Morioka Kiyomi

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Morioka Kiyomi

:

From a Structural to a Life-Cycle Theory

of Religious Organization

NISH

YAMA Shigeru

My first sociology of religion course in graduate school was

taug ht b y Morioka Kiyomi. His scholarly style left such an

indel ible imprint on my own thought processes that

I

am t o

a considerable ex ten t a Moriokan. do ub t , therefore , tha t

I am suited t o un de rtak e a crit ical review of his work. T he

challenge t o t ry was accepted, however, because if th e a t tem pt

is not made now ,

I

may never be able to object ify thoroughly

th e Morioka within myself. O f course, th e task far ex-

ceeds my l imited, imm ature capabil it ies; bu t having accep ted,

I intend to examine matters as dispassionately as possible in

order to appraise th e im port of Morioka's work in the so-

ciology of religion no t on ly fo r myself bu t also for all engaged

in this field in Japan.

I

hope, further , to ident i fy whatever

problems may remain in his t reatm ent o f major themes and

to offe r , for what they may be wor th , my own responses to

them.

arly influences

Before taking up his theories,

I

had bet ter

to uc h brief ly o n his background an d development . O n 28

Oc tober 19 23 , Morioka was bo rn th e e ldest son of a ra ther

well-to-do farm family living in th e S him o Awa hamlet at-

tached t o th e village of 6y am ad a in Mie Prefecture. Because

his family, l ike others in the community, was a supporting

Translated by David

L.

Swain, with the kind permission of the author and of the

editor, from Morioka Kiy om i: KyM an k6 z6 ron kara ky6da n shirki ron e

m

I.Hf ir;li n. 1', 1.41,1 Mlik. . o k u m ihuky nyuzu

II# , ,,;.:.$'(

- I;

1711-2 (1979): 55-73.


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household o f a temple belonging to th e Buddhist True Pure

Land sect (Jbdo ShinshG Honpa Honganji-ha), he grew ac-

customed from a n early age t o the chanting of th e Shb-

shinge. ' This family back groun d was perha ps no t wholly

unrelated t o his later decis ion to d o research o n th e Tr ue

Pure Land organization.

After graduating from his own prefecture's Mie Normal

Sch ool, he enrolled in To ky o Higher Normal Sch ool in 194 3.

In 1945 he entered th e Philosophy D epar tment of the To ky o

University o f Lite ratu re an d Science. Th ere he studied soci-

ology under Okada Yuzuru and for his senior thesis wrote

Nbson shakai no ichi ruikei [On e typ e of rural soc iety ] .

Graduate study

Following gradu ation in March 19 48 , he

remained at th e universi ty, o n Okada's recomm endation, as

a special research stu de nt until March 1 95 0. Th is brief period

was extrem ely im po rtan t for Morioka in several ways. During

this t im e, he penne d his first article , Dbz oku ketsug2, n i

kan suru ichi shikd [A preliminary view of the extended

household bo dy ] (1948).2 This marked his de bu t as a scholar .

More important, the basic ideas and scholarly perspectives

:hat were to distinguish his later wo rk, wh ethe r in religious

o r family studies, all began t o ap pear in this period.

In January 19 49 he began what was t o becom e a series of

s tudies o n Shin to with his ar t icle Miyaza to sonraku shakai

n o k6z6 [R ura l social struc ture and shrine parish organiza-

t io n] , la ter expanded and revised as Sonraku no k a ik y i k6zd

1 The Sh6sh inge is the name given the last 120 verses o f volum e of the

Kyogybshinshb [Teaching, practice, faith, and attainm ent], the main doctrinal

work produced by Shinran, traditionally regarded as the founder of the True

Pure Land sect. -Transl.

2. The terms dozoku, dbzoku ketsugb, and dbzoku dun all refer to the extended

household group, that is, a body comprised of a main house and its branch

houses and considered as a social unit. For more on th edbzo ku dan see p.

149

note

I

-Ed.


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t o miyaza [Class structure and th e miyaza system in a vil-

lage] (1954a).3 A year later, in Janu ary 19 50 , he began

studies of a rural Christ ian church in the Gunma Prefecture

village of Shimam ura-again launching what wou ld becom e a

continued program of research on Christian churches. Soon

after , in March of th e same year, he m ade a systematic analysis

of the organizat ional s t ructure of the Takada sect of True

Pure Land Buddhism; this too was the beginning of a series

of inquiries int o Tru e Pure L and bodies.

Mentors.

In all these efforts Morioka was in various ways

building on the labors of Aruga Kizaemon and his colleagues

whose research o n t h e household

ie)

and the extended house-

hold d 6 z ok u ) was the n a t i ts zenith in th e world o f sociology.

This influence was particularly evident in Morioka's appli-

cation of household and ex tended household theories to his

stud y of T rue Pure L and organizat ion.

In tha t connect ion i t m ay b e noted tha t Aruga and Nakano

Takashi, b ot h of wh om had from prewar days engaged in

household/extended household research, became a professor

and full-time lecturer, respectively, in the Sociology Depart-

ment of To ky o University of E ducat ion when it was founde d

in 19 49 soon after th e end of the war. Their presence presum-

ably exerted some influence o n Morioka's research m etho ds

in those days.

In addi t ion, s ince urged by Okada in 1947 t o d o his senior

thesis on the family life-cycle, Morioka had been reading

widely on theories of the family l ife-cycle in the l i terature

o f Am erican rural sociology (1 97 3e , p. iii).

Publications and positions. It was not unti l the 1952-54

3 . Miyazu:

a Shinto parish organization comprised of specific households in

some cases, of men or women in certain age groups) that perform certain

rituals in honor o f the parish kami ujigaml]. -Transl.

. IU/WII~.W/w~rnulu Re1igi1111.sS~I I~/~I ,S? :I . l u ~ i c ~ - S e ~ ~ t v ~ ~ ~ l ) e r98 169


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period, however, that the results of Morioka7s years as a

special research student were published. Articles appearing

in this period include his Chiisei makki honganji kyddan

ni okeru ikkashu [The Honganji organization of the late

medieval period as an assemblage of households] (1952,

1953a), Nihon ndson ni okeru kirisutokyd no juyb [Ac-

ceptance of Christianity in a Japanese rural community]

1953b), the previously mentioned Sonraku n o kaikyij

kbzo to miyaza [Class structure and the miyaza system in

a village] (1954a), and, on the sociology of the household,

Kazoku kenkyu no ichi shikaku: Kazoku shiiki no riron to

hbhb [One perspective on family studies: Theory and

method in the study of family life-cycles] (1 953c).

In April 1950 Morioka became an assistant at Tokyo

University of Literature and Science and continued teaching

first there, then at its successor institution, Tokyo University

of Education, for the next twenty-eight years. He was the

last dean of the latter institution's humanities division until

Tokyo University of Education closed in 1978. Currently,

he is a professor in the liberal arts division of Seijd University

(Tokyo).

Character

Morioka is industrious and methodical; his work

is done promptly and accurately. An exceptionally productive

scholar, his works during the twenty-eight-year period from

1948 to 1976 consist of 14 edited or authored books and

191 articles (see appended list of his main writings). His out-

put thus averages 1 edited or authored book every two years

and some articles per year. These figures do not include

such things as articles of less than five pages, book reviews,

public lectures, panel discussions, critiques, bibliographies,

newspaper articles, pieces used by publishers in promotional

material, lecture summaries for monthly reviews, or high-

school text materials.

Moreover, Morioka maintained his level of productivity even


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~ I O ~ < I I I \ . \

K l y om i

From Structur;il t Life Cycle Theory

during the 1968-70 period of campus turmoil when he served

as university trustee and during his 1974-78 deanship. Such

constancy witnesses to his exceptional powers of self-

discipline and time-management.

While still a special research student, Morioka received

Christian baptism in 1948 from missionary Theodor Jaeckel

of the German Evangelical Church. Many people have there-

fore regarded his Christian faith as the formative force behind

his character and qualities, and some even speak of the

puritan Morioka. But this is not necessarily the case. Ac-

cording to his own recollections, he was endowed with the

character and attributes that inform his work long before

his contact with Christianity; indeed, they prompted him to

approach the rationally oriented Protestantism with which

he felt some affinity. Even so, according to the preface of

his

Gendai sh k i no minshii to shi ky6

[Religion and people

in contemporary Japanese society], his Christian faith was

in any case the main factor in the development of my per-

spective on religion (1975c, p. iv).

HIEF ON ERNS

As already noted, Morioka's research activity began about

1947, and by 1950 the basic ideas and perspectives charac-

teristic of his work had already emerged.

Shinto In looking back over his career, Morioka points out

that about 1947 he was stimulated by the household-organi-

zation research then in its ascendancy to study his own native

rural community from that perspective, and in fact he spent

some time observing his native community. He abandoned

this notion, however, because he felt the household-organi-

zation approach more appropriate to communities in the

northern part 'of Japan's main island and less to the region

of his birth. Instead, he attempted an analysis of class struc-

tures of the neighboring rural community of Mibuno as


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reflected in its shrine parish organization (miyaza). T he results

of tha t early research e ffor t were published in his 1 94 9 art icle

Miyaza to sonraku shakai no k6z6 [R ura l social structure

and shrine parish org anization].

Bud dhism . Having aband oned research o n the household

as such, Morioka embarked on serious, practical inquiries

into other aspects of household and extended household

theo ry. His subsequ ent series of studies of Tru e Pure Land

Bud dhist organization w ere in fa ct an extens ion of this original

sh ift in focus. Th is series began with Bukk y6 kyiidan n o

kbzb [Bud dhist organizational str uc tur e], writ ten while

he was still a special research student, and continued with

his work on the Honganji organization of the late medieval

period as patterned o n household/extende d household re-

lat ionships (1 952, 1953a). From 19 52 he conducted surveys

o n True Pure Land temples of the b a n i sec t loca ted on the

Noto peninsula (on the Japan sea coast north of Osaka) and,

from 1956 , on True Pure Land temples of the Tak ada sect

in Fu ku i Prefecture. These studies were brough t t o fruit ion

in a gradu ate thesis in 19 62 and published u nder the t it le

Shinshii ky6da n to ie seido [T he Shin Bu ddhist orders

and th e ie system] ( 1962d).4

Morioka su bseque ntly produced many art icles on Tr ue

Pure Land organization, later compiled in a volume entitled

Shinshii

kybdan ni okeru ie n o k6zb [Ie s t ructures in True

Pure Land organization] 19 78 0.

In term s of research perspective, th e late r ie structures

volume is no t fundam entally different from th e earlier ie

system work. Ru t the thorough ly empirical research in the

sociology of religion, based on the household and extended

househo ld theo ries presented in th e ie system volum e, was

a gen uine innovation in Japanese religious sociology; indeed,

4. Ie family and/or

stem

family; household and/or extended household. Transl.

72

Jupunese Journul of Hrligiotrs Studies

7 2-3 I unr-Sq ternl er

198


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i t is no exaggeration to say that this work was the first truly

sociologic l sociology of religion produced in Japa n.

Christianity Morioka's studies of Japanese Christianity

began in January

1

9 5 0 with his investigation o f the Methodist

churc h in Shirnamura. In t ime they came to embrace such

questions as the reception, penetration, and establishment

of Protestantism and the patterns of change i t experienced in

Japanese rural society.

In 19 53 he wrote an art ic le on the Shimamura church

enti t led Nihon nbson ni okeru kirisutokyb no juyb [Ac-

ceptance of Christ iani ty in a Japanese rural community],

and later an oth er , Chihb shb toshi ni okeru kirisuto kyb kai

n o keisei [T he establishment o f a Christian chu rch in a small

local ci ty] (1959a), a study of a Congregational church in

th e G unm a Prefecture town of Annaka. These were followed

by a monograph on a Methodist church in the Yamanashi

Pre fectu re village of Kusa kabe, Nihon nbson ni ok eru kiri-

su tok yb n o dochak uka [Indigenization of Christ ianity

in

Japanese rural society 196 ).

Despite the affinit ies among these objects of research on

Christian churches, however, there were some discrepancies

in the way m etho ds and concep ts were applied, so the art icles

as a whole lack the theoretical consistency seen in Morioka's

studies of T ru e Pure Land Buddhism. In the acceptance ar-

ticle on S him am ura, for exam ple, he utilized M.J. Herskovits'

theo ry of acc ulturation and thus focused on alterations

in local cus tom s involved in the intera ction of Christianity

w ith established folk religion 195 9e, p. 195). T he church-

sec t typo logy of Liston Pop e an d Walter Muelder was employ-

ed in th e establishment stud y of An naka t o depict Chris-

tianity's change t o a religion of th e household. critical

application of David

0

Moberg's theory of life cycles

n

religious organizations was m ade in th e indigenization

article (on Kusakabe) to trea t the process by which the


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church comes to occupy an established position within the

institutional structures of society (1 965b, p.5).

The degree of internal correlation and overall integration

of concepts and methods achieved in these articles was less

than adequate, as Morioka himself recognized. It was not

until much later, in 1972, that he achieved conceptual clarity

and consistency regarding the phenomena of reception,

penetration, establishment, and change in the case of an im-

ported religion. In that year he wrote 'Gairai shiiky6 no

dochakuka' o meguru gainenteki seiri [A conceptual ex-

amination of the indigenization of foreign-born religions]

1972e).5 In this article various issues pertaining to a religion

of foreign origin were organized within a coaxial framework.

One axis dealt with the degree of change: was change limited

to nonessential aspects, or did it penetrate to matters of

substance? The other axis involved relations to other systems

in the recipient society: did the newly introduced religion

take a negative-rejecting or an affirmative-accepting stance

toward its values and behavioral patterns? Within this broad

concept of indigenization, Morioka distinguished four possible

types: isolation, indigenization, clandestinization, and sub-

mergence. Unfortunately, he has not subsequently carried

out empirical studies using this framework, so its usefulness

has not been clearly confirmed.

Religion and state Following his 1962

ie

system study,

Morioka began introducing new perspectives into his studies

of Shinto shrines and Christian churches. One was a new

emphasis on the importance to shrine studies of relations to

state power. Another was his realization of the need to deal

with the effects on shrines and churches of the intense popu-

lation mobility that stemmed from the remarkable rate of

urbanization spurred by Japan's rapid economic growth in the

5 .

A contribution to

a

discussion initiated by Sakurai and Ozawa 1971) . -Transl.

7 Japanese Jour tul o

u l i g i om

Sfudivs

j :< I unr-Sel letnl er 198


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1960s.

Notable among studies taking state power into account

was his Meiji makki ni okeru shiiraku jinja no seiri [Local

shrine mergers in the closing years of Meiji] (1 966b, 1969b).

Here Morioka sought to trace the process through which

such major events as the abolition and amalgamation of

shrines took place, not because of changes in community

structure but because of the intrusion of state power, in order

to assess how the community adapted structurally to this

imposed change (1966b, p. 2). This led him to analyze the

shrine merger process first in Mie Prefecture and, second, on

the national scene. In a 1975 article, Jinja o meguru jfimin

kanj6 to kanrybteki gbrishugi [Bureaucratic rationalism and

local residents' sentiments regarding shrines] (1975d), Mori-

oka discussed the refusal of governmental authorities to ap-

prove local residents' desires to construct new shrines. The

sense of problem evident in this work is essentially the same as

in his local shrine mergers articles

1

966b, 1969b).

Studies of shrines and churches affected by urbanization

and population mobility include Kinkbka ni yoru chiiki

kc26 no henka [Change in neighborhood structure due to

suburbanizationl 1964), Chiiki shakai no jinkb id6 to kiri-

su to kybkai no ky6sei [Population mobility in local com-

munities and Christian church strength] (1 966c), and Kink&

ka ni yoru jinja shinkb no henbo [Transformation in shrine

worship due to suburbanization] (1968e). Each of these

studies was based on extensive questionnaire surveys, and in

this respect differed from Morioka's previous work. Of these

three, the 1966 and 1968 studies sought t o ascertain what

alterations in the shrines stemmed from suburbanization-

caused changes in community social structures l968e, p.75).

This was done by focusing on local shrines in the suburban

areas of ~ o k ~ ohere population growth rates at the time

were highest. In the 1966 study, churches related to the

United Church of Christ in Japan and located in various in-


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dustrial, inne r ci ty , residential, suburb an, and hinterland areas

were selected and their membership increaseldecrease com-

pared o n th e basis of the supposition that there is a close cor-

relat ion between populat ion m ovem ent and church member-

ship fluctuation, the latter being basically controlled by the

former I 9 7 5 4 p . 1 6

I ) .

Theoretical synthe sis

During the 196 0s when cam pus turmoil

was widespread, Morioka's work expanded to cover a variety

of topics; at the same t ime he began to move from treat ing

Shinto, Buddhism, and Chris t ianity as separate objects of

research

to taking a larger view in which more general and

comprehensive principles of religious phenomena could be

articu lated . Th is shift is evident in his Toshika gensh6

to shitkyo [Urbanization and rel igion] (1 9 6 8 0 . Here he

clearly

elaborates, from a general perspective, how Shinto,

Bu ddh ism , and Christianity each has its social basis in local

community, household, and individual respectively, and then

explain s how this base undergoes change o r even collapses

und er the impact of urbanization.

As for expansion of research interests, Morioka during

these same years published various articles on theory, survey

.nethods, research trends, religion in general, and folk religion.

Space limita tion s prevent listing specific titles, b ut the range of

his interests ma y be seen in t he acco mp anyin g table (tab le 1).

Since his 19 72 survey of M yGchikai, Morioka h as engaged in

studies of various new religious organizations such as Tenri-

k y 6

K onk6ky6 , ~ m o t o ,nd Rissh6 K6seikaL6

6

The Myachikai study, set up as one part of a project sponsored by the Japan

Committee of the Institute for Religion and Social Change under the chairman-

ship of the late Hori lchirb then a professor at Seijb University), was guided by

Morioka, who in turn coopted Nishiyama Shigeru and Moroto n6e Inoue) Aiko

as assistants.

I t

was carried out for a one-week period beginning 1 2 September

1972, a team of students from Tokyo University of Education providing most

of the labor. The results appear in Morioka 1976b), Morioka and Nishiyama

19780, Nishiyama l976), Nishiyama 1978), etc.


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TABLE

L

Morioka Articles Distributed by Topic,

Year

of

Publi-

cation

1948

1949

195

1951

1952

1953

1954

1955

I956

1957

1958

1959

196

1961

1962

1963

1964

1965

1966

1967

1968

1969

197

197

1972

1973

1974

1975

I976

Total

Sociolo

Source: Morioka 1977f.

of Religion

Total

s

m

3

7

3

6

4

6

I

9

6

7

8

18

16

I I

8

12

7

1

8 3

16

--

91 14

.

Note: The sociology of religion articles number 82 (42.9 ), he others 109 (57.1 ).

[:or types of material excluded from consideration, s above,

p

170.

.I~I/QI W V. IOII~II


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Having turned to the new rel igions ra ther la te in his career ,

Mor i oka has so f a r p roduced f ew a r ti c le s o n t hem , bu t wha t h e

has p roduced con t a i ns h i n t s o f concep t ua l and m e t hodo l og i cal

innova t ions th a t make on e loo k forward eager ly t o th e result s

o f h is fur th er w ork o n these re l ig ious groups .

T h us far , ar t ic les o n th e new rel igions include Mybchikai

kai'in n o shCky6 ishiki [Rel igious consciousness am on g My&

chika i members I 19 76 b) , Minshfi shf ikyb no kyb so n i oke ru

kar isumasei [Char isma in fou nd ers o f popula r rel ig ions]

I 978 b) , Sh inshi ikyo n o ch i hb denpa t o t e ichaku n o ka t ei

[ new rel igion 's di f fusion and establ ishment in a local com-

m u n i t y ] l 9 7 8 i ) , a n d S h i n s h i k y o n o s e id o k a k ate i [ T h e

i nst it u ti onal iza ti on o f a new r el ig ious mo vem ent ] 1 9 7 8 ~ ) .

Al l three 19 78 ar tic les are con cern ed w i th th e inst i tut ional i -

za t ion process in the new re ligions, but they em bo dy tw o

dist inct ive approaches.

T h e ar t ic l e on founders and the i r char i sma 19 78 b) i s a

s tud y und er taken f rom the theore ti ca l s t andpo int th a t sees

rel igious organizat io ns as t racing a l ife-cycle. Beginning with

the emergence of char i sma, a breakthrough occurs , t radi t ion

is t ranscended , and some t h i ng ou t o f t he o rd i na ry comes i n t o

be ing . Th i s s t a r ts from t he appea rance o f t he found e r and

hi s or her c ircle o f d isciples , cont inues through th e format ion

of a re l igious organizat ion, i t s systemat izat ion, bureaucrat i -

zat io n, a nd inst i tut ional izat ion, an d goes o n t o i t s fossil iza-

t i on ( 1 9 7 8 b , p .

242) .

This i s a s tudy, then , of the ins t i -

tut io nal iz at ion process as i t per ta ins to re ligious organizat ion

seen in the con text o f soc ie ty as a whole .

B y con trast , th e a new rel igion ar tic le (1 97 8i) analyzes

the fa i th and organiza t ion of one new re l ig ion , Mybchika i ,

wi th respec t to the condi t ions and processes of i t s spread to ,

pene t ra t ion of , and es tabl i shment in one par t i cula r loca l

communi t y ( t he Yunohama d i s t r i c t o f Tsuruoka c i t y i n t he

prefec ture o f Yamagata ) . Th e analysi s dep end s on the com -

bining of three variables: the charact er of this new rel igion,


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the s tructural peculiar i t ies of this local community, and the

personal qu alities of those in leader and follow er roles.

Th us the charisma article (19 78 b) and th e inst itut ion-

al izat ion ar t icle 1978j) take u p the inst itut ionalizat ion of

religious organizations within society as a whole, whereas

th e a new religion article (1 978i) deals with th e institution-

al ization o f a new fai th in a part icular com mu nity. All three,

however, may be regarded as the working out of Morioka's

inte ntio n t o consider indigenization as an expression of

faith 19 65 b, p. 3 ) while drawing on Moberg's conc ep t of

life-cycles in religious organizations. T h e dyn am ic grasp

o f religion e vident in M orioka's studie s of new religions

contrasts sharply with the s tat ic s tructural analyses in his

series of s tudies on True Pure Land Buddhism, but i t goes

back t o and is informed by his sequence of s tudies o n th e

acceptance of Chris t ianity (1 95 3b et seq.) .

Topical analysis

In the 197 0s Morioka compiled much o f

his past research in bo ok form. First came Nihon no kindai

shakai to kirisutokyo [The development of the Chris t ian

church in the mod ern socie ty of Japa n] (1970b) , fol lowed by

Religion in changing Japanese society ( 1 9 7 5 a ) , an d Gendai

shakai no minshii t o shtiky6 [Religion and people in contem-

porary Japanese society 1 9 7 5 ~ ) . he f ir st of these three was

based o n his series of Christian studies. T h e last broug ht

tog eth er a nu m be r o f discursive essays previously published in

scattered sources, essays embodying his perspectives on reli-

gion in present-day Japan. T he remaining volume drew from

his occasional articles on Japanese religion earlier published in

English.

At this point let us look at the distribution of Morioka's

works according to topic, referring to table

1.

f a total of

191 articles, 82 (42.9%) fall within the sociology of religion

category.

Of

14 full- length books (whether edited or au-

tho red ), (42.9%) are on sociology o f religion topics. Th e


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reason that less than half of his books and articles pertain

to sociology of religion is that from the 1960s he has devoted

an increasing number of articles to sociological studies of the

family. Of the 109 articles on sociological topics other than

religion, 89 (81.7%) are family studies. This strong interest

of his goes back, of course, to the senior thesis theme sug-

gested by Okada and to the article he published as early as

1953, namely, his One perspective on family studies

(19 5 3~ ) . Morioka began devoting his major energy to this

field, however, only after publishing his ie system volume

(1962d). This work constitutes a watershed between his com-

pletion of the True Pure Land studies taken up under 0kada7s

direction and his response to the escalation of social concern

for family problems provoked by Japan's rapid economic

growth. His concentration on family studies ran from 1953 to

the 1973 publication of

Kazoku shckiron

[A study of the

family life-cycle] 1973e).

Among his 82 sociology of religion articles, the largest

group of 33 (40.2%) deals with Buddhism (mostly True Pure

Land Buddhism). Next is Christianity with 14 7%), follow-

ed by general religious studies, 11 (13.4%); theory and meth-

odology, 8 (9.8%); Shinto, 7 (8.5%); folk religion, 7 (8.5%);

and new religions, 2 (2.4%). Quantitatively considered, these

works show that Morioka's attention has obviously been

directed toward True Pure Land Buddhism and Christianity.

Substantively, however, his compelling interest has been not

so much in the specific religions themselves as in investigating

them so as to derive more general sociological patterns. This

interest likewise appears to have led him to focus primarily

on aspects of religion (such as religious organization) amenable

to the derivation of such regularities.

C DEMIC PPRO CH ND RESE RCH METHODS

The logic of social facts.

From his mentor Okada, Morioka

inherited an academic approach that is essentially Durkheim-


15/41

i an. In th i s app roac h th e objec t s of soc io logica l research

are cognized in ter m s of thei r external an d l imi ting

at t r ib ute s and t reate d as socia l facts which, in dist inct ion

f rom personal ph eno m ena , a re to be observed as th ings. Thi s

i s, in a w ord , the approac h know n as socio logi sm. Behind

this Durkheimian sociological method l ies a conservat ive view

o f society ap t ly ca ugh t in Miyaj ima 's descr ipt ion of this ap-

proach as an awareness tha t social fac t s a re indepen dent of

th e will an d behavior o f the individual person, th at they pos-

sess a f i rm real i ty which resists the influence of individuals.

Thi s method seeks to fo l low out the logic of soc ia l fac t s l ess

in t e rms of soc ie ty as cons t i tu ted by the in tent iona l behavior

o f au t on om ou s hu m an sub jec ts t han i n t e rms o f t he g ivenness

o f wh at is a l lo t t ed t o indiv idua ls ( in Durkhe im 19 78 , p . 29 0) .

Acco rding to D urk he i m, soc ia l fac ts , fa r f rom be ing a

prod uc t o f t h e will de t e rm i ne it fr om w i t ho u t ; t hey a r e

l ike mo lds in which o u r ac t ions a re inevi tably shaped 19 38 ,

p. 29) .

These molds, in the language of Berger and Luck-

m a n n , c o n s t i t u t e society as obje ct ive real i ty, which is to

say, insti tutions. Th ese scholars see Du rkhe im as under-

takin g his inqui r ies f ro m th e perspect ive of society as sub -

ject ive real i ty, tha t is, th e indiv idua l , b u t as lacking a grasp of

the [d ia lec t i ca l ] re l at ionship be tw een ma n nd the soc ia l

worl d (Be rge r an d Luckm ann 19 66 , p . 78 ; c f. Takasaka

19 76 ) t ha t wou l d enab l e h i m t o re t race t he mo me nt s in which

meaning i s , on the one hand, exte rna l i zed and objec t iva ted i n

t h e

inst i tut ion

and , o n t he o t h e r , l egi ti mat ed and i nt e rna l ized

in the

individual

For t h i s r ea son t he Durkhe i mi an me t hod ,

though som ewh at inef fec tive fo r ana lyz ing soc ia l phen om ena

in respect of genesis a nd ch ange, is appro pr ia te and useful for

analyzing th em in respect of thei r establ i shed, s t ructural

features.

Since Morioka 's s tudies o f Tr ue Pure Land Buddhist

organizat ion were di rec ted precisely tow ard su ch features, the

Durkhe i mi an approach and m e t h od was emi nen t l y su it abl e .

Mor ioka's a f f in i t y t o Durkhe i mi an t hough t comes o u t


16/41

clearly in the preface to his ie system bo ok : My intent ion

s

to t reat Buddhist organizat ion as one branch of extended

household s tudies (19 62 d, p. i) and, approaching the s tudy

of Tru e Pure Land organization from that perspective, to draw

o n the household system as the mo ld for i ts organizational

structure (1 96 2d , p. i i) . What led him to ad op t this view-

po int he e xpla ins as follows:

After Otani Kozui had resigned his post as chief abbot of

Honganji tem ple and gone t o shanghai,' he wro te a scathing

characterization of the True Pure Land organization: They

claim to have the power to reverse the course of the whole

world, b ut in fact lack th e power even to reverse the headlong

rush with which the organization is heading for deteriora-

tion This cannot be attributed merely to

y

own incom-

peten ce; even if the ablest takes my place, the result will be

the same. This indictment he mailed to readers in his hom e

country.

The pessimistic outlook expressed in this denunciation is

not one share. suspect, moreover, that most mem bers of

the True Pure Land organization would agree.

What did capture my attention is the indication that the

head of the organization is powerless to reverse its course,

that beneath the rapid flow of events there is an awesome

force-operating like an inexorable law--which no one can

resist.

This research is directe d towa rd just that p oin t: the pro-

position that the larger th e religious orga nizatio n, the mo re

likely that there will be a law-like movement transcending

individual wills. The task here contem plated is t o grasp the

nature of that power within the history and reality of the

religious organization (l9 6 2d , p. i).

7 0tani K6zui (1876-1948) was the 22nd head of the Nishi Honganji temple of

True Pure Land Buddhism. He resigned in 1914 due to financ ial scandal and

went to Shanghai where he conducted business in China and the Sou th Seas.

He advocated a nationalistic ideology and supported Japan s wars in China and

the Pacific. -Transl.


17/41

An awesome force no one can resist, a law-like move-

ment transcending individual willsv-these express social

facts in typical Morioka style; they are the kinds of things

he expects sociology to discover and confirm. He seems to

have an uncommon trust in the existence of such law-like

qualities hidden behind phenomena.

From regularities to middle-range theories. Morioka's deter-

mination to uncover the general, universal, regulatory principles

underlying phenomena probably stemmed in large part from

the rationalism rooted in his character and attitude toward

life. All this accorded with the Christian world view that sees

God's order permeating the phenomenal world. It seems

safe to say that his work has indeed been sustained by the firm

belief that all existence has a rational order and that if appro-

priate procedures are followed, rational understanding of all

things is possible.

Such a rationalism is reflected in Morioka's personal pref-

erences. As a student he enjoyed, and was good at, geometry

and grammar. Geometry possesses a rationality articulated

with straightforward clarity and coherence; Morioka later

regarded this discipline as the model for all scholarship. As

for sociological research method, the ideal type devised by

this logic-emphasizing scholar comes out in his article Riron

kbsei e no sekkin [An approach to theory construction],

1 968i), written under the influence of Zetterberg's On theory

and verification in sociology 962).

But rationality and logicality are not the only distinguish-

ing features of Morioka's scholarly work. Logic, unfettered,

at times soars to spacious but specious speculation and to the

spinning of grand theories. Morioka, however, does not

indulge in such excesses; he dislikes the poverty of grand

theories, the emptiness of speculation. He prefers the sober

and more honest pathway of empirical verification that begins

with confining one's perspective to dimensions where phenom-


18/41

ena exist (19 68 i, p. 21 9) an d then generalizes fr om th e

lowest level, rising, via empirical verification, to 'theories of

th e m iddle range' (1 962 d, p .

5 .

Relationship between sociology o f religion and sociology.

Morioka's sociology of religion, then, is both logical and em-

pirical; it is also thoro ug hly sociological. This is on ly na tural

for Morioka, as he is a student of religion because he is first

a sociologist. Here lies bo th his stre ng th an d his weakness.

The present situation in which sociology of religion constitutes

a specific and limited subdiscipline within the general dis-

cipline of sociology will, M orioka think s, continue fo r som e

time ; b u t in th e long run sociology o f rel igion will proba bly be

parceled out into theories of movements, groups, organiza-

t ions, systems and th e l ike, and eventually disappear (1 97 8k ,

p . 5 . He co nte nd s tha t religious pheno men a sh ould be viewed

in term s of these m ore comp rehensive perspectives. T he ideal

is that rel igious organizations should be compared, for ex-

amp le, with industrial , governmental, an d educational organi-

zation s t o yield a highly abstract theory of organization

and, conversely, that religious organizational theories should

constantly be checked against and understood in terms of

m ore general organizational the or y. Morioka's po int is th at

the sociological study of religion is

sociology

of religion, and

hence th at the scholar 's fidelity m ust b e to sociology as th e

research m eth od m ore th an t o rel igion as the research field.

For a more concrete definit ion of what sociology of re-

ligion is and does, the following excerpt from his

ie

system

volume is per t inen t:

In my opinion the sociology of Buddhism is not concerned

with investigating Buddhist social phenomena in general. t

selects, rather, Buddhist groups as phenomena for investiga-

tion. Politics, law, mo rals, econom ics, art-all these phen om -

ena are more than merely Buddhist

;

but the y mu st be regulative

in and of B uddhist groups, they m ust be borne by Buddhist


19/41

groups in order to qualify as proper objects of research for a

sociology of Buddhism

l962d

p .

6).

If Buddhism in the above qu ot ati on is replaced by re-

l igion, we have a good s ta tem ent of Morioka 's understanding

of sociology o f religion as of th at t im e. In the preface t o the

sam e volum e he writes, What

I

have t r ied to do in this book

comes under the heading not of the s tudy of re l ig ion but of

t h e s t u d y o f

religious organization

(1962d, p. i i i , emphasis

in original).

Today, as he appl ies himself to developing a sociology of

charisma, Morioka wo uld doub t less wish t o enlarge the scop e

o f this prescriptive defini t ion. But he cont inue s to a t tac h

great im po rtan ce t o th e hu m an associa t ion as form in

Simmel 's sense of the te rm , so i t is ha rd ly t o be expec ted tha t

any new defini t ion wil l depart radical ly from the posi t ion

th at re l igious phen om ena are t o be viewed externally.

Response t o critics.

Since M orioka's stress is on th e

sociology

o f religion, i t is only natu ral tha t he is rou nd ly cri t icized by

scholars who advocate sociology of

religion.

He has taken

th eir cri ticisms seriously, an d in his indigenization art icle

reflects, My stud ies of religion he ret of or e have been mainly

studies of re l igious organizat ion; they have tended t o be

studies of groups devoid of their rel igion (1 96 5b , p. 3 .

Again , the em pty exte rna l ity of m y approach has been

exposed, and i t is c lear th at a new appro ach is required, on e

th at will lay hold o f re ligious ph eno m ena with more a t te n-

t ion t o the internal s ide and consider them in terms of

fai th 196 5b , pp . 3 4 . With Morioka's tu rn from studies of

the organiza t iona l s t ruc ture of True Pure Land Buddhism to

studies of Chris t ian indigenizat ion processes and , m ore recent-

ly, t o th e l ife cycle o f new rel igion organizations an d th e

charisma of their founders , occasions for sensing the need for

such a new app roac h have perhaps increased.


20/41

EVALUATION AND ISSUES OUTSTANDING

A lasting contribution.

Morioka's major con tribu tion to the

sociology of religion in Ja pa n consists in his having joined re-

liance o n a clearly defin ed the oretical frame t o emp irical

verification, thus producing the first genuine sociology of

religion in this cou ntr y. His scholarly work is n o t merely

the investigation of vaguely conceived relationships between

religion an d society ; it is above all the sociological stu dy of

religious phenomena (or sociology that takes religion as its

object of study ). He has n o part in that m od e of scholarship

that is content to offer an abstract , i f not speculative, intro-

duction and then m echanically ap ply th e theories of som e

well-known foreign scho lar. Morioka's sociology of religion

always begins with a discipline-oriented frame that is tested

and confirm ed as he a ccum ulates empirical data directly

related to concrete reali t ies, and then draws out general

proposit ions.

Th is characteristic is clearly ev ident in his stud ies of Tru e

Pure Land Buddhism, especially his ie system and ie

st ructures volumes 1962d, 1 9 7 8 0 the former of which, in

part icular, wil l long be remembered as a monumental work

in th e field o f empirical sociology of religion in Ja pa n. It is

difficult to overevaluate this work as regards its clear concep-

tion o f th e p roblem t o be investigated, i ts logical consistency,

and the th orou gh ness of its emp irical analyses. Morioka's suc-

cessors in the field will find it m os t difficult t o surpass th e

standards set by this wo rk.

O ur pu rpose h ere, however, is no t to extol him by elabo rat-

ing o n these difficulties. In th e remaining paragraphs we will

note, rather, what we personally regard as problematic points

in Morioka's sociology of religion a s well as issues aw aiting

future a t tent ion.

Making room for the religious factor in the object. First o f all

let us consider the m ost characterist ic feature of his wo rk: th e


21/41

central place given t o sociology in his approach. It has already

been pointed o u t th at M orioka understands his task as one of

studying religious organizations, not rel igion as such, but that

in recent years h e s tresses the need fo r a new appro ach th at

will overcome th e tenden cy toward empty external ity and

tow ard studies of religious organizations as somehow devoid

of religion by taking m or e seriously th e internal side of

religion.

That this new emphasis emerged in connect ion with his

studies of C hrist ianity is hardly accidental. T h e Christian

church es in Jap an, especially the P rotes tant c hurches, have

not yet acquired the kind of f i rmly f ixed s t ructures found

in True Pure Land Buddhism; hence, the structural analysis

h e had applied to this Buddhist bo dy is no t well sui ted to the

stud y o f Christ ian organization. If the ob ject of inquiry is

still in an amorphous condition, that is, lacking full-fledged

structures, the Durkheimian approach that perceives social

phenomena as things and abstracts insti tutional molds loses

its force . Th is problem becam e increasingly seriou s as M orioka

to o k up the stu dy of new religious organizations. New wine

m ust be p ut in to new wineskins. Morioka's new wineskins

consis t of the conceptual frame adopted to consider the in-

digenization of an imported religion, the diffusion and estab-

l ishment of

a

new religion in a local co m m un ity , and th e m ore

recen tly em ploy ed life-cycle theo ry of religious organizations.

T he crucial sh ift in analytical focus was from s tatic struc-

tures to the dynamic processes of change that occur with the

passage of t ime. Of part icular im po rtanc e was th e bold

concept ion tha t sought t o m ake a dynam ic analys is of the

religious organizational process in its entirety, beginning

from the appearance of the foun der and his or her c ircle of

disciples, continuing through the formation of a rel igious

organization, ' i t s systemat izat ion, bureaucratization, and

institution alization, and going on t o its fossilization-a life-

cycle theo ry of religious organizations aim ed a t acquiring


22/41

universal regularities 19 78 b, p. 242). This cyclical conc ep t ,

however , is an idea yet t o be tes ted . Apar t f rom on e recent

ar t icle 1978j) , there is , un for tun ate ly , insuff icient indicat ion

of how the cycl ica l p rocess i s to be deal t wi th in concre te

terms.

T he sh if t f rom s ta t ic s t ruc tures t o dyn am ic processes has

doubt less extended the effect ive range of Morioka 's sociolo-

g ica l methodology , bu t the ques t ion remains whether i t

enables h im t o overcome the problem of empty ex ternali ti es

and religious s tud y devoid of rel igion an d thereb y t o t reat

th e internal aspect of rel igion in a way mo re appro priate

t o t he na tur e of re lig ious fa i th . T he answer to th i s ques t ion

is mo re than l ikely half negative and half affirmative. O n the

aff i rmat ive s ide is the fa ct t ha t in d eal ing with rel igious foun-

de rs and their charisma, Morioka has recent ly plunged direct ly

in to t h e teachings and world views of th e founder s themselves-

an appro ach no t seen in ear lier s tudies . On th e negative s ide

is the fact that in his quest ionnaire-employing demographic

s tudies of Shinto shrines and Chris t ian churches , s tudies

con duc ted s ince 1 960 , there is a k ind of empty ex ternal i ty

an d religionless quali ty diff ere nt fro m th at seen in his

ie

system wo rk. This ma y be, af ter al l, an inescapable hand icap

in an ap proac h th at s tudies hu m an associat ions as forms

rather t ha n as rel igious organizat ions . S o long as on e adhe res

to a strict ly sociological approach, the perception of rel igion

will necessarily remain extern al ; conversely , any a t te m pt t o

deal with the internal aspects of rel igion will necessari ly over-

s te p the bo un ds of sociology 's theoret ical f rame. This is the

d i l emma o f t he so iology of rel igion-a s tub bo rn prob lem

th at is n o t Morioka's alone b ut i s co nfr on ted by al l, including

the presen t wr i ter, w ho propose t o car ry forward the socio lo-

gical stu dy of rel igion. It is also w or th men tioni ng, how ever,

th at sociologists, wh o have a clear ly defined m eth od olo gy , are

for tun ate th a t they can occupy themselves wi th th i s k ind of

problem.


23/41

Making ro om fo r th e value facto r i r i thesubjec t Ano ther p rob-

lem in Mo rioka's sociology of religion is th a t of subjectivity

a nd ob jectivity. Max Weber gave classical expression t o this

pro ble m in his propo sal fo r value-free sociology . O n this

m at te r Morioka holds tha t it i s especial ly impo rtant in

sociology, where the object of s tudy i tsel f provides so l i t t le

help in preserving object ivi ty , t o exc lude value judge me nts

fro m logical operat ions . Bu t the choice o f perspective from

which t o t reat th e research objec t is contro l led by som e sub-

jective value-premise 1W 8 k , p . 7). Morioka thus acknowl-

edges t ha t t he s t andpo in t f rom which o ne approaches an

object of study inescapably involves some prior value-judge-

m en t . W hat , the n, is Morioka's ow n value-premise?

In o rder t o answer th i s ques t ion , one needs t o cons ider

th e intel lectual c l im ate in which Morioka began his wo rk.

T h e principal factor in th e im mediate p ostw ar years , on e he

shared with many scholars , was the pract ical i ssue of the

democra tiza tion of Japanese socie ty . T he dom inan t focus

in sociological circles was o n household studies, an d man y

were con cer ned wit h the legacy of feudalism and pre-

mo dern elem ents . The se lat ter prob lems were t o be over-

com e, of course , by democra tiza tion ,' ' which , therefore , was

a widely po pu lar value-premise. Even the pionee r in house -

hold s tudies , Aruga Kiza em on, though wil ling to see in the

hous ehold /extend ed hous ehold ph en om en on dis tinctively

Jap ane se characteristics, opp ose d th e idea of designating

these character is tics as feudal or premodern. Th e most

representa t ive advocate o f d emocra t iza t ion , Fu kutak e Tadashi ,

relied heavily o n Aruga's wo rk in form ula ting his typology of

rural communit ies .

Morioka was no t a dem ocrat iz at ion extremist . But he began

his research on True Pure Land Buddhism in the cl imate

descr ibed above, and h i s t rea tment of the

i

or household

sys tem as the pro to type of th i s body 's organiza t ional s t ruc ture

defini tely manifes ts a negative at t i tud e.


24/41

His ideal image of a religious organization is one in which

individuals with a personal faith are bound together in broth er-

ly and sisterly solidarity t o form a co m m un ity o f believers.

Th e greatest hindrance t o the real ization of such a comm unity

are the ie system up on which religious o rganizations are mo d-

eled and the com monly foun d local comm unity principle of

unity derived from th at of th e household and extend ed house-

ho ld. This negatively unde rstood prototype is clearly

evident in his ie system book (1 962 d). In ano ther work he

writes, Though a researcher sho uld deal solely with objective

realities and refrain from ex pressing his ow n subjective views

n this volume

I

have at times stepped outside this role

(1 9 7 .5 ~ . . iii). In the

ie

system volume as well, here and

there passages oc cur in which he steps over this boun dary. T o

cite a coup le instances:

It is no t enou gh for us t o cond em n the thoroughgoing institu-

tionalization of vertical relations among the temple priests as

a betra yal o f religious principles. We must also reflect on the

irony that this betrayal, built into the structures of the or-

ganization, is done in the name of repaying the kindness of

Sh inra n. This exem plifies the proverb , Even thieves are not

utterly lacking in principle

I

962d , p .

6 9).

The lust for fame at work here has nothin g to do with faith

in the power of the Other

tariki ) .

This clever contribu tion

system brings together the human weaknesses of self-denial

and selfishness. Who can guarantee tha t this system is not

destroying, at its very fo unda tions, faithful suppo rt for the

head temple?

1

962d , p .

169)

With the exception of

endai shakai no minshic t shiikyb

[Religion and people in conte mp orary Japanese soci ety ] , a

collection o f articles written fo r cultu red and religious

persons and th e general public (1 97 5c , p . iii), value-state-

ments disappear from Morioka's works produced af ter the

1 9 6 2 ie system book.

From that t ime on he worked hard ,


25/41

un de r Zetterberg's influence, to improve the precision of his

research methods and thus was most probably incl ined to

suppress o r al together forego any overstepping the bounds

in ord er t o mak e explici t value-statements. Mo reover, after

his ie system boo k (19 62 d), he concentrated mo re on

family than religious studies, and even in his religious research

mad e increasingly extensive use o f questionnaire m etho ds.

These shifts in focus and method probably served as a con-

stra int o n overstepping.

In his 19 78 ie structures work

(19780, for example, there appear vi r tual ly no instances of

overstepping,' ' tho ug h t he research them e and stand po int

are th e same as in the 19 62 ie system work.

The pros and cons of value-statements rest , in the last

analysis, o n the judg m ent of each individual scholar. Bu t if

radical overstepping is suppressed o r com pletely avoided,

if articles are made impossibly dull and senseless because a

boundary that should have been overstepped was not and a

value-standard or sense of problem thu s diluted o r lost , this

is certainly as pro blem atic as radical overstepping.

Morioka's wo rks as a whole are by n o mean s lackluster o r

pointless, but a few, produced since he adopted questionnaire

m etho ds in th e 19 60 s, are n o t entirely free of this danger. Is

there , af ter all , n o way t o avoid the tendency for scholarly

wo rks to becom e less interesting as they are m ade mo re

scientific ?

The two problematic points and consequent challenges we

have no ted in Morioka's wo rks are, o f course, n o less problem s

and challenges for al l who work and write in the field of

sociology of religion.

I

am sensitive to these issues partly

because, like Mo rioka, I t o o am engaged in religious studie s as

a sociologist , but even more because of the profound impres-

sion his approach to knowledge made on me when I was in

graduate school. He and the o the r professors in the sociology

departm ent of th e now defun ct To ky o University of Educa-


26/41

tion subjected us to rigorous and disciplined training. It

is thanks to this training that I find myself able to continue

in the sociological enterprise.

For

the same reason, this

attempt to objectify the Morioka within myself has been

far from easy.

Brief Biographical Sk etc h

of Mor ioka K iyo mi

irth

2 8 O c t o b e r 1 9 2 3 a s t h e e ld e st s o n o f a f a r m h o u s e h o l d in t h e S h i m o

Awa hamlet of Oyamada Village, Ayama-gun,

Mie Prefecture

Education

1 9 4 3 - 4 5

1945-48

1948-50

Employment

A p r i l 1 9 5 0

March 1952

J a n u a r y 1 9 5 3

O c t o be r 1 9 5 4

Apr i l 1956

M a y 1 9 7 4

O c t o be r 1 9 7 4

Apr i l 1977

March 1978

A p r i l 1 9 7 8

Degrees

J u n e 1 9 6 1

Academic A wards

March 1954

Tokyo Higher Normal Schoo l

To ky o Univers ity o f L i t e ra tu re and Sc ience (TU LS ) ,

Ph i losophy Depar tmen t

TU LS , specia l r e sea rch s tuden t

App ointed professor ia l ass istant , TU L S

Promoted to ful l- time l ec tu re r , TU LS

Reassigned as full- t ime lecture r of To ky o Universi ty

o f E duca t ion (TU E, successo r in s t i tu t ion to TU LS) ,

Hum ani t ies Divis ion

Promoted to ass is tant professor

App ointed d i rector of gradua te research

Prom oted to fu l l p ro fes sor

Nam ed to T U E Board o f Trus tees , l a te r ree lec ted

Ap poi nte d dean of Hum ani t ies Divis ion

Ret i red f rom TUE in connect ion wi th i t s c los ing

Ap po inte d fu l l professor , Liberal Ar ts Division ,

Sei jd Univers i ty (Tokyo)

Li t t .D. (Disser ta t ion: ShinshC ky6dan to ie

seido, 1 9 6 2 d )

TU LS Memorial Award fo r N ihon n6son n i okeru


27/41

M O R I O K A iyomi : From Structural to Life-Cycle Theory

kirisutokyb no juy6 (1953b)

October 1963 Japanese Association for Religious Studies Anesaki

Memorial Award for

Shinshri kybdan to ie seido

1 962d)

November 1974 Third Odaka Memorial Award in Sociology for

Kazo ku shlrkiron

(1973e)

References and hief Sociology of Religion

Publications of Morioka Kiyomi

BERGER, eter L. and Thomas LUCKMANN

1966

T h e social construction of rea lity : treatise in the

sociology of know ledge.

New York Doubleday (Penguin

Books, 1967).

DURKHEIM, mile

1938

The rules of sociological method. Chicago : University

of Chicago Press (Free Press Paperback, 1964).

1978 Shakaigakuteki hdhd no kijun + ~ ~ ~ ~ : a ) ~ @

Japanese translation of Les rdgles de la mbthode

sociologique by MIYAJIMAakashi s Tokyo :

Iwanami Shoten.

MORIOKAKiyomi

1948 Dbzoku ketsugb ni kansuru ichi shikb

H& &el~fjFj-j-

3 [A preliminary view of the extended house-

hold body].

Shakaigaku kenkyti

+& ?@ 2/1

:

73-88.

1953

Chfisei makki honganji kybdan ni okeru ikkashfi +f

sSgl*m;iQ a :

j 6-ee The Honganji organiza-

tion of the late medieval period as an assemblage of

households].

Shakaigaku hycron +ks?gq &

9 41-51

(1st half).

1953a Chfisei makki honganji kybdan ni okeru ikkashfi

+f g

Sgl*BQQa

l l ~

5

tc

b- @ The Honganji organiza-

tion of the late medieval period as an assemblage of

households]. Shakaigaku hydron +ks+z s 10 50

59 (2nd half).

195313 Nihon nbson ni okeru kirisutokyb no juyb fl*& ;f

Z & @ @ m g @ [Acceptance of Christianity in

a Japanese rural community].

Minzokugaku kenkyzj

Ef +@R

17-2 : 1-14. Reprinted in 1959e.

Japanese Journal of Religious Studies

7/2 3 June-September 1980

193


28/41

NISHIYAMAhigeru

Kazoku kenkyii no ichi shikaku Kawku shiiki no

riron to hbh6 sE@Rcr)--$l39j

sEJZ jjcr)Bf,$

3%

[One perspective on family studies: Theory and

method in the study of family life-cycles].

Katei saiban

gePN

%E%VJJ5t 512

39 80.

Sonraku no kaikyii k6zb to miyaza

+Jdcr)j@a j$t:

g@

[Class structure and the

miyaza

system in a vil-

lage].

Shakai kagaku ronshii &2 +%@ 1 110 161.

Machino-machi kawanishi ni okeru shinshii monto no

kybdan naikon

U @U111Eb~V B Ptl@cr) EEhH

[Religious endogamy and Shin Buddhist parishioners

in Machino-machi Ishikawa Prefecture].

Jinrui kagaku

A@ +

:

219 232.

Nbson kybkai keisei no shakaigakuteki tachiba

fPaHB2

jf$&0B2tm2$5j [Rural church growth in sociologi-

cal perspective]. In N6son dend6 kenkyii shi@

@f%$@$+Materials for the study of rural evangelism]

no.

2.

Tokyo

:

Nihon Kirisuto Kybdan Shuppanbu.

Shinshii no nbson fukyb to kirisutokyij dendb

@ +$%

t g g m [True Pure Land rural propaga-

tion and Christian evangelism].

Fukuin to sekai

9/9 25 31.

Shiikyb seikatsu %%&% [Religious life]. In Noto

Shizen, h n k a , shakai B E --

$ %

24t: &+

[Noto :

Nature culture society] pp.

210 244.

Tokyo Hei-

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Nihonjin no shiikybteki shinsei no tokushitsu B *

Acr)%%~&L+kcr)eR[The distinctiveness of the

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@$ 1111 8 13.

Jidb no ningenzb no chijsa ni tsuite

~ ~ ~ A ~ ~ . t a a c r )

7 R7b\

[Investigating the images of people held

by children]. In

Gendai nihon ni okwu kirisutoky6teki

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%f-k,B 1z

St3 IYJAM.~SF~Images

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H6ken shakai ni okeru shinsh4 ky6dan

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[Develop-

194

Japanese Joumal

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MORIOKA Kiyomi: From Structural

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2

. *

211 1-9.

Shinshc ji in no sbzoku seido

jE$%%Ea) $@%j&

The

inheritance system in True Pure Land temples].

Shakai to denshd ?kS 6 /3 : 101-113.

Chihd shdtoshi ni okeru kirisuto kydkai no keisei W j j

I J ~ ~ K;

3 ta

&@aSa)jf$& The establishment of

a Christian church in a small local city], with

SHIMPO

Mitsuru Tokyo

:

Nihon Kirisuto Kybdan

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@--'f- a) j&fi%

[The

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Kinsei shinshii kybdan no kiso kbzb ~ ~ R ~ B B O ~

@$ % [The basic structure of the Tru e Pure Land

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Shinshii kybdan kenkyii no hbshin B%BB@f%a)k

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@she dai ki : K in da i s h i g n o k d e i

W &H B

3

4

- ~ f i , ~ . ~ . a ) j f &

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4 :

The development of modern

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Shobb.

Kinsei shinshii honzan no yiishi kankei Zt&g%*&

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The foster parent-child relationship a t the

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NEHIYAMA

higeru

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R s k % & &

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: 1-87.

Shiikyb ch6sa no mokuteki to hbh6

%%%a@

W

2

3

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@ @ t ; f ; t f

6%&aSa)%R [The state of affairs in postwar

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a>@$Fm [The foster parent-child relationship at the

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Shakai to densh6

$&%

2

fijj

4/3

:

107-

115 (second half).

Ie to shiikyb @

%@

[The household and religion].

In K6za kindai bukky6 5

:

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5 --&7&&3

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How

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Interpreta-

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4

Y x

b

? & J ~ @ ~ c D + & ~ & ~ ~The social background of

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y6ji ky6iku no genri J x ~@$+J E&B@RB

Prin-

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Tokyo

:

Nihon Kirisuto Ky6dan Senkyb Kenkyiisho.

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RS +@J r J

$I@

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:

S6bunsha.

Shiiky6 dantai %&a#Religious bodies]. In T a -

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&&30--&3 sj?&Tamagawa encyclopedia, vol. 30 :

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Ji in honmatsu seido no kakuritsu

+g*%#JB@@

Japanese Journal of

Religious

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MORIOK

Kiyomi: From Structural to Life Cycle Theory

&

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Ji'in bunpu to kb, jidan kankei no shos6 to kinb,

shinshii to sonraku seikatsu + E5j*

:s

@mB

a%@ t I ,

%

t &&%[Temple distribution and

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In AKAMATSU oshihide and KASAHARA azuo

8

ER

SEX-9

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A

I$ $a$%#jBS$ @ja>s@ End of a world war and

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Kink6ka ni yoru chiiki kbzb no henka

%@JSlkt;r

6

&l&fi@f@a>BJSlt:Change in neighborhood structure

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%@@ a>@@%@

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NISHIYAMA Shigeru

g w l ~kta J&@Bak$$jt:

Indigenization of Chris-

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ronshtl 12

+f:&++T%@

2 1-82 (first half).

Haka no nai ie : Bosei no ichi sokumen fa

t~

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- -~McD--@I]~~Households without graves : One

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&

& 2

Qj ,

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Kirisutoky6 no dochakuka &@BVI*%~~:The in-

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Meiji makki ni okeru shiiraku jinja no seiri Wgm

Blr%I3b @ . f f :a)@@

Local shrine mergers in

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T6yC bunka

x@*jt: 0:

1 50.

Chiiki shakai no jink6 id6 to kirisuto ky6kai no

ky6sei

WAD ^

2 # ~ B @ ~ v I $ @ $Popula-

tion movement in a local community and Christian

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:

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~ & $ o I%$ +

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Noson ni okeru shiikyb k6d6 to kazokuteki chi'i

g

lz ;t;13 b

@@@

t

B&ith{G

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&

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Kiyomi: From Structural to Life-Cycle

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NISHIYAMAhigeru

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E ZB[I.Nihon bunka kenkyiisho kiyb B**&@f

22

:

71-132.

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@

[Urbaniza-

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z

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Local shrine mergers in

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Shaka i kagaku

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@jji~s$k+&2$

@

[The family in religious studies perspective].

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Religion, non-

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NISHIYAMA

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Japanese Journal

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24 45. English

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:

The appearance of ancestor religion

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If 6 &$L@e>jj@4 [Developments in Yanagita

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