Living Wage Campaigns as Social Movements - Experience From Nine Cities

8/3/2019 Living Wage Campaigns as Social Movements - Experience From Nine Cities

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Living Wage Cam paigns as Social M ovem ents:Experiences from N ine Cities

David ReynoldsAbstract

Ever since Baltimore passed its pioneering law in 1994, a livingwage movement has come to life across the nation. Today, morethan 63 municipalities have living wage ordinances in placethanks largely to coalitions of unions and community and religiousgroups. In a recent article in Labor Studies }oumal,Bruce Nissenraised the question of the extent to which these campaigns can beconsidered social movements. For his Miami case Nissen foundthat, while the living wage effort achieved much, its accomplish-ments as a social movement proved more limited. This raises thequestion of what a living wage campaign that has greater social-movement characteristics actually looks like. This paper uses theexperience of nine notable campaigns to sketch out these social-movement qualities and to explore how and why some campaignstake on more of a social-movement character.

I n the past several years, a growing living wage movement has takenhold in this country. Local campaigns have passed living wage laws inmore than 63 municipalities (see Appendix, Table 1). Today, more than70 communities across the country have active living wage efforts. In hisrecent paper published in Labor Studies]oumal, Bruce Nissen (2000) raisedthe intriguing question concerning the extent to which living wage cam-paigns can be characterized as social movements. As Nissen noted, manyprescriptions for the U.S. labor movement's revival call for greater social-movement dimensions. To what degree do living wage campaigns furthersuch an agenda? In examining the Miami living wage campaign Nissenfound that, while the effort achieved m uch, including a passage of a livingwage law, as a social movem ent its accomplishments proved more m odest.Yet, as Nissen points out, while living wage campaigns share a simi-


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12 LABOR STUDIES JOURNAL: SUMMER 2001lar legislative goal, the ir actual organizing experience varies considerably.If Miami represents a typical case of noteworthy activism witb modestsocial-movement aspects, wbat does a living wage campaign look like tbattravels further down tbe social-movement road? Fortunately, at least balfa dozen campaigns among tbe successes provide examples of living wageactivism witb strong social-movement features. This paper focused ontbese experiences: wbat tbey look like and bow tbey happen.'What Makes a Social Movement a Movement?

Nissen uses tbe classic work of Me Adam, McCartby, and Zald (1996)to encapsulate tbe tbree major features wbicb social scientists bave em-pbasized wben examining social movements. Tbese tbree are:(1) tbe structure of political opportunities and constraints con-fronting tbe movement; (2) tbe forms of organization (informal aswell as formal) available to insurgents; and (3) tbe collective pro-cess of interpretation, attribution, and social construction tbatmediate between opportunity and action.

Nissen summarizes tbese elements as tbe political-opportunity structure,tbe mobilizing structure, and tbe framing process. For our analysis, wewill make two modifications to tbe above framework. First, we break tbemobilizing structure into tbree dimensions: coalition building, grassrootsaction, and ongoing activism. Second, we view tbe evaluation of livingwage campaigns not as a yes/no question, but as a spectrum. At a basiclevel, most living wage efforts display some cbaracteristics of social move-ments. Tbe issue is tbe degree to wbicb a campaign combines differentelements and on wbat scale tbey are manifest.Witb tbese qualifiers in mind, our analysis will focus on five social-movement elements.The Political Opportunity Structure

Social movements need some possibilities of acbieving at least somevictories. A political structure tbat is entirely closed to outside activismwill discourage social-movement organizing. As we will see, bowever, amoderate or even strong degree of opposition can enbance tbe social-


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 33no outside campaign will likely produce lax enforcement. In Portland thiseventually prompted grassroots activism around enforcement and expan-sion of the law.Shaping the Public Debate

Part of the framing process involves a movement's ability to enterthe public consciousness hy shifting policy debates around its issues. Ide-ally, a living wage effort will not just achieve public visibility for its cause,but also shift general discussions of local economic development strate-gies toward a more social-justice focus.Coalition Building

Social movements draw in organizations and individuals from di-verse backgrounds. Activism around a social movement's issues and goalsalso becomes a central focal point for the activities of many participatingorganizations. A coalition can be evaluated hoth in terms of the breadthof groups involved and the degree to which participation in the coalitionbecomes a core part of member organizations' activities. A coalition ofindividuals able to tap the endorsements and support of various organiza-tions to which they belong is not the same as a coalition in which severaldifferent kinds of organizations make a campaign a central part of theircore activities. Coalition building also involves a framing process, as dif-ferent groups may define and act on an issue differently from other orga-nizations. A social movement synthesizes different approaches within acommon framework (Simmons, 1994).Grassroots Action

Demonstrations, rallies, marches, sit-down strikes, etc. provide thephysical and often most outward displays of a social movement. To whatextent can a campaign mobilize significant numbers of people and howbroad is this grassroots participation across endorsing groups? Nearly allliving wage campaigns are able to mobilize a turnout of community sup-porters to city council hearings. To what extent, however, does a cam-paign go beyond this tactic to involve grassroots participants in moreextensive activities? Individual campaigns will also be noteworthy if they


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34 LABOR STUDIES JOURNAL: SUMMER 2001Ongoing Activism

Social movements typically do not revolve around a specific public-policy reform, but encompass an agenda which sustains activism from onespecific campaign to another. To what extent does a living wage campaigndevelop as an end in itself, and to what degree does it become one part ofa broader wave of movement activity? The long-term social-movementcapacity will also be enhanced the more a living wage campaign involvesthe creation or development of new social-movement institutions.Among the successful living wage campaigns, at least seven havedisplayed strong evidence of each of the above five elements (see Appen-dix, Table 2).^ The first five share a comm on theme in that all emerged asone part of a larger progressive project. By contrast, the social-movementcharacter of both the Chicago and Boston campaigns were clearly en-hanced by the opposition they encountered. Finally, the metropolitanDetroit and W ashtenaw County campaigns are more typical among livingwage efforts. Like the Miaml-Dade cam paign they displayed far more modestcharacteristics. Tliey are notable, however, because they dem onstrate howthe political opportunities can foster a series of living campaigns which,while modest by social-movement terms, nevertheless provide an ongo-ing focal point for progressive activism.

Living W age Campaigns as Part of a Broader ProjectIn different ways, our first five campaigns emphasize the fifth ele-ment by using living wage organizing to develop larger, long-term move-ment projects. This largerframeworkserved to enhance the social-move-ment qualities of the campaign. We begin with Los Angelesa campaignparticularly rich in detail and one of the most impressive living wageefforts in the country.

Los AngelesLos Angeles has been known as an area hostile to organized labor.Yet today it offers a leading example of labor organizing and growth (Gen-

tile, 2000). Indeed, the largest single union organizing victory in decades,the 75,000 home-care workers who joined the Service Employees Inter-


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 35The Los Angeles living wage effort grew out of this broader process

of labor revitalization. Its specific origins lie in the battle to defend thejobs of 1,000 unionized workers at the city's main airport, Los AngelesInternational. Three hundred of these jobs were lost when th e city broughtin non-union contractors, such as McDonald's. The remaining 700 jobspromised to suffer the same fate. A core group from the hotel workers andservice employees unions joined with several community groups to mapout a response. Their strategy involved passing three pieces of legislationconnecting public funds to community standards. The first required com-panies receiving city contracts to retain the existing work force. A ctivistswon this legislation in the fall of 1995. The second was the living wagelaw. The third established legal protections for workers' right to organize.

The eighteen-month battle to win Los Angeles' living wage ordi-nance produced a broad alliance of labor and comm unity groups tha t grewto more than one hundred endorsing organizations. While activists hadclear champions on the City Council, Los Angeles' mayor opposed theliving wagecompelling the campaign to build a veto-proof supermajorityon the City C ouncil. They also had to overcome a steady barrage of "hys-terics" from the Chamber of Commerce and its allies. For example, the"Coalition to Keep L.A. Working" ran "fact sheets" used by the localmedia which claimed that: "ultimately, a business will have to cut jobs inorder to deal with higher labor costs. There will be fewer entry-level wageearners. This ordinance will hurt the very constituency it claims to serve."

To keep the pressure on, activists organized a phone-in campaign tothe City Council. Organizations faxed letters of support. Over a thousand"New Year's" cards flooded in from city residents. For two weeks delega-tions visited the council twice a day, three days a week. Some actionsbecame quite dramatic. For Thanksgiving, th e campaign asked groups andindividuals to mail council members over a thousand decorated paperplates symbolizing the struggle to feed a family on poverty wages. For thewinter holidays, one hundred clergy and other supporters accompanied avolunteer actor playing th e part of the ghost of Jacob Marley, who went toCity Hall draped with chains to decry the mayor's Scrooge-like oppositionto the living wage. Volunteers went caroling at City Hall and nearbyrestaurants with lyrics modified for the living wage. The living wage coa-


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36 LABOR STUDIES JOURNAL: SUMMER 2001Hollywood film and television producers also sent a letter to the CityCouncil urging passage of the living wage ordinance.Organizers deliberately recruited and involved workers affected bythe ordinance. At the airport, for example, workers organized a mediaevent in which they took reporters and City Hall staff on a tour high-lighting the conditions under w hich they had to work. Low-wage workersalso provided powerful human-interest stories. Bobbi Murray, thecampaign's media director, wrote that "workers came to City Hall andtestified about injuries that went untreated because there was no time offpermitted for a doctor visit, and no insurance or way to pay for it anyway;families crowded into tiny one-bedroom apartments in dangerous areas oftown just to make rent, and visited food pantries to manage the groceriesevery month." The participation of affected workers not only strength-ened the campaign for the living wage law, but also developed an activistnucleus among low-wage workers that could feed into union activity. Thetestimony of these workers also proved critical in gaining some positivemedia coverage.

The living wage campaign's work paid off. In March 1997, the LosAngeles City Council unanimously passed th e living wage. A month laterthey overrode M ayor Richard Riordan's veto. The Los Angeles law appliesto public service contracts worth $25,000 or more as well as any businessbenefiting from a subsidy of at least $1 million in one year or $100,000 ona continuing annual basis. The law required an original living wage of$7.25 per hour plus family health benefits or $8.50 without the benefits.TTie wage is indexed to the annual adjustments made to the City Employ-ees Retirement System. Covered workers also gained a mandatory 12 paiddays off a year.The campaign revealed strong elements of all five social-movementaspects. It built a broad coalition and carried the cooperation down into asignificant number of participant organizations' memberships. It achievedsome success using the media to highlight the social-justice dimensions ofthe living wage issues. It was one of the few campaigns in the country toaggressively seek to involve workers covered by the living wage law in theactual battle for the legislation. Finally, it secured a significant politicalvictory by building unanimous support on the City C ouncil in defiance of


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 37tioned above, prior to the living wage, the labor-community coalitionpassed a worker-retention ordinance that prevents employers from unionbusting through threats that people would lose their jobs if they lost orchose to forgo the public contract. Since passing the living wage, thecoalition has intervened in the processes of granting of food concessionspromoting employers willing to sign neutrality agreements. They havealso obtained amendments to the original living wage law which furthersupport organizing at the airport and elsewhere. The changes include lan-guage to make clear that the airlines themselves are covered and the pro-vision of strong protections and employer sanctions in any workplace inwhich workers are harassed for discussing their rights under the livingwage.

As with the airport, union organizing has provided the broader con-text for living wage activism in Los Angeles. The Los Angeles campaignmonitors contracts and assistance to support living wage enforcementand union organizing. The coalition, for example, offers support to em-ployers who apply for public money and agree to pay living wages and suchlabor-peace measures as neutrality agreements and card-check recogni-tion. For companies who choose not to play fair, the living wage coalitioncan threaten to slow or block their application for contracts or financialassistance. In March 1998, for example, the campaign organized a marchof 700 against United Airlines, whose airport lease was soon to run out.The Hotel and Restaurant Employees Union (HERE) has used theordinance's provision to allow collective-bargaining partners to forgo spe-cific living wage provisions by mutual consent to convince employers tosign contracts earlier and more easily. In return for cooperation, the unionhas been willing to modify the living wage provisions. HERE has used thecoalition's support to win a neutrality agreement and subsequent unionrecognition at the new site of the Academy Awards in Hollywoodthefirst such union breakthrough in this area. SEIU also won union jobs forjanitors using the living wage law and coalition support.The Los Angeles campaign maintains contact with covered workersthrough a unique program for educating workers directly about their rightsunder the living wage law. W hile the city prints the materials, obtains thetraining location, and does the advertising, the campaign designs the


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38 LABOR STUD IES JOURNAL: SUMM ER 2001UCLA Health Care to offer a decent family package, with no majordeductibles, for $1.25 an hour.The living wage campaign's coalition building has also carried intothe long-term. Activists used living wage activism to develop a new faith-based worker-support network: Clergy and Laity United for EconomicJustice (CLUE). CLUE directly participated in the Los Angeles and sub-sequent living wage campaigns. Along with the Southern Califomia Ecu-menical Council, CLUE has also called on churches to lead by their ownexamples by paying all their staff a living wage. At the urging of the LosAngeles diocesan leaders, the national Episcopal convention adopted aliving wage recommendation at its July 1998 meeting.

As with the general campaign, CLUE's support to workers extendsbeyond the living wage. For example, three years ago the Westside Hotelsbalked at a first contrac t w ith HERE to gradually raise housekeepers' wagesfrom $8.15 to $1LO5 an hour. CLUE dispatched small teams in full min-isterial garb who delivered brief sermons on workplace fairness while or-dering coffee at several hotel dining rooms. On April 8, 1998, an inter-faith procession of 60 ministers, priests, and rabbis marched throughBeverly Hills. They deposited bitter herbs outside the Rodeo SummitHotel, which still had not signed the HERE agreement, and offered milkand honey to the two hotels which had. Two months later the Summitsigned. CLUE has organized similar religious support for a campaign againsta union-busting hotel in Santa Monica, Calif., an organizing drive at St.Francis Hospital, and protests over th e U niversity of Southern California'sdecisions to contract work out to low-wage employers.

Seen in the broader context, the Los Angeles living wage campaignhas provided key mechanisms around which to build local long-term so-cial-movement activism. Labor has developed an ongoing coalition withreligious leaders, promoted grassroots organizing activity among low-wageworkers, developed a multistage legislative agenda, and launched a seriesof public campaigns which have placed basic issues of economic justiceinto the public debate.This broader social-movement context helps explain why Los An-geles activists have been able to mount one of the most aggressive livingwage implementation and enforcement agendas in the country. Enforce-


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 39paign, however, has organized hoth inside and outside the halls of govern-ment to discourage such non-compliance. The campaign runs its owncontract and financial assistance data base, trains workers covered by thelaw, and maintains a coalition network capable of going after employerviolators. The campaign also issues its own yearly report card evaluatingliving wage enforcement. It has trained city staff and gotten oversightresponsibility transferred from a hostile part of the city administration toa new specialized section of five full-time staff. Such aggressive enforce-ment requires serious commitments of staff and resources. In Los Angelessuch a com mitment was justified because the living wage was not pursuedas an end in itself, but as a mechanism for rebuilding union organizingand activism.

The most formal sign of a sustained movem ent comes from the found-ing of a new social-movement organization: the Los Angeles Alliance fora New Economy (LA ANE ). LAANE was founded under a different namein 1993 as part of the effort to save jobs at the airport. In addition tomaintaining ongoing projects around th e living wage, today LA ANE alsoserves as a conduit for other labor-community cooperation on organizing,research on the area's economy, and efforts to close the gap between richand poor. It has investigated the use and abuse of corporate subsidiesthroughout the area, organized an active living wage and right-to-orga-nize campaign in Santa M onica, and developed the Valley Jobs Coalition.The latter project aims to apply a community benefit plan to all newdevelopment projects that would ensure jobs providing a living wage,benefits, child care, training, and local hiring.San Jose, Calif.

Even more so than Los Angeles, in San Jose the broader movementproject and our other four social-movement elements predated the actualliving wage campaign. Following the 1994 election of new leadership, arevitalized South Bay Labor Council began to aggressively seek to buildalliances between labor and the community. In 1995, it established Work-ing Partnerships USA as a non-profit policy and research institute tofoster labor-community ties. The group won nationa l news coverage whenit published several reports detailing the dark side of Silicon Valley's


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40 LABOR STUDIES JOURNAL: SUMM ER 2001Valley's jobs did no t pay enough to support a family of four independent ofpublic assistance.Th is economic data was used as part of the curriculum in an innova-tive Labor/Community Leadership Institute aimed at developing a cadreof leaders oriented around a movement for economic justice. WorkingPartnerships actively recruits from among a diverse array of area grassrootsleadership to atten d the eight-session training program. Participants comefrom unions, neighborhood groups, the clergy, elected officials, and oth-ers. During the classes, participants discuss the regional economy, therole of unions, privatization, the role of government, and ideas for howthe regional economy can be changed. The program aims not simply todevelop a common understanding of the local political economy, but toforge concrete personal ties between the leaders of future labor-commu-nity coalitions. Indeed, over the course of the class, participants worktogether on an actual economic justice project.

Working Partnerships also served as the conduit for developing anew Interfaith Council on Religion, Race, Economics, and Social Justice,which brings together more than 60 congregations and community groups.The network has, for example, successfully advocated for an additional$25 million in Redevelopment Agency funds for low-income housing andgreater access to public benefits for immigrants. The group's labor-relatedactivism helped shift public dialogue from a power struggle between laborand business to demands that corporate and government practices reflecthigh moral ground (Brownstein, 2000).It is within this broader movement-building context that the SanJose living wage campaign developed. The first round took place in 1995,when the labor council put together a coalition to attach living wage-typestandards to a local tax incentive program. Both the labor council andWorking Partnerships participated in a county task force which proposedpolicies requiring tax rebate recipients to provide jobs paying at least $10with health insurance and to pay back the rebate if such jobs did notmaterialize. Over the opposition of the Santa Clara County Manufactur-ing Group, th e Board of Supervisors passed the new policy. Following thissuccess, the labor council used its coalition building to boycott a newSuper Kmart that violated its promises of neutrality in union organizing


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 41expand their social-movement institutions. The first Labor/CommunityLeadership Institute classes used the living wage as their group project.The Interfaith Council on Religion, Race, Economics, and Social Justicemobilized around th e living wage effortfurther building its member-ship. In the end, the effective labor-community campaign succeeded inpassing the then highest living wage in the country: $9.50 an hour withhealth insurance or $10.75 without. The ordinance also included workerretention provisions for new contracts, bid notifications to be sent to thecentral labor council, and a requirement that covered employers assuregood labor relations. The latter measure seeks to hamper employers firomhiring anti-union consultants or mounting aggressive anti-union cam-paigns.

The living wage campaign proved a classic good fight with amplegrassroots activism. The local Chamber of Commerce and the San ]oseMercury'News pronounced that the living wage was a separate city mini-mum wage that would destroy the economic future of the community.Living wage supporters jammed council hearings. On Labor Day, advo-cates spoke from the pulpit about the living wage in 80 churches andsynagogues. Labor and its allies also mounted one of the strongest get-out-the-vote operations in the city. The living wage became a centralissue in the city's third district between the union-backed incumbent andthe anti-living wage opponent. The incumbent won by 200 votes. Twoweeks after the election, the living wage ordinance passed by a strong 8-3vote. The broader social-movement elements, which fed into and wereenhanced by the San Jose living wage battle, continue to foster furtherprogressive activism. The labor council and Working Partnerships, forexample, have launched an expanding series of campaigns around theissue of temporary work. This activism focuses on building supports fortemporary workers around training and skill certification, portable healthand other benefits, and a model temporary-employment agency for cleri-cal workers. The coalition is also pressing for a code of conduct to beadopted by temporary employment agencies, in which they agree to payliving wages, provide access to affordable health benefits and training,and use fair administrative procedures. Woven into all of this activism are


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42 LABOR STUDIES JOURNAL: SUMMER 2001launched by a recently formed coalition that used living wage activism asa mechanism to grow and develop. A few key labor and community lead-ers achieved a remarkable accomplishment when, in the early 1990s, theypulled together Sustainable Milwaukeea non-profit organization whichembodies one of the nation's premiere labor-community economic-devel-opment coalitions. They convinced union, community, and religious ac-tivists tha t participation in a year-long planning process to draft a grassrootsplan for Milwaukee's future would not prove a waste of time, but an in-vestment in new and lasting progressive activism. The plan, "RebuildingMilwaukee from the Ground Up," offered a comprehensive communityagenda covering jobs and training, credit and banking, education, trans-portation, and the environm ent. It paid off in a range of ongoing grassrootsprojects. Currently, Sustainable Milwaukee operates through five task forceson living wages, job access, a Central City Workers Center, transit, andenvironmental justice.

The area's living wage campaigns provided Sustainable Milwaukeewith one of its first key grassroots organizing projects and public victories.Intensive door-to-door neighborhood organizing not only helped get liv-ing wage supporters to public hearings but built for the coalition a grassrootsvolunteer and leadership network. The first legislation, which applied tocity contracts, came in 1995, when the living wage movement nationallywas still in its infancy. A year later the Milwaukee schools enacted aliving wage for all school employees and contractorsbringing an esti-mated 3,800 workers up to $7.70 an hour. In 1997, the campaign secureda county living wage for janitors, security, and parking lot attendants.

Because the living wage efforts were part of a larger, long-range ini-tiative, activism around the living wage concept has continued well afterthe laws have been passed. The coalition, for example, brought togetherkey decision-makers from religious, labor, governmental, and communitygroups to serve on workers' rights boards. These boards have used a com-bination of moral and public pressure to encourage fairness and equity atwork. They have campaigned on behalf of asbestos-removal workers aswell as welfare recipients trapped by the state's W-2 reform. In 1998,Sustainable Milwaukee's living wage task force also began stirring up lifein the fast-food industry. Research on area McDonald's restaurants re-


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 43W hile living wage activism provided an important elem ent for build-

ing Sustainable Milwaukee's movement activism, it operated as only onepart of a broader plan linked around the issue of family-supporting jobs.Activists also succeeded in teaming up two groups with a history of bat-tling each othercivil rights organizations and the building-trades unions.Through the coalition's job access task force, these groups work togetherto demand and enforce union prevailing wages and significant 25 percentminority and 5 percent female hiring on major city construction projects.Funded in part by a grant fi-om the Casey Foundation, Sustainable Mil-waukee has also established the Central City Workers Center as agrassroots, community-based employment program. Center staff help pre-pare inner-city residents for high-paying jobs in the construction andmanufacturing industries. The center works with area businesses and unionsto connect residents with real job and apprenticeship training programs.As part of the process, residents are required to put in volunteer timewith Sustainable Milwaukee, thereby exposing them firsthand to grassrootsactivism.

Because companies have moved many decent-paying jobs to the sub-urbs, effective public transportation has also proven a living wage issue.N ot only does the local transit system underserve low-income parts of thecity, but it offers little connection to the available suburban jobs. Withlarge allocations of federal funds up for negotiation. Sustainable Milwau-kee mobilized residents, community groups, and elected leaders behind abus and light rail proposal. Because of this grassroots activity, a $241million federal grant for southeastern Wisconsin transportation allocatedsubstantial funds for constructing a light-rail system and upgrading thebus service. However, Wisconsin's Republican governor worked behindthe scenes to get control of these funds. By late 1998, the coalition wasconsidering suing the state for using money slotted for light rail and busesto build more suburban roads.

As with the other cases, the strong movement qualities of Milwau-kee living wage campaign came from its roots in a larger project. Theliving wage campaigns provided a vehicle for the coalition to establish abroad membership, sponsor grassroots activity, raise fundamental eco-nom ic questions, and demonstrate its credibility by winning concrete policy


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44 LABOR STUDIES JOURNAL: SUMMER 2001sources have allowed the coalition to m aintain an overall level of grassrootsactivism between the ebb and flow of particular efforts.Pittsburgh

Unlike San Jose and Milwaukee, where a broader project predatedthe living wage campaigns, in Pittsburgh the two formed together. Thefirst initiative for a living wage law came when a sympathetic C ity C oun-cil member drafted an ordinance. If this move had gone forward success-fully, little social-movement activity would have developed. However, withthe degree of opposition becoming clearer, supporters chose to step backfi-om this fast track to reformulate the living wage as part of a broadermovement-oriented plan. Indeed, the new Westem Pennsylvania LivingWage Campaign self-consciously framed its mission as laying the founda-tions for a social movement for economic justice. Thus the campaign setaside its first two years simply to establish the groundwork before evenattempting an actual living wage ordinance. In the coalition's statementof purpose, passing local living wage laws provided only one of four goals.The other three, all linked to our five elements, are: Building an inclusive, broad-based movem ent of working peoplethrough their unions, religious institutions, and other commu-nity-based organizations. Supporting the rights of workers trying to organize, preservingexisting living wage jobs by fighting privatization and contract-ing out, and sustaining prevailing wage standards and other suchstruggles. Providing broad public education tha t explains economic changeand regional economic development from the perspective ofworking people and their communities.Concretely, these broad objectives have produced several projectsrelated to, but separate from, the actual tasks of passing a living wage law.

For example, with the county government changing to Republican con-trol for the first time in 40 years, activists organized a campaign to block


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 45ing the loss of 500 jobs at a local coke-processing plant and 350 Nabiscoworkers who confronted a plant closing in violation of their collective-bargaining agreement. As in Los Angeles and San Jose, these efforts aroundworker justice fostered an ongoing religious task force on economic issues.Long-range-movement building was also behind the campaign's develop-ment of a popular economics workshop. Volunteers were trained to leaddiscussions among fellow union members, church parishioners, neigh-bors, and students. In addition to discussing the living wage, the popular-education program seeks to develop grassroots leadership and raise debateamong working people about economic development generally.Battimore

While Baltimore's pioneering living wage campaign was not tied tothe kind of elaborate cross-area movement-building project as seen in theother cases, it warrants attention for its largely unique commitment toorganizing social-movement activism among covered low-wage workers.From the beginning, the two main forces behind the Baltimore livingwageBaltimoreans United in Leadership Development (aka, BUILD, acoalition of 50 congregations) and the American Federation of State,County, and M unicipal Employees (AFSCME)m ade organizing low-wageworkers the center of their effort. Through solicitations at neighborhoodstores, person-to-person contacts, and other means, the campaign builtup a list of 3,000 workers who wanted an organization for people likethemselves. Today, the Solidarity Sponsoring Committee has grown to astaff of three with 500-dues paying members. Most of these workers arecovered by the living wage law, although the SSC includes workers fromother private employers.

With the city administration mired in the legacy of decades of pas-sive, market-oriented development policies, the committee has mobilizedits members to enforce and extend the living wage. For example, workersand their supporters twice packed the Board of Estimates chamber todenounce the Eastman Transportation Company's violations of the livingwage. Indeed, thanks to the efforts of the SSC, AFSCME, and BUILD,the city threatened to cut $14.4 million in contracts to two dozen school-bus contractors that refused to raise their wages by the 50 cents needed to


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46 LABOR STUDIES JOURN AL: SIM M ER 2001tections for the right to organize. Any employer caught interfering in aunionization drive by their workers has its contract canceled. SSC,AFSCME, and BUILD have also gotten the city to bring back, as govern-ment jobs, custodial work at local schools previously contracted out. Alongwith BUILD and AFSCME, the SSC participated in a successful cam-paign to block state plans to force welfare recipients attending commu-nity college to drop their education to take up poverty-wage work. Simi-larly, it helped win a state law banning companies from gaining publicsubsidies by replacing existing workers with welfare recipients.

Building an organization of low-income workers has not proven aneasy taskwhich is why so few campaigns pursue it aggressively. Suchworkers often juggle many responsibilities and can change jobs frequently.To help add immediate relevance to SSC membership, organizers pulledtogether a basic benefit package for their members. For $10 a month aworker receives $10,000 worth of life insurance and dental, vision, pre-scription, and health discounts. The package does not provide compre-hensive medical care, but it does focus on crucial preventative measures.The various components of the SSC's activities reinforce each other. Thelaw granting workers the right to keep their jobs when the contract changeshands also helps worker-organizing by stabilizing the work force. Simi-larly, the protections for union organizing aid the links between SSCmembership recruitment and unions. At the same time, both of theselaws were passed, in part, because the SSC organized low-wage workers tocampaign for them.

The five cases covered here do not exhaust the use of living wagecampaigns to build broader movements. Several efforts now under wayparallel these cases. For example, in Little Rock, Ark., the Central Ar-kansas central labor council and the local chapter of the Association ofCommunity Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN) recently trans-lated years of informal cooperation into a formal alliance. The new part-nership aims to push for economic change and increase each partner'smembership. A living wage campaign is providing one of several initialprojects to build the alliance. Just north of San Jose, the new East BayAlliance for a Sustainable Economy is following in the path of the L.A.Alliance for a New Economy to use activism around new and existing


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 47the best organizer. Bruce Nissen argued that strong political oppositionthat is not insurmountable can enhance the social-movement qualities ofa living wage campaign. This was certainly the case in Chicago and Bos-ton, where tough opposition to the living wage helped foster grassrootscampaigns of ever-increasing social-movement dimensions.Chicago

The three-year Chicago ba ttle certainly offered high drama. On May1, 1996, more than 500 living wage demonstrators joined a May Daymarch through downtown Chicago. The Chicago Tribune ran a big story onthe demonstrators titled "Wage Warriors." Both the city's CardinalBernardin and AFL-CIO President John Sweeney personally contactedMayor Richard Daley to urge his support for the living wage. When SFIUheld its national convention in Chicago, delegates staged a major streetparade. Th e campaign sued to gain access to Navy Pier so tha t living wagesupporters could picket the mayor as he welcomed delegates to the 1996Democratic Convention. Indeed, as delegates went to the conventionhall they were greeted by a large living wage banner hung from a nearbyTeamster hall. Several busloads of delegates went on living wage "tours ofshame" in which they visited low-wage employers enjoying significantpublic contracts and financial assistance.

The C hicago campaign showed other strong social-movement quali-ties. It united a broad coalition of more than 60 endorsing organizationswith a combined membership of 250,000. Membership on the steeringcommittee was contingent upon an organization's contribution of $1,000and a commitment to deliver a busload of people at living wage events.Several organizations also contributed direct staff time. The ability of thecampaign to mobilize hundreds of living wage supporters made such animpression upon the mayor that the city illegally barred people from at-tending tb e City Council meeting at which aldermen dutifully voted downthe proposed ordinance. News stories of the arrest of six living wage lead-ers who attempted to enter the chamber included photographs of thehalf-empty room which the fire marshal had claimed was filled to capac-ity. The campaign's social-movement character eventually secured it a


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48 LABOR STUDIES JOURNAL; SUMMER 2001by supporting the law demonstrated that the campaign had made a politi-cal impact. After tbe vote, the activists began organizing ward-by-wardaccountability sessions witb aldermen to account for their change of heart.Several members of the living wage coalition clearly saw the votes againstthe living wage as a political opportunity to run candidates against in-cumbent aldermen.

The opposition finally sought a compromise in the midst of the1998 election year, when the mayor and council prepared to vote them-selves salary increases. Daley had argued that the city could not finan-cially afford to pass the proposed living wage law. With the hypocrisyclear, Daley and his council allies decided they could not risk a backlashfrom a living wage movem ent more than capable of making th e contradic-tion a public issue. While the new unanimously passed living wage lawwas narrower than the originally proposed ordinance, it did represent amajor breakthrough in a long campaign. Th e degree to which living wageactivism had shaken up "politics as usual" also became clear when, soonafter the city vote. Cook County passed a similar ordinance.

Tb e degree of opposition to the Chicago living wage helped foster alarge-scale and extensive social-movement mobilization. By drawing clearbattle lines between genuine labor-community supporters and loyalists tothe Democratic machine, the living wage effort drew in th e active supportof a wide range of city groups. This sustained struggle was also possiblebecause many of the key groups initiating the campaign entered the effortprepared for a major battle. Indeed, some did not believe that, givenmachine control over local politics, they could win passage of a law. Rather,they saw the living wage effort as an opportunity to build a broad coali-tion that would reshape debates over local economic development andopen up new political opportunities by placing the Democratic machineon the wrong side of a popular issue.

While the campaign did not produce a formal social-movement or-ganization or long-range coalition plan, it did produce an ongoing move-ment legacy. Th e three-year battle fostered new bounds among participat-ing organizations. For example, the two initiators of the campaign, thelocal ACORN chapter and SEIU Local 880, developed a strong partner-ship. When New Party-backed activist Willie Delgado first ran for the


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 49Party chairmanbeat the machine-endorsed candidate to become alder-man in the city's 15 th Ward. Having never before he ld public office,Thomas, a retired postal worker, won endorsements from the Chicago Tri-bune, Chicago Sun Times, and Chicago Defender on his record as a commu-nity activist and a leader of the Chicago Jobs and Living wage Campaign.Boston

The same combination of broad activist thinking and strong butvulnerahle opposition was at work in Boston. The Boston ACORN chap-ter initiated the living wage campaign not simply to pass an ordinance,but to further their neighborhood organizing and to build relationshipswith other progressive groups. While unions joined the living wage coali-tion, their attention initially focused more on the 1996 elections thanliving wage organizing. It was the opposition that helped to intensifylabor's mobilization and strengthen the bounds between ACORN andthe AFL-CIO. In February 1997, living wage organizers turned out a crowdof several hundred for a rally at which the city's labor leaders were toformally endorse the campaign. Activists had worked hard to gain thecommitment to attend the rally from a majority of City Council mem-bers, most of whom had run with labor endorsements. Yet with MayorThom as M enino announcing his doubts about the living wage a week anda half before the event, only one council member actually made an ap-pearance. Following this political "slap in the face," both the GreaterBoston Central Labor Council and the Massachusetts AFL-CIO threwtheir energy into the campaign. While leaders from every major union inthe city testified at hearings, the coalition developed an escalating seriesof actions, including lawn signs, human billboards, rallies, petitions, andlobbying delegations.

The living wage passed by a final vote of 11 to 1. In an articleseeking to explain the living wage "disaster," the Boston Business Journalcomplimented the coalition on its "superb campaign" and chastised busi-ness leaders for being "asleep at the wheel." By withholding the actualliving wage legislation until they had built council commitment to theoverall principles, the campaign outmaneuvered the business opposition.The business community, however, used the year gap between the law's


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50 LABOR STUDIES JOURNAL: SUMMER 2001amendment) for maintaining the contract living wage and a local hiringhall requirement for both contracts and subsidies.This opposition served to further cement the bonds between AC ORNand the Massachusetts AFL-CIO. Both sit on the living wage advisorycommittee established by the ordinance. Since the living wage battle, thetwo have worked together on two state legislative efforts: a campaign toraise the state's minimum wage and a measure to increase the state's eam ed-income credit from 10 percent of the federal eamed-income tax credit to30 percent for families with one to two children, and 40 percent for thosewith three or more. Both efforts have seen strong legislative action coupledwith grassroots activity.

The living wage has proven to be an issue with considerable stayingpower despite the opposition tha t coalitions may face. In Kalamazoo, Mich.,for example, combined mayoral and council majority opposition to theliving wage has simply fueled a coalition of labor and community groupsthat simply will not go away. When the coalition formed in 1998, theclosing of a local plant by a company that had received large public subsi-dies also helped place the entire question of the city's generous tax abate-ment program into public eye. In the spring of 2000, the mayor and coun-cil felt enough heat around the subsidy controversy and living wage tooffer a narrow living wage ordinance applying to tax abatement recipi-ents. Ironically, the weak measure was voted down by living wage councilsupporters, setting up a ballot initiative campaign to pass a stronger andmore comprehensive law. The public vote, however, was delayed by thelegally questionable decision of the City Council not to place the measureon the ballot despite the campaign's collection of the required number ofsignatures. By the summer of 2001 the campaign was out again collectingsignaturesthis time to ensure ballot access by defining the living wageas a city charter amendment. Other long-term battles in cities such asDenver, A nn Arbor, Mich., and Tucson, Ariz., also dem onstrate theability of wage issues to sustain local activism despite initial defeats.Serial Campaigns

The seven case studies examined above represent living wage orga-nizing with the strongest social-movement elements. In most cases, how-


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 51Yet, even these more limited campaigns do produce social-move-

ment gains. The efforts in Detroit and Michigan's Washtenaw Countyillustrate tbis point. While the effort to pass each law represented a mod-est undertaking, the very political opportunities to pass such popularmeasures has created an ongoing movement quality.Detroit

The Detroit campaign made history by becoming the first to pass aliving wage law via a ballot initiative. However, it was undertaken by alocal labor movement driven by modest aims. The decision to place theordinance on the ballot came from the political hope of raising voterturnout by giving city residents something concrete and compelling tovote for. Some coalition work was done. The campaign staff, for example,launched a modest outreach to clergy, with at least three dozen religiousleaders holding living wage events. The local ACORN chapter also con-tributed door-to-door activism. However, tbe campaign's main effortsfocused on using living wage materials to enhance labor's traditional get-out-the-vote campaign. With the Chamber of Commerce realizing thedifficulty of telling a 70 percent African-American city that raising wageswas a bad idea, the get-out-the-vote effort paid off with an 80 percentvote in favor of tbe living wage initiative.

Since it was conceived as part of a get-out-the-vote mobilization,the Detroit campaign never developed an autonomous living wage coali-tion with a developed plan for economic-justice activism after tbe elec-tion. However, the stunning victory has helped spark continued livingwage activism. The Chamber of Commerce mounted a multipronged coun-terattack against the law. Its efforts to pass a state law banning such localmeasures, however, has thus far failed amidst a municipal backlash againstcontinual efforts by Lansing to compromise local home rule. With en-forcement of the law still uneven, two years after its passage the CityCouncil remained embroiled in a debate over bow and whether to modifythe ordinance. An attempt by the Chamber to weaken the ordinanceprovided a strong labor-community counter mobilization. In the mean-time, small-scale grassroots outreacb to covered workers has resulted in aseries of employer-violation complaints filed by workers with the city ad-


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52 LABOR STUDIES JOUR NA L; SUMMER 2001wage law. Campaigns have also won laws in Ferndale and Eastpointe.Taken individually, each of these efforts are modest affairs. A small groupof residents and representatives of organizations have lobbied the localcouncils. Key organizational players in th e area's politics have also workedbehind the scenes. And the campaigns have turned out supporters forcouncil hearings. The full significance of these campaigns, however, liesin their city-by-city nature. Overtime, networks of labor, religious, andcommunity groups are systematically coming together to raise the livingwage as an issue which is continuously debated somewhere in the largeurban area. This experience also demonstrates a capacity for labor and itsallies to engage in local public policy reform at a regional level.Washtenaw County

Following the Detroit ballot win, activists in nearby WashtenawCounty pulled together an ongoing campaign which passed laws in theworking-class communities of Ypsilanti and Ypsilanti Township, Pittsfieldtownship, and Ann Arbor, the largest municipality in the county with apopulation of 110,000. By late 2001 the campaign looked toward w inninga county ordinance. As with many progressive campaigns in smaller ur-ban areas, this effort has revolved around a core group of a dozen volun-teers backed by key institutional affiliations and support. Activists havesucceeded in building an endorsement list of 39 organizations and 59clergy. Despite some pilot efforts, however, the campaign has not beenable to sustain door-to-door style grassroots volunteer efforts or hold ma-jor rallies or demonstrations. Its mobilization capacity has remained atthe level of turning out supporters for council hearings.Despite these limitations, several social-movement elements arenoticeable. For example, at the coalition level, the local campaign marksthe first time in many years that the two major labor organizations in thecounty have worked together in a sustained way. In addition, the list ofendorsing clergy goes beyond the "usual suspects" to include mainlinechurch leaders who typically do not participate in local progressive ef-forts. The campaign has also linked up organized labor with University ofMichigan students, who successfully pressured the university over its tiesto third-world sweatshops. Furthermore, the very ability of the local la-


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 53activism even in the face of adversity. Following the two Ypsilanti victo-ries, a year later the campaign won passage in City Council of a livingwage ordinance in Ann Arbor only to have the Republican mayor suc-cessfully veto it. Yet the living wage issue refused to die. The campaignraised enough public debate that the Republicans on council and themayor were compelled to vote for a motion committing the city to payingits own employees a living wage. W ith the election of a Democratic mayorin November 2000 the campaign passed a living wage in early 2001. Whilethe Washtenaw campaign can not point to dramatic demonstrations or along-term, many-pronged economic-development strategy, its ability tonetwork effectively and to win concrete victories has led to modest yetclear advances in the political outlook of a number of local progressivegroups.Conclusion: A Step Along the Social-Movement Road

Whether they display the stronger movement characteristics of ourfirst seven examples or the more modest elements of the last two, livingwage campaigns have demonstrated an ability to move local progressiveactivism further down a social-movement road. Indeed, living campaignsare ideally suited to enhance the social activism in a community regard-less of where activists begin along the movement spectrum. For example,they lead naturally to broad coalitions. With labor beginning to search forallies, living wage campaigns are seen by a growing number of centrallabor councils and individual unions as a good tool for connecting laborto community groups. At the same time, as the ranks of working poorincrease, many religious and community groups that traditionally havefocused more narrowly on anti-poverty issues have reframed their goals toprioritize the promotion of quality jobs. While the coverage is not alwayspositive, the living wage issue has also proven to draw media attention.The basic concept enjoys significant public support. And some form ofliving wage legislation is something that most campaigns have been ableto win. Such victories have meant effective political alliances and thecredibility brought by a group achieving what it set out to do.

While the degree of opposition can play a role in enhancing thesocial-movement qualities of living wage activism, our cases also suggest


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54 LABOR STUDIES JOURNAL: SUMMER 2001campaign to maximize some or all of these elements. The living wage isthus an important tool for those wishing to rebuild an effective progres-sive movement around economic democracy.

Finally, the combined experience of now more than 100 successfulor active l iving wage campaigns across the country has created a clearnat ional phenomenon. Today far more campaigns are act ive than the to-tal number of municipalit ies that have passed living wage laws. All ofthese to a greater or lesser degree will enhance the social-movement ca-pacity in their communities. And with the recent introduction of a fed-eral l iving wage bill into the halls of Congress this movement-buildingwil l now begin to have a coordinated nat ional dimension as well . Whilethis federal undertaking is unlikely to spark immediate results, i t doespresent intriguing long-range possibili t ies. With a network of more than100 labor-community coalit ions across the country, the l iving wage phe-nomenon has highlighted a clear progressive capacity for legislative change.Whether ful l -blown, long-term movement projects or newer and moremodest labor-community lobbying campaigns, l iving wage activism hasclearly become an important element enhancing the possibi l i t ies for asocial-movement reawakening as we move into the 21st century.

N o t es1 The materia l in this article comes largely from interview s with living wagecampaign activists and internal campaign material which they provided.Th is material also formed th e basis for a living wage hand boo k. Living Wage

Cam paigns: An Activist's Cuide to Building the Movement for Economic Justice.(See th e "D avid Rey nolds" listing in Resources below.)2 T h e selection is based upo n the author's interviews w ith key living

wage figures active in the movement either nationally or in regionalefforts. This material was used for the activist 's handbook cited above.The Detroi t and Washtenaw County cases draw from the author 's di-rect experience. All other cases are based on interviews with l ivingwage organizers.


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LIVING WAGE CAMPAIGNS 55G entile, Gary. 2000. "Los Angeles Unions Stren gthen : Area Becomes Grou nd

Zero for Revitalized Labor M ovem ent,." Ann Arbor News (October 1): A 1 3 .M cAdam , Doug, John D. M cCarthy and Mayer N . Zald, eds. 1996. ComparativePerspectives on Social Movements. New York: Cam bridge U niversity Press.Nissen, Bruce. 2000. "Living Wage Cam paigns from a 'Social M ove m ent' Per-spective: T he Miami Ca se." Labor Studies Journal 25, no. 3 (Fall): 29-50.Simmo ns, Louise B. 1994. Organizing in Hard Times: Labor and Neighborhoods in

Hartford. Philadelphia: Temple Un iversity Press.

ResourcesWhile it may not be exhaustive, the following list includes a wide range ofresources that will be useful to further study or implementation of living wagecampaigns.

Grassroots Policy Project, Sugar Law Center, and Sustainable America. 1998.Public Subsidies, Public Accountability. New York: Sustainable America.(Available G rassroots Policy Project , 2040 S Street NW , Suite 203, Wash-ington, DC 20009.)

LeRoy, Greg . 1 997. No More Candy Store: State and Cities Making Job SubsidiesAccountable. Washington, D.C.: Good Jobs First. (Available from GoodJobs First, 1 311 L St., NW , W ashington , D.C . 20005.)Metro Futures: Economic Solutions for Cities and Their Suburbs (New DemocracyForum ), edited by Daniel D. Luria and Joel Rogers (B oston: Beacon Press,

1999.)]N atio na l P riorities Project and Jobs with Justice. 1 998. WorkingHard, EarningLess: The Future ofJob Growth in America. Northampton, Mass.: Author. (Aseries of state reports is available from N ation al Priorities Projec t, 17 NewSouth St ., Sui te 30 1, N ortham pton, M A 01 060, or onl ine at ht tp: / /www.natprior.org/grassrootsfactbook/jobgrowth/jobgrowth.html.)

Niedt, Christopher, Greg Ruiters, Dana Wise, and Erica Schoenberger. 1999."The Effects of the Living Wage in Baltimore." Washington, D.C.: Eco-nom ic Policy Institute.Nissen, Bmce. 1999. The Impact ofa Living Wage Ordirmnce on Miami-Dade County.


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56 LABOR STUDIES JOUR NA L: SUMMER 2001PoUin, Robert. 1998. "Livmg Wage, Live Action." The Nation 267, no. 17

(November 23): 15-20.Reich, M ichael and Peter Ha l l . 1999. Living Wages and the San Francisco Economy:Part 1 , San Francisco Contractors and Hom e Healthcare Workers. Berkeley,Calif: University of California Institute of Industrial R elations.

Reynolds, David. 2000. Living Wage Campaigns: An Activist's Guide to Buildithe Movement for Econom ic ]ustice, rev. ed. Wash ington, D .C.: A ssociation oCom m unity O rganizations for Reform Now and W ayne State UniversityLabor Studies Center. (Available by calling [202] 547-2500. A PDF ver-sion is available for download at:http://www .laborstudies.wayne.edulivingwag e.html)

Reynolds, David, Rachel Pearson, and Jean Vbrtkamp. 1999. The Impact ofDetroit's Living Wage Ordinance. Detroit: Urban Studies and Labor StudieCe nters , W ayne S tate Un iversity. (PDF version available for download at:http://www.laborstudies.wayne.edu/livingwage.html)

Reynolds, David and Jean Vbrtkamp. 2000. The Impact of Detroit's Living WagLaw on Non-Pro/it Organizations. Detroit: Urban Studies and Labor StudiesCe nters , W ayne Sta te University. (PDF version available for download a t:http://www.laborstudies.wayne.edu/livingwage.html)

Weisbrot, Mark and Michelle Sforza-Roderick. 1995. Baltimore's Living WagLaw: An Arudysis of the Fiscal and Economic Costs of Baltimore City Ordinance442. Baltimore: Preamble C en ter for Public Policy.


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Documents

Living Wage Campaigns as Social Movements - Experience From Nine Cities