Music Business In Zimbabwe

7/28/2019 Music Business In Zimbabwe

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MIDLANDS STATE UNIVERSITY

P. BAG 9055 Telephone: (263) 54 260404/260337/260667Gweru Fax: (263) 54 260233/260311

Zimbabwe

Faculty of Social SciencesDepartment of Media and Society Studies

MODULE: MSS102 – Media in Zimbabwe

NAME REG N# PROGRAM LEVEL MOE

Sasha Nhara R104655E MSS 1.1 PDP

Eddington Nhika R103342A MSS 1.1 PDP

Davison Majaya R103176Q MSS 1.1 PDP

Desdemona Manyere R103726H MSS 1.1 PDP

Sheron Mawoni R103465 J MSS 1.1 CDP

QUESTION

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE MUSIC INDUSTRY AND THE

GOVERNMENT IN COLONIAL AND POST INDEPENDENCE ZIMBABWE



The relationship between the music industry and the government has been an ambivalent

affair right from the emergence of the music industry in the Colonial era, that is,Rhodesia, well into post independence Zimbabwe. This paper seeks to expose that the

origins and or causes of this ambivalent relationship were and are wholly dependent on

the messages conveyed by the artist, that is, the musicians .That is to say, the manner of

relationship was based upon whether or not the musicians’ messages were in agreement

with the governments ideology. The writers shall endeavour to highlight that in both

periods, that is to say, the colonial and post independence eras, the music industry was

polarized on ideological lines. In both eras there existed what the Ancient Greek

philosopher Plato called “ good music” and ” bad music”, that is to say, in both periods

there existed music that was neutral in it’s message and did not incur the wrath of the

censor but also that of the “bad” kind, that which questioned the governments’ socio-

economic and political ideology.

For a better understanding of the task at hand, the writers shall define the key terms of the

motion and thus redefine the question in simpler terms. A relationship is as according to

the Concise Oxford Dictionary second edition (1990), a connection between persons,

things or situations. The music industry as stated by Chikowero(2001:3) is “a

combination commercial business and creative human activity…It consists of…

musicians, recording companies which produce the music in the form of tangible ,

durable and usable waves sustainable from retails shops and record bars” and the radio

stations which deliver the finished product to a wider listening public.

Government refers to a group people controlling or directing the public affairs of a city,

country or state.

Thus, the motion redefined would read as, discuss the connection between the

commercial business and creative human activity pertaining to music as a commodity and

the people governing the state from 1896 to 1979 and 1980 to the present.



Kaufmann (1972) asserts that, “the rise of Zimbabwean music was due to the influence of

such institutions as mission schools, churches and military bands.”From the earliest

infiltration of Europeans in African societies in Zimbabwe, the church had viewed

African musical traditions, due to their ritual origins, as evil, malignant and anti-

Christian. This view, in an era when the church and the government had a similar mission

would have led to African musical expression being outlawed by the government. (Eyre

2001:36) Ethnomusicologist Paul Berliner, in his 1976 book, The Soul of Mbira, notes

that, “Religious authorities of many denominations took control of education in Southern

Rhodesia’s rural areas and imposed European religious and aesthetic values on Africans

and condemned Traditional forms of expressive culture.” These acts of iconoclasm led

Africans to discard their own form of musical expression and use of traditional

instruments for a more Eurocentric mode of expression. This state of affairs went down

well with the Prudish Rhodesian regime as it meant that the traditional stories of ancient

pride and prowess and tales that would highlight the African’s plight would give way to

the syrupy-purely-for-entertainment European and American modes. For the African

musicians ,whose traditional musical idiom was jarringly unlike the European idiom they

had been forced to embrace “ the struggle was one of fusing traditional aspects with the

influences in the cosmopolitan setting” (Chitando 2002:33) That simply means that for

the Zimbabwean musician ,fresh out of a rural setting with all it’s nuances, and finding

himself placed in a urban sprawl with new sounds and experiences, the process of

producing music that was both urban and African and yet remained acceptable was a

great struggle; a struggle which maintained the positive relationship with the colonial

government.

Municipalities (and therefore, the colonial government) were instrumental in promoting

entertainment and in redirecting energies away from the oppression the colonial state.

“Shebeens, that is, illegal bars that promoted the sale of illicit alcohol, Concerts, Beer

halls and entertainment halls were centres of urban musical performance in Zimbabwe.”

(Bender, 1991:159; Turino 2000:110-112) From the 1930s urban music emerged in

Zimbabwe with predominantly male cultural workers like Kenneth Mattaka, De Black

Evening follies, August Musarurwa et al becoming pioneer artists. “In line with shifting



cultural practices, some Africans even took up ballroom dancing and the music that went

with it”(Turino, 2000:146-148). It was during this period that music production, with the

help of the colonial government, took a commercial direction. Individuals such as

Musarurwa became well known both regionally and internationally. The government

owned Rhodesian Broadcasting Corporation (RBC) promoted the commercialisation of

African music “by paying artist after they had recorded a song which was played on the

Radio.” (Zindi 1985:3) With the rise of recording companies that were driven by the

reality of profit and sustainability Zimbabwean music was on a sure path to

commercialisation. With the UDI in 1965 that effected international isolation the music

industry invested much more in indigenous artists and the local market. (Mukombahasha,

2001). African music could no longer be viewed in terms of its communal and spiritual

value: The forces of urbanisation and commercialisation now required creative packaging

and marketing strategies. This post UDI climate would see the rise of a young protest

musicians such as Thomas Mapfumo , “many of whom at this time was not yet

producing protest anthems but rather ,were still performing cover versions of popular

European and American Rock.” (Eyre 2001:65) . To this effect, the relationship between

the music industry and the colonial government may be viewed as being positive because

artists were not questioning government policy and ideology but rather, producing music

that focused on entertaining and thus helped shift focus away from the mounting political

and socio-economic problems. However, this situation would not remain so for long.

The foregoing assertions demonstrate that the Rhodesian government’s relationship with

the Zimbabwean music industry prior to the UDI was positive but with the declaration of

war by the nationalists after Ian Smith’s unilateral declaration of independence and his

declaration that he would not bow to majority rule this situation soon changed. Professor

Musa Zimunya (Eyre 2001:46) notes that , “ …when people are under stress , colonial

stress, as labourers on farms, in the mines, in the domestic industry or as peasants

suffering the brunt of colonial oppression – at every turn, Africans had recourse to one

artistic medium. Music. Song.” Although the Rhodesian government’s methods were

less hostile than those of The Nazis or the Pinochet regime of Chile, it did use both

“overt” and “covert” methods to muzzle musicians hostile to the regime. Ian Smith



enacted a plethora of laws to this effect after the UDI. The most lethal one of these was

the Censorship and Entertainment control act of 1967 which branded all “revolutionary”

and “popular” music as subversive. As a result musicians who propagated dissenting

views were targeted by the regime. Innuendo, however, concealed most of the protest

songs which at the time had become central in African people’s music. A very apt

example of innuendo in protest is in the example of Thomas Mapfumo who by the middle

of the 1970s had started singing in shona while employing use of traditional as well as

European instruments. This though being nothing new was “unusual and in the face of

the escalating war, automatically political.”(Eyre, 2001:65) However, Mapfumo

outmanoeuvred the censors through clever use of innuendo; however in 1978 he finally

got banned and arrested. A Black veteran Radio broadcaster who worked in both the

RBC and ZBC asserts that.” was shrewd to avoid the censors for so long. He used to

structure his lyrics in such a way that even black policemen would have no idea what he

was talking about”( Eyre ,2001:47) With the enactment of this hostile legislation, genres

such as Township jazz and other popular music were forced underground.

The decade of 1970 1980 represents an important phase in the development of music in

Zimbabwe. Turino (2000) notes that “musical trends that began as experiments to achieve

commercial success became generalised in the second half of the 1970s” It was due to

this generalisation and rise that artist like Thomas Mapfumo , Zexie Manatsa,Oliver

Mutukudzi et al became significant players on the local music scene. They were able to

assert themselves because, firstly , the use of vernacular caused a rise in popularity with

the buying and listening public. Secondly , as according to Manuel ( 1988:105),” an

indeginous popular music emerged under the familiar impact of urbanization and

acculturation.” That is to say, the African population in the urban centres finally

embraced the concept that the urban ethos and culture was an irrevocable part of the

African cultural landscape. That being so, a more indigenous as opposed to American or

European music was welcome and appreciated. With the ban on African language songs

and the escalation of the liberation war, music was produced for propaganda. Artist such

as Dickson Chingaira ( alias Comrade Chinx) composed songs such as Hondo Yakura

MuZimbabwe ( War has intensified in Zimbabwe) and Maruza Imi (you have lost) (1975)



which recounted the history of Zimbabwe, beginning with the colonization of the country

in 1890, and the countless acts of white arrogance

that culminated in Africans taking up arms. Others encouraged young African’s to take

up arms ( Muka tiende) or highlighted the cruel conditions under which blacks lived ,

while also castigating the white settlers for their intransigence. There also those who

made direct appeals to Mwari, the creator to intervene and release them from the yoke of

oppression , for example, Chitaika’s1978 song Tirwireiwo Mwari ( Fight for us God) and

Mutukudzi’s Ndiri Bofu. This period, that is, the decade from 1970 to the end of 1979

may be said to be one of the most negative periods in the relationship between the Music

industry and the Government in Zimbabwe . This was due to the escalation of war and

the need for music that motivated and inspired the down trodden audiences.This was the

period of the rise of Chimurenga ,and as asserted by (Pongweni ,1982), “the songs won

the war.”

The attainment of independence in 1980 may be said to be the rise of Zimbabwean music

proper.That is to say, the use of the term Zimbabwe was no longer outlawed such that

music produced at indepence with the name Zimbabwe were truelly songs of Zimbabwe

no simply Rhodesian protest songs. In 1980 , Thomas Mapfumo, Zacks Manatsa, the

Four brother and others produced songs that congratulated the Ruling party, the masses of

Zimbabwe and Robert Mugabe in particular. (Chitando, 2002:43) declares that the songs

of Chimurenga had moved from protest to praise. Songs produced in the immediate post

colonial period thanked the Ancestors and God for their guidance and support. Wolfgang

(Bender, 1991:164) contends that “ the first year of Independence became the year of

Chimurenga pop” It must be noted that the first decade of Independence is often potrayed

as a honey moon period in Zimbabwean music. To be precise, so confident were most

people of the prosperity that lay ahead that one political and cultural nationalist declared

in 1981 that , “ the protest song proper ended with the Independence of Zimbabwe on 18

April 1980.”(Kahari, 1981:981) For their part artist like Mapfumo, Mutukudzi and others

“ articulated the new governments goals of unity , national consolidation, reconciliation

and development through hard work.” (Kwaramba 1997: 72) The music of the first

decade of Zimbabwe is largely characterized by as Maintained by Chitando ( 2001:45)



“celebration and optimism.” It would be prudent therefore to conclude that the

relationship between the Music industry and the government at this juncture was a

positive and optimistic one.

The Independence “honeymoon” did not last long as weaknesses began to show. Starting

in the late 1980s, elements of pessimism began to creep into the national psyche. In the

1990s harsh economic and political realities and political contradiction threatened the

unified nationalist project. Corruption by the black elite ( lamented in Mapfumo’s 1988

song corruption), wastefulness by the state and intolerance of opposing views generalized

the painful reality that “the government could not deliver the economic miracle it had

promised” ( Chitando,2002:46) This led to a change in the relationship between the

leadership and the people. A new genre of music emerged and took root. This was a

genre protesting the failure of the government to deliver the boon of independence. In his

1990 song “Varombo kuvarombo,”, Mapfumo protested the leadership’s consolidation of

wealth while the poor majority remained trapped in a vicious property trap.

Retrenchments, soaring prices ,unemployment and destitution became widespread.

Gibbon(1995) asserts that “ the working poor struggled to make ends meet.” Musicians

captured the national mood in their compositions. In the late 1980s and early

1990s,young African singers were strident in their criticism the failure of the

government’s economic policies. Artsits like Edwin Hama ,Leonard Zhakata and Simon

Chimbetu and others released songs that criticised the regular price increase as in Hama’s

Asila Mali ,oppressive labour situation ,high tax rate and other issues. In this case , the

relationship negative with artists creating protests while the government banned those

that were too open in their criticism , Edwin Hama’s Asila Mali and Zhakata’s Mugove

faced bans while Chimbetu’s Pane Asipo was investigated. (Eyre 2001)

The relationship remained on of negativity well into the 21st century, however with the

land redistribution that began in 2000 and that was legalised with the land distribution act

, it took on an ambivalent face yet again. Suddenly many of the artists who had been

silent in the protest era of the 1990s revived producing music praising the land

redistribution and the govt’s stance against neo imperialism. However others such as



Mapfumo and the small time Bulawayo musician Bekhitemba Khumalo produced

protests against the program. Mapfumo’s Marima Nzara (2001) blames the government

for taking the white-controlled land. The singer criticizes the government for attempting

to introduce equity in land redistribution. ( Eyre :2001)

He takes the process of removing excess land from a white minority as an “invasion”; he

sees white settlers as a silent and persecuted group, endowed with a natural capacity to

farm. In the song, Mapfumo claims the government is misguided in taking away land

from those with the capacity to farm. Khumalo faced struggle in recording and releasing

a song titled “The president is a thief” (2001) On the otherside of the strata are artists like

Chinx with his Hondo Yeminda (2002) and Joshua Sacco with Chenjera (2002) which

are all “in support of the land reform programme.” (Vambe: 2004)It must also be noted

that the government , which from it’s beginning had been accused of not supporting

cultural work ,in 2003 removed all duty on all technology linked to the creation of

cultural material that is to say recording and performance equipment such as microphones

, cameras and musical instruments. Also , at the behest of the then minister of information

,Jonathan Moyo , all local broadcasters were required by law to have a playlist of seventy

five percent local content. At the time this was viewed by many at the time as a bad thing

, with some Deejays complaining that, “ all stations would sound the same.” (Eyre ,2001:

39) However this was shortsighted as this move led to the rise of a modern urban idiom

dubbed urban grooves. This has also led to a rise in underground and independent record

labels independent of Gramma /ZMC’s monopoly in terms of recording and distribution

for example Leonard Mapfumo’s Hesh Mufesh Record’s , and Elias Musakwa’s

Ngaavongwe which took away much of Gramma’s distribution monopoly. This move has

also allowed a rise in underground protest movements with music equipment having

become more easily accessible .

In conclusion , It is evident that the relationship between the Music Industry and The

government in both colonial and post independence Zimbabwe has been one of

Ambivalence.In each era there has been times of positivity and negativity . While there

has also been points at which both polarities have been evident in the relationship. That



is, the relationship has been based on the ideology expressed by the artist, either it was in

agreement with the government and warranted positivity or in protest against the

government and warranted negativity.

Documents

Music Business In Zimbabwe