX SEGREGATION
SHAPES LOW-SKILLED MEN'S EMPLOYMENT
OPPORTUNITIES IN AUSTRALIA
MEGAN MOSKOS*
A major feature of the contemporary Australian labour market is the declining participation of prime-age men, in particular those with low education levels.
Using Census data for 1996 and 2006, this paper explores how occupational
sex segregation - a concept traditionally used to explain female employment outcomes- has shaped low-skilled men's employment opportunities in Australia.
The empirical evidence shows that employment for workers with limited levels
of educational attainment has expanded most rapidly in occupations that are female-dominated. Men are not increasing their share of employment in these occupations. This evidence supports the argument that sex segregation in
employment opportunities has contributed to men's withdrawal from the labour force. The paper concludes by discussing the relative usefulness of occupational
sex segregation as a theoretical framework for understanding low-skilled men's labour market situation.
AN OFfEN UNREMARKED FEATURE OF AUSTRALIA'S CURRENT period of economic and employment growth is the declining labour force participation of prime-age men (men aged 25-54 years). This withdrawal of men from the labour market has been particularly marked amongst those with low levels of formal education. For example, in 1981 more than 90 per cent of men of all education levels aged between 25 and 54 were employed or seeking work. However, by 2001 at least 20 per cent of men with no post -school qualifications who were aged between 25 and 54 years were deemed 'not in the labour force' (Kennedy and Hedley 2003). These men were not 'unemployed' using conventional definitions; they were not even looking for work. More
* Megan Moskos is a Research Fellow in the National Institute of Labour Studies at Flinders University, South Australia. This paper is based on finding arising from a larger Australian Research Council funded PhD linkage project. The author would like to acknowledge the supervisors of the PhD research, Prof. Bill Martin and Prof. Sue Richardson. The author would also like to thank Dr Deb King and Dr Josh Healy for comments made on earlier drafts of this paper. She can be contacted on [email protected].
416 How Occupational Sex Segregation Shapes Low-Skilled Men's Employment
recent estimates suggest that the 2001-07 economic boom partly reversed the
downward trend in low-skilled men's labour force participation rates. However, the 2006 participation rate for low-skilled men aged 25 to 54 years is still 7.9 percentage points below the rate recorded in 1981 (Kennedy Stoney and Vance 2009).
The withdrawal of low skill men from the labour market is unwelcome for a number of reasons. First, it appears to be placing a significant burden on the social security system1• This is not only through rising dependence on various pensions and job search allowances, but also because men's lack of fulltime employment appears to impact on women's and children's welfare reliance (Frijters and Gregory 2006, Gregory 2012). Men's withdrawal from the labour force is also occurring at the same time that Australia is facing increasing pressure to raise participation rates to offset the impacts of
population aging. It has been found that, in the absence of policy response, the aging of the population is set to increase the proportion of men disengaged with the world of work in Australia2 (Productivity Commission 2005). The third and final reason we should be concerned about men's withdrawal from the labour market is that economically inactive men have also been found to experience a severe range of socio-economic disadvantages. Inactive men are more likely to have poorer physical health\ report lower incomes, be single and live in geographically disadvantaged areas (Lattimore 2007). The causal link between economic inactivity and socioeconomic disadvantage is unclear. For example, it could be that men with more severe socio-economic disadvantage are more likely to be economically inactive. Whichever the case, arresting and reversing the decline of low skilled, prime-age men's labour force participation should be seen as a policy priority not only to ensure future economic growth and productivity, but also to serve social inclusion
and equity goals. The reasons for low-skilled prime-aged men's withdrawal from the labour
market are widely debated (Alcock Beatty Fothergill Macmillan and Yeandle 2003, Borland 1995, Gregory 2005, Hancock 2002, Kennedy and Hedley 2003, Kennedy et al 2009, Lattimore 2007). They include the changing structure of industry, which has seen the decline of traditional 'male jobs' in manufacturing and the rise of the services sector which is said to favour the employment
attributes of women (Bradley Erickson Stephenson and Williams 2000, Gatta
1. Around half of all inactive men aged 25-64 years receive the DSP. In 2004-05 the budgetary cost for providing DSP to both sexes neared $8 billion - nearly double the amount spent on the main unemployment income support payment - Newstart (Lattimore 2007).
2. Indeed, without policy intervention, it is estimated that Australia will forgo around $2150 billion in economic output due to male inactivity over the next 45 years (Lattimore 2007).
3. In 2010, just under half ( 41%) of all prime aged males who were inactive in the labour force gave own ill-health or disability as their main activity while inactive (ABS 2011).
Labour and Industry 417
Boushey and Appelbaum 2009, Keating 2006, McDowell 2003, Nickson and Korczynski 2009); skill-biased technological change which is said to have reduced the demand for workers with low skills and increase demand for those with higher skill levels (Autor 2010)4; and the decline in full-time permanent employment leading to growth of non-standard forms of employment which are seen to be incompatible with traditional notions of masculinity and men's prescribed breadwinner role (Bradley et al2000, Gregory 2005, Gregory 2012, van Gellecum, Baxter and Western 2008). While these are likely to be important factors in any understanding of low-skilled men's withdrawal from the labour market, there is an alternative explanation that is currently overlooked in this debate: the persistence and expansion of occupational sex segregation.
To date, most studies of occupational sex segregation have focused on women's experience of work and the labour market (England 2005, England 2006, England 2010, Jacobs 2003, Padavic and Reskin 2002, Pocock 1998, Pocock 2008, Reskin 1993, Reskin and Roos 1990, Ridgeway and England 2007, Watts 2003, Williams 1993, Williams 1995). In a sense, they have taken men's work and labour market experience as the norm, and focused on understanding why or how women's experiences are different. This has told us a great deal about how women are excluded from some kinds of work, and how they are crowded into other kinds. In contrast to existing studies, this paper examines how occupational sex segregation impacts on labour market participation for low-skilled men in Australia. A brief overview of the concept of occupational sex segregation provides the basis for a discussion of how recent trends in occupational sex segregation may help us understand lowskilled men's withdrawal from the labour market. We then analyse 1996 and 2006 Australian Bureau of statistics (ABS) census data to examine the changing employment areas and gender share in employment for low-skilled workers. The paper concludes by discussing the relative usefulness of occupational sex segregation as a theoretical framework for understanding low-skilled men's labour market situation.
Occupational sex segregation and men's employment
Sex differentiated patterns of employment are persistent features of labour markets. They have been described as amongst the 'most important and enduring aspects of labour markets around the world' (Anker 1998: 3). In labour market analysis, occupational sex segregation is commonly understood as the disproportionate concentration of men and women in particular occupations.
4. This has also been said to have resulted in a change to the type of skills demanded, with interactive and cognitive skills receiving increased emphasis as distinct from motor skills which are in decline (Kelly and Lewis 2010).
418 How Occupational Sex Segregation Shapes Low-Skilled Men's Employment
There are two forms of occupational sex segregation: vertical and horizontal. Vertical sex segregation is the extent to which women and men are unevenly distributed within an occupation, generally women are disproportionately located in lower tiers of occupations and men in higher tiers which is also reflected in rates of pay. Horizontal sex segregation refers to the extent to which women and men are unevenly distributed in different types of occupations. The focus of this paper is primarily on horizontal sex segregation - that is, when an occupation is disproportionately occupied by one sex or the other (Ridgeway and England 2007).
Occupational sex segregation is commonly seen to be responsible for women's disadvantaged position in the labour market (Anker 1998, Blau Brinton and Grusky 2006, England 2006b, Reskin 1993). However, occupational sex segregation does not invariably advantage men. Indeed, if job growth occurs in industries or occupations in which women are disproportionately located then men could be disadvantaged.
Historically, Australia has had very high rates of occupational sex segregation - in the mid-1980s it held the title for the most sex segregated labour force in the OECD (Pocock 1998).5 However, several changes in recent decades have led to expectations of declines in occupational sex segregation. These changes include the convergence of male and female labour market participation rates, the reduction in gender differences in educational attainment, a decline in the gender wage gap, a small but noticeable reallocation of domestic duties between men and women, and the introduction of legislative provisions to address sex discrimination in employment practices (Charles and Grusky 2004, England 2010, Grusky and Levanon 2008).
Despite these expectations of decline, there have been surprisingly few recent comprehensive studies into aggregate trends of occupational sex segregation in the Australia labour market. For example, the most recent comprehensive examination was undertaken by Preston and Whitehouse (2004) eight years ago. And, even then, rather than calculating their own measures they took as the starting point index measures of occupational sex segregation presented by Watts (2003). In saying this, one can find more recent industry or workplace specific level studies of occupational sex segregation (Harrison 2002, Harrison 2004, Knox 2008) and small commentary about trends incorporated as subsections in more broader analyses of women's economic status in the labour market (Pocock 2008, The Australian Institute for Social Research. 2005).
While they are somewhat dated, it is still useful to review what these studies say about recent trends in occupational sex segregation in Australia. There were four key findings. First, the Australian labour market continues to be highly segregated
5. Contention remains about how to best measure occupational sex segregation (Watts 2003). While horizontal occupational sex segregation is typically measured using the index of dissimilarity, a number of different indexes have been utilised in the literature, including the KM index, Atkinson index and marginal matching.
Labour and Industry 419
by sex6 (Liang Lee and Miller 2004, Pocock 2008). Second, there have been some small declines in occupational sex segregation over recent decades (Harrison 2004, Norris 1997, Pocock 1998, The Australian Institute for Social Research. 2005). Third, integration has been strongest among professional and managerial occupations, with little change in levels of occupational sex segregation at lower points of the occupational scale (Pocock 1998, Pocock 2008, Watts 2003). Fourth, the declines that have occurred largely reflect women's movement into male dominated occupations, with men generally not entering into female dominated occupations (Pocock 1998, Pocock 2008, Preston and Whitehouse 2004). _
As there have been limited recent studies of changes in gender segregation in Australia, recent US research is likely to be useful in providing an additional guide to broad patterns. This research indicates that after some dramatic reductions in occupational sex segregation, declines have stalled. The declines in segregation that have occurred have largely been confined to professional and managerial occupations, mainly because women have entered occupations formerly the confine of men (England 2005, England 2006, England 2010, Jacobs 2003, Padavic and Reskin 2002). Indeed, England points out that 'men have entered women's jobs very little at any occupational level' (2005: 267). This is almost certainly the case in Australia too, with past Australian studies confirming similar trajectories to those evidenced in the US.
Men's resistance to taking on gender atypical employment has been identified as a key barrier to future declines in occupational sex segregation and achieving greater gender equality (Blau et al 2006, England 2006b, Grusky and Levanon 2008). Men's aversion to female jobs may well also explain why men are withdrawing from the labour market. If men's withdrawal from the labour market was simply the effect of labour market restructuring, then it would be reasonable to expect women's participation to show similar levels of decline. However recent data show that this is not the case (Kennedy and Hedley 2003, Kennedy et al 2009). This suggests that the labour market is changing in gendered ways and that sex segregation in occupations and industries continues to impact on labour market opportunities.
This research examines how occupational sex segregation shapes low-skilled men's participation in occupations in Australia. In particular, it examines:
1) Which occupations experienced employment growth for workers with no post-school qualifications?
2) Which of these occupations experienced a change in the gender share of employment (distribution of men and women)?
6. The degree of occupational sex segregation is quite sensitive to the units of analysis. The more detailed the unit or data is the more segregation is revealed (Harrison 2004, Jacobs 1999, Preston and Whitehouse 2004, Watts 2003). Therefore the level of occupation detail researchers use influences the level of occupational sex segregation found.
420 How Occupational Sex Segregation Shapes Low-Skilled Men's Employment
3) Whether there is evidence that occupational sex segregation is impacting on low-skilled men's participation in occupations that experience growth?
Data and method
The data used to address these questions was the 1996 and 2006 ABS Census. The advantage of using census data is that it allows an exploration of occupational change at fine levels of detail - specifically for this research at the occupation 6 digit ASCO leveJ.? It is also large enough to allow for cross-classification by other variables such as educational attainment, age, and gender.
The reference period of 1996 to 2006 was selected due to data availability and the need for consistency in how jobs are classified. The year 1996 is the farthest one can go back without compromising data quality as a result of changes to the way occupation data are classified8• The decade 1996-2006 is an interesting one to explore occupational change. This period was one of relative economic stability, following the recovery from two earlier recessions. It was also largely immune from the extremes of the economic boom and the economic volatility brought about by the global financial crisis.
For the purposes of this research, low-skilled workers are defined to be those workers who have year 12 or below as their highest level of educational attainment. The analysis is also restricted to persons aged between 25-54 years as this is the cohort of men that has experienced the highest levels of withdrawal from the labour market (Kennedy and Hedley 2003, Kennedy et al 2009). For ease of communication, this group is referred to as 'low-skilled prime-aged' throughout the remainder of the paper.
Given the need to uncover occupational sex segregation at a highly disaggregated level, the focus of the analysis is on changing gender shares of employment. Other measures, such as the index of dissimilarity and the Karmel and MacLachlan (KM) index are used only for aggregate data and, therefore, can provide little information about underlying patterns of gender segregation (Preston and Whitehouse 2004, Watts 2003). Nevertheless, understanding broad trends provides useful background to the more focused analysis.
7. In 2006, the ABS uses the Australian Standard Classification of Occupations (ASCO) to code occupation data. ASCO is a hierarchical classification system with different levels of progressively greater detail. At the broadest level, a limited number of categories. which aim to provide an overall picture of an occupation, are provided. The following levels or subdivisions provide an increasingly detailed dissection of these broad categories.
8. Prior to 19%, occupation was coded to the first edition of the Australian Standard Classification of Occupations (ABS 1986) This edition was subsequently revised in 1996 and occupations were coded to the second edition of ASCO (ABS 1997). In 2006, ASCO was superseded by ANZSCO -Australian and New Zealand Standard Classification of Occupations (ABS 2006b). However, the ABS made available occupation data for the 2006 census classified to both ASCO second edition and ANZSCO first edition.
Labour and Industry 421
Aggregate trends in occupational sex segregation
Table 1 documents changes in employment over the period 1996 and 2006 for low-skilled prime-aged workers for each of the 1 digit ASCO occupational categories. It also documents the changes in men's share of this employment. The table indicates that over the period total employment for low-skilled prime-aged workers declined by 7 per cent or 180,643 workers. The decrease in employment affected men more than women. Employment for men with no post-school qualifications declined by 9.5 per cent or 118,461 workers, whereas employment for women declined by only 5 per cent or 62,182 workers.
Indeed, of the nine major ASCO occupation categories, all but one experienced a decline in employment of workers with no post-school qualifications. With the exception of labourers and related workers category, these declines in employment were experienced more by men than women.
There are two possible explanations for the decline in employment for people with no post-school qualifications. One is that there is a shrinking proportion of the workforce aged 25-54 years that have no post-school qualifications as their highest level of educational attainment - that is, there is a reduced supply of people with no post-school qualifications. The other is that there is a changing structure of occupations and there is a reduced demand for workers with no post-school qualifications. While both explanations are important to keep in mind when looking at the data, the analysis is not concerned with ascertaining which of these trends are at play. The focus is instead on understanding what the available jobs are for people with no post-school qualifications and how men and women have been faring in securing these jobs.
The table indicates that over the period 1996 to 2006, the only source of job growth for people with no post-school qualifications was in the elementary clerical, sales and service worker occupational category. However, all of these new jobs went to women. Indeed men in this occupation recorded a net decline of 7,180 workers.
If we look at changes in the gender shares of employment within each of the occupations we see that, at an aggregate level, low-skilled prime-aged women are increasing their movement into occupations at the upper end of the occupational spectrum. Low-skilled prime-aged women are also increasing their share of employment in occupations in which they have traditionally predominated (intermediate and elementary clerical, sales and service workers). Low-skilled prime-aged women are not moving into mid and lower level male dominated jobs (labourers and related workers and intermediate production and transport workers).
In contrast, low-skilled prime-aged men are not increasing their share of employment in any of the occupational categories except the mid and low level ones in which they have traditionally predominated (labourers and related
Tab
le 1
. C
hang
ing
empl
oym
ent a
nd g
ende
r sh
are
in e
mpl
oym
ent f
or w
orke
rs w
ith
no p
ost-
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ol q
uali
fica
tion
s, a
ged
25-5
4, A
ustr
alia
199
6-20
06.
~
N
N
Cha
nge
in
Per
cent
or
chan
ge
Men
's
men
's s
hare
or
~ O
ccu
pat
ion
T
otal
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T
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em
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t M
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sha
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plo
ymen
t ~
1 d
igit
AS
CO
19
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2006
* 19
96-2
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chan
ge 1
996-
2006
em
plo
ymen
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6 19
96-2
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~
'000
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'000
%
%
..., -§
1:::
1 M
anag
ers
&
226,
735
185,
833
-18
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9,28
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-1
~-
Adm
inis
trat
ors
Pro
fess
iona
ls
142,
835
133,
180
-7
---6
,993
51
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- ~
Ass
ocia
te
311,
759
303,
029
-3
-24,
076
47
---6
~
Pro
fess
iona
ls
()0
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desp
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ns &
18
8,44
1 17
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elat
ed W
orke
rs
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dvan
ced
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rica
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7 11
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-4,7
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9 -1
V
l &
Ser
vice
Wor
kers
~
Inte
rmed
iate
55
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9 53
1,03
7 -4
-2
7,76
2 24
-4
~
Cle
ric,
Sal
es &
~ S
ervi
ce W
orke
rs
Inte
rmed
iate
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3
Vl
Pro
duct
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&
[ T
rans
port
Wor
kers
E
lem
enta
ry C
leri
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839
250,
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I -7
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0
28
-3
~ S
ales
& S
ervi
ce
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Wor
kers
f(
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oure
rs&
32
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4 ---
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57
5 'i:j
Rel
ated
Wor
kers
f T
otal
2,
497,
025
2,31
6,38
2 -7
-1
18,4
61
49
-1
;:s .....
Sour
ce:
Aut
hors
Cal
cula
tion
s ba
sed
on 1
996
and
2006
AB
S C
ensu
s D
ata.
*E
xclu
des
not s
tate
d o
r no
t app
lica
ble
for
thos
e ag
ed 2
5-54
yea
rs.
Labour and Industry 423
workers and intermediate production and transport workers). These however recorded net declines in employment over the period 1996-2006.
Overall, the aggregate data show that employment for low-skilled primeaged workers has expanded most in occupations that are female-dominated. Men are not increasing their share of employment within these occupations. Indeed, men's share of employment has fallen in the only occupation that experienced growth over this period (elementary clerical, sales and service worker) and in the two occupations that recorded relatively small declines (professionals and associate professionals).
Disaggregated trends in occupational growth and decline and occupational sex segregation
The aggregate data supports the idea that occupational sex segregation has contributed to the decline in low skill men's employment opportunities. However, a more nuanced understanding requires identifying which of the occupations that make up the aggregate ASCO occupation groups experienced growth, and which low-skilled prime-aged workers experienced a share in this growth, (was it only women or did men have a share?). To assist such an understanding the paper now considers trends in gender shares of employment and occupation employment growth and decline at the 6 digit ASCO level for low-skilled primeaged workers.
Given the large number of occupations this covers (986) the analysis excludes those working in the higher ASCO occupation groups of managers, professional and associate professionals. This results in reducing the number of occupations that form the basis of the analysis from 986 to 792. To further reduce the number of occupations, the analysis only considers the occupations that together represent 75 per cent of the low-skilled prime-aged workforce. This means that the analysis is focused only on the largest employing occupations of low-skilled prime-aged workers. Out of the 792 six digit ASCO occupational categories, 93 occupations accounted for 75 per cent of employment for all lowskilled prime-aged workers.
There are various ways to look at this data. This paper presents the key findings only for those occupations that experienced growth in employment for low-skilled prime-aged workers over the period 1996 to 2006.
Occupations that experienced growth over the period 1996-2006 for all low-skilled prime-aged workers
Of the 93 occupations that make up 7 5 per cent of employment for all low-skilled prime-aged workers, 52 recorded employment growth. These 52 occupations
424 How Occupational Sex Segregation Shapes Low-Skilled Men's Employment
generated 167,881 net new jobs over the period 1996-2006 for low-skilled prime-aged workers.
Consistent with the aggregate data, the occupations that experienced the largest share of these new jobs were those that are a subset of the 1 digit ASCO occupational category of elementary clerical, sales and service workers. These occupations are documented in Table 2 and include jobs such as, sales assistant (other personal and household goods), sales assistant (food and drink products), security officer, elementary service workers nee, check out operator, and sales assistant (fabric, clothes and footwear).
Taken together these occupations accounted for 31 per cent of the net new employment generated by the 52 growth occupations. With the exception of security officer, these occupations are all female dominated. Women also experienced a greater share of the employment growth recorded in these occupations than did men (85.5% compare to 14.5 %).
The occupations that together experienced the second largest growth are those that are a subset of the 1 digit ASCO occupational category intermediate clerical, sales and service workers. These occupations are document in Table 3 and include jobs such as, dental assistant, aged or disabled person carer, child care worker, integration aide, social security inspector, inquiry clerk, accounts clerk, and receptionist. Taken together, these 18 intermediate clerical, sales and service occupations accounted for 29 per cent of the net new jobs created by the 52 growth occupations. Again, the majority (12) of these jobs are female dominated. And women again experienced a greater share of the employment growth recorded in these occupations than men (93.6% compare to 6.4 %).
Overall then, 60 per cent of the total employment created over the period 1996-2006 for workers with no post-school qualification aged between 25 and 54 years were in intermediate and elementary clerical, sales and service occupations. The overwhelming majority of these occupations are dominated by women. Women also experienced a greater share of the employment growth recorded in these occupations than men. Indeed, women recorded higher employment growth than men in 24 out of the 25 elementary and intermediate clerical, sales and service occupations that recorded employment growth over the period 1996-2006. The disaggregate data therefore supports the aggregate trends in occupational growth for low-skilled prime-aged workers identified above.
If we look at changes in gender shares of employment, we see that lowskilled prime-aged women increased their share of employment in 10 of the 24 male dominated occupations that experienced growth (Table 4). These included occupations such as, supervisor, store persons, security officer, miner, forklift driver and mobile construction plant operators not further defined.
Low-skilled prime-aged men however, increased their share of employment in only three of the 20 female dominated occupations that experienced employment growth (Table 5). These occupations include aged or disabled person carer, child
Tab
le 2
. E
lem
enta
ry c
leri
cal,
sal
es &
ser
vice
wor
ker
occu
pati
ons
that
exp
erie
nced
em
ploy
men
t gro
wth
for
wor
kers
wit
h no
pos
t-sc
hool
qua
lifi
cati
ons,
~
aged
25-
54, A
ustr
alia
199
6-20
06.
C) $: ....
Per
cen
t C
han
ge
t o
f tot
al
Raw
C
han
ge
Mal
e m
ale
[ N
um
ber
N
um
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ch
ange
in
nu
mb
er
in m
en's
sh
are
of
shar
e o
f A
SC
O
empl
oyed
em
ploy
ed
empl
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ent
chan
ge
empl
oym
ent
empl
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ent
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f;
Co
de
Occ
up
atio
n T
itle
19
96*
2006
* 19
96-2
006
1996
-200
6 19
96-2
006
2006
19
96-2
006
.s '0
00
'000
%
'0
00
'000
%
%
8111
11
Reg
istr
y o
r F
ilin
g C
lerk
3,
331
4,77
8 l
1,44
7 ll
5
19
-5
82
llll
S
ales
Ass
ist (
Foo
d &
32
,600
44
,647
7
12,0
47
2,15
2 17
0
Dri
nk P
rods
)
82
lll3
Sa
les
Ass
't (F
abri
c, C
loth
&
16,1
33
19,7
62
2 3,
629
86
8 -1
F/
wea
r)
82
lll5
S
ales
Ass
't (
Oth
Per
s &
26
,706
46
,781
12
20
,075
3,
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24
--4
H/h
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)
82
9ll
l C
heck
out O
pera
tor
12,9
11
17,1
26
3 4,
215
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l3
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83
llll
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Off
icer
12
,705
13
,067
0
362
18
82
-2
8319
79
Ele
men
tary
Ser
vice
55
2 10
,712
6
10,1
60
1,30
7 15
--
42
Wor
kers
nee
Tot
al e
lem
enta
ry c
leri
cal,
sal
es &
10
4,93
8 15
6,87
3 31
51
,935
7,
549
23
--4
serv
ice
wor
ker
occu
pati
ons
Tot
al 5
2 gr
owth
occ
upat
ions
55
0,71
6 71
8,59
7 10
0 16
7,88
1 53
,740
49
-5
Sour
ce:
Aut
hors
Cal
cula
tion
s ba
sed
on 1
996
and
2006
AB
S C
ensu
s D
ata.
*E
xclu
des
not s
tate
d or
not
app
lica
ble
for
thos
e ag
ed 2
5-54
yea
rs.
""'"
N
VI
Tab
le 3
. In
term
edia
te c
leri
cal,
sal
es &
ser
vice
wor
ker
occu
pati
ons
that
exp
erie
nced
em
ploy
men
t gro
wth
for
wor
kers
wit
h no
pos
t-sc
hool
qu
alif
icat
ions
, age
d 25
-54,
Aus
tral
ia 1
996-
2006
. ~
0'1
Per
cen
t C
han
ge
of t
otal
m
ale
~ ch
ange
in
Raw
C
han
ge
Mal
e sh
are
of
~
Nu
mb
er
Nu
mb
er
empl
oym
ent
nu
mb
er
in m
en's
sh
are
of
empl
oym
ent
~ A
SC
O
empl
oyed
em
ploy
ed
1996
-200
6 ch
ange
em
ploy
men
t em
ploy
men
t 19
96-2
006
-§
Cod
e O
ccup
atio
n T
itle
19
96*
2006
* (%
) 19
96-2
006
1996
-200
6 20
06 (
%)
(%)
l:l
6131
11
Rec
epti
onis
t 44
,373
46
,497
1
2,12
4 21
8 2
0 5·
6141
11
Acc
ount
s C
lerk
22
,164
31
,904
6
9,74
0 -5
75
9
-7
§. 61
4211
P
ayro
ll C
lerk
9,
232
10,1
08
1 87
6 -7
97
15
-1
0
Vl
~ 61
4411
In
sura
nce
Cle
rk
5,70
3 6,
751
I 1,
048
119
21
-2
f(l
6153
01
Sup
, Sto
ck &
Pur
chas
ing
7,67
6 8,
325
0 64
9 68
8 78
2
()Q
Cle
rks
~ 61
9111
In
quir
y C
lerk
15
,645
25
,561
6
9,91
6 2,
258
24
-1
l:l 5·
6194
15
Soc
ial
Sec
urit
y In
spec
tor
1,18
9 4,
335
2 3,
146
644
25
-13
;:s
61
9913
D
ebt C
olle
ctor
3,
164
4,18
3 I
1,01
9 17
3 31
--
4 ~
6211
79
Sal
es R
epre
sent
ativ
es n
ee
14,6
24
16,4
48
I 1,
824
-50
6
63
-II
6212
11
Mot
or V
eh &
Car
avan
4,
938
5,61
5 0
677
218
84
-7
~ "'
Sal
espe
rson
b'
6212
13
Mot
or V
ehic
le P
arts
4,
503
5,26
1 0
758
549
86
-2
~
Inte
rpre
ter
~ 62
1311
R
etai
l S
uper
viso
r 7,
330
7,87
9 0
549
-72
9
41
-13
~
6311
13
Inte
grat
ion
Aid
e 1,
524
6,17
1 3
4,64
7 23
4 4
2 63
1211
C
hild
Car
e W
orke
r 9,
382
13,1
88
2 3,
806
169
3 1
~ 63
1317
A
ged
or D
isab
led
Per
son
16,9
12
21,1
17
3 4,
205
979
13
3 ;:s
c.
,"
Car
er
~ 63
1411
P
erso
nal
Car
e A
ssis
tant
8,
686
9,02
6 0
340
-54
7
28
-7
'tj
6391
11
Den
tal A
ssis
tant
2,
114
4,16
5 I
2,05
1 12
I
0 ~
6397
11
Tra
vel A
gent
4,
345
5,13
6 0
791
-5
21
--4
§ T
otal
int
erm
edia
te c
leri
cal,
sal
es &
18
3,50
4 23
1,67
0 28
48
,166
3,
102
22
-5
serv
ice
occu
pati
ons
-T
otal
52
grow
th o
ccup
atio
ns
550,
716
718,
597
100
167,
881
53,7
40
49
-5
Sour
ce:
Aut
hors
Cal
cula
tions
bas
ed o
n 19
96 a
nd 2
006
AB
S C
ensu
s D
ata.
*E
xclu
des
not s
tate
d or
not
app
licab
le f
or th
ose
aged
25-
54 y
ears
.
~ I: ., T
able
4.
Low
-ski
lled
wom
en's
ent
ry i
nto
mal
e do
min
ated
jobs
, Aus
tral
ia 1
996-
2006
. ~
Per
cent
C
han
ge
[ o
f to
tal
Raw
C
han
ge
Mal
e m
ale
~ N
um
ber
N
um
ber
ch
ange
in
nu
mb
er
in m
en's
sh
are
of
shar
e o
f -S
AS
CO
em
ploy
ed
emp
loye
d
emp
loym
ent
chan
ge
emp
loym
ent
emp
loym
ent
emp
loym
ent
Cod
e O
ccu
pat
ion
Tit
le
1996
* 20
06*
1996
-200
6 19
96-2
006
1996
-200
6 20
06
1996
-200
6 '0
00
'000
%
'0
00
'000
%
%
6212
11
Mot
or V
eh &
Car
avan
4,
938
5,61
5 0
677
218
84
-7
Sal
espe
rson
7993
01
Sup
ervi
sor,
Sto
repe
rson
s 2,
905
4,95
1 1
2,04
6 1,
570
82
-4
4623
11
Gen
eral
Gar
dene
r 6,
712
7,32
8 0
616
302
80
-3
9993
11
Han
dype
rson
6,
944
8,67
4 I
1,73
0 1,
360
91
-3
7911
11
Min
er
7,75
8 11
,250
2
3,49
2 3,
128
95
-3
8311
11
Sec
urit
y O
ffic
er
12,7
05
13,0
67
0 36
2 18
82
-2
6212
13
Mot
or V
ehic
le P
arts
4,
503
5,26
1 0
758
549
86
-2
Inte
rpre
ter
7112
11
For
klif
t Dri
ver
16,7
41
21,4
99
3 4,
758
4,43
1 96
-I
7311
11
Hea
vy T
ruck
Dri
ver
59,6
52
60,6
91
I 1,
039
395
97
-I
7111
00
Mob
ile
Con
st'n
Pla
nt
4,65
5 6,
705
I 2,
050
1,94
9 97
-I
O
ps n
fd
Sour
ce:
Aut
hors
Cal
cula
tion
s ba
sed
on 1
996
and
2006
AB
S C
ensu
s D
ata.
*E
xclu
des
not s
tate
d or
not
app
lica
ble
for
thos
e ag
ed 2
5-54
yea
rs.
~
N
-.1
Tab
le 5
. L
ow-s
kill
ed m
en's
ent
ry i
nto
fem
ale
dom
inat
ed jo
bs, A
ustr
alia
199
6-20
06.
~
N
00
Per
cent
C
hang
e o
f tot
al
Mal
e m
ale
~ ch
ange
in
Ra
w
Ch
ang
e sh
are
of
shar
e o
f ~
Nu
mb
er
Nu
mb
er
empl
oym
ent
nu
mb
er
in m
en's
em
ploy
men
t em
ploy
men
t ~
AS
CO
em
ploy
ed
empl
oyed
19
96-2
006
chan
ge
empl
oym
ent
2006
19
96-2
006
-§
Cod
e O
ccup
atio
n T
itle
19
96*
2006
* (%
) 19
96-2
006
1996
-200
6 (%
) (%
) ~
6391
11
Den
tal A
ssis
tant
2,
114
4,16
5 1
2,05
1 12
1
0 [
5111
13
Per
sona
l Ass
ista
nt
6,79
1 18
,134
7
11,3
43
125
I 0
6311
13
Inte
grat
ion
Aid
e 1,
524
6,17
1 3
4,64
7 23
4 4
2 ~
6131
11
Rec
epti
onis
t 44
,373
46
,497
I
2,12
4 21
8 2
0 V
l 63
1211
C
hild
Car
e W
orke
r 9,
382
13,1
88
2 3,
806
169
3 I
~
6313
17
Age
d or
Dis
able
d P
erso
n 16
,912
21
,117
3
4,20
5 97
9 13
3
~
Car
er
~
::t.
8211
13
Sale
s A
ss't
(Fab
ric, O
oth
&
16,1
33
19,7
62
2 3,
629
86
8 -1
§
F/w
ear)
V
l
8211
11
Sal
es A
ssis
t (F
ood
&
32,6
00
44,6
47
7 12
,047
2,
152
17
0 ~
Dri
nk P
rods
) ~
6141
11
Acc
ount
s C
lerk
22
,164
31
,904
6
9,74
0 -5
75
9
-7
b' 82
9111
C
heck
out O
pera
tor
12,9
11
17,1
26
3 4,
215
77
13
-4
~ 59
9113
L
aw C
lerk
3,
322
4,60
6 1
1,28
4 -4
1 14
-7
V
l ~
6144
11
Insu
ranc
e C
lerk
5,
703
6,75
1 1
1,04
8 11
9 21
-2
[
8111
11
Reg
istr
y or
Fil
ing
Cle
rk
3,33
1 4,
778
1 1,
447
115
19
-5
6191
11
Inqu
iry
Cle
rk
15,6
45
25,5
61
6 9,
916
2,25
8 24
-1
~
6142
11
Pay
roll
Cle
rk
9,23
2 10
,108
I
876
-79
7
15
-10
;:s
,.,-63
9711
T
rave
l Age
nt
4,34
5 5,
136
0 79
1 -5
21
-4
~
8211
15
Sal
es A
ss't
(Oth
Per
s &
26
,706
46
,781
12
20
,075
3,
794
24
-4
'ti
H/h
oldG
ds)
<S'
6199
13
Deb
t Col
lect
or
3,16
4 4,
183
I 1,
019
173
31
-4
l 63
1411
P
erso
nal C
are
Ass
ista
nt
8,68
6 9,
026
0 34
0 -5
47
28
-7
61
9415
S
ocia
l Se
curi
t~ I
nspe
ctor
1,
189
4,33
5 2
3,14
6 64
4 25
-1
3
Sour
ce:
Aut
hors
Cal
cula
tion
s ba
sed
on 1
996
and
2006
AB
S C
ensu
s D
ata.
*E
xclu
des
not s
tate
d o
r no
t app
lica
ble
for
thos
e ag
ed 2
5-54
yea
rs.
lAbour and Industry 429
care worker, and integration aide. Moreover, men's increase in their share of employment within these female dominated occupations was lower than that recorded for female workers entering male dominated jobs.
Combined then, the data suggest that there is some change in occupational sex segregation for low-skilled prime-aged workers however its pace is slow. Low-skilled prime-aged women are moving into male dominated jobs more than low-skilled prime-aged men are moving into female dominated jobs. Both men and women are also increasing their share of employment in jobs in which they have traditionally dominated.
Conclusion
Using Census data for 1996 and 2006, this paper has explored how occupational sex segregation - a concept traditionally used to explain female employment outcomes- has shaped low-skilled men's employment opportunities in Australia.
Overall the empirical evidence suggests that occupational sex segregation seems to be a useful framework for understanding why low-skilled men are withdrawing from the labour market. Both the aggregate and disaggregate data indicate that employment for workers with no post-school qualifications has expanded most rapidly in occupations that are female-dominated, whilst men with no post-school qualifications are not increasing their share of employment in many of these occupations. Employment has declined most rapidly in occupations that are male dominated. This evidence therefore supports the argument that sex segregation in employment has contributed to a decline in low-skilled men's employment opportunities.
Any solution to men's withdrawal from the labour market involves men taking advantage of the generally rising lower level service sector employment and therefore undertaking work that is female dominated. The question is why are men not moving into these female dominated occupations, apparently preferring to be unemployed or withdraw from the workforce rather than do 'women's work'?
Existing research which have focused on women's experience of work and the labour market suggest a number of supply and demand processes which may operate to cause the occupational sex segregation that is generated by men not moving into female dominated job. Supply side causes typically refer to the characteristics of those supplying their labour. Demand side causes generally focus on employer's behaviour and preferences.
The analysis presented here however does not allow us to detect the causal processes that are operating to stall changes in men's representation in female dominated jobs. In this way we do not know whether men's limited inroads into female dominated jobs are a reflection of choices made by men themselves or a result of discriminatory practices of employers. Further research is therefore
430 How Occupational Sex Segregation Shapes Low-Skilled Men's Employment
required to ascertain how much of the occupation sex segregation that is caused by men's limited movement into female dominated occupation arises because of demand side factors related to workplace actors behaviour and preferences and how much arises from supply side decisions of employees. Such examinations are currently lacking, but are essential to better understand the reasons for lowskilled men's withdrawal from the labour force, and to assess the possibility that it may be alleviated.
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