title:LivingOntheBoott:HistoricalArchaeologyAttheBoottMillsBoardinghouses,Lowell,Massachusetts

author: Mrozowski,StephenA.;Ziesing,GraceH.;Beaudry,MaryCarolyn

publisher: UniversityofMassachusettsPressisbn10|asin: 1558490345printisbn13: 9781558490345ebookisbn13: 9780585212814

language: English

subject

Lowell(Mass.)--Antiquities,Archaeologyandhistory--Massachusetts--Lowell,BoottMills(Lowell,Mass.),Boardinghouses--Massachusetts--Lowell,Workingclass--Massachusetts--Lowell--History.

publicationdate: 1996lcc: F74.L9M761996ebddc: 974.4/4

subject:

Lowell(Mass.)--Antiquities,Archaeologyandhistory--Massachusetts--Lowell,BoottMills(Lowell,Mass.),Boardinghouses--Massachusetts--Lowell,Workingclass--Massachusetts--Lowell--History.

Pagei

LivingontheBoott

Pageii

Frontispiece1.AviewoftheBoottCottonMillyard

publishedinGleason'sPictorialin1852

Frontispiece2.BostonUniversitygraduatestudentsexcavatingawell

discoveredintherearyardofBoottBoardinghouseUnit#48

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LivingontheBoottHistoricalArchaeologyattheBoottMillsBoardinghouses,Lowell,Massachusetts

StephenA.Mrozowski,GraceH.Ziesing,andMaryC.Beaudry

Copyright©1996bytheLowellHistoricPreservationCommissionAllrightsreservedPrintedintheUnitedStatesofAmericaLC95-52177ISBN1-55849-034-5(cloth);035-3(pbk.)DesignedbySallyNicholsSetinNewBaskervillePrintedandboundbyThomson-Shore,Inc.

LibraryofCongressCataloging-in-Publicationdata

Mrozowski,StephenA.LivingontheBoott:historicalarchaeologyattheBoottMillsBoardinghouses,Lowell,Massachusetts/StephenA.Mrozowski,GraceH.Ziesing,andMaryC.Beaudry.

p.cm.Includesbibliographicalreferencesandindex.ISBN1-55849-034-5(cloth:alk.paper).ISBN1-55849-035-3(pbk.:alk.paper)1.Lowell(Mass.)Antiquities.2.ArchaeologyandhistoryMassachusetts-Lowell.3.BootMills(Lowell,Mass.)4.BoardinghousesMassachusettsLowell.5.WorkingclassMassachusettsLowellHistory.I.Ziesing,GraceH.II.Beaudry,MaryCarolyn,1950-.III.Title.F74.L9M761996974.4'4dc2095-52177CIP

BritishLibraryCataloguinginPublicationdataareavailable.

ThisbookispublishedwiththesupportandcooperationoftheUniversityofMassachusettsBostonandtheLowellHistoricPreservationCommission.

Pagev

BothofuswouldliketothankGraceZiesingforherkindnessinallowingustodedicatethisbooktothememoriesofourfathers,

EugeneJamesBeaudryandStephenAlbertMrozowskiSr.

Pagevii

ContentsListofIllustrations ix

Preface xi

Introduction 1

TheBoottMillsandItsBoardinghouses 4

ArchaeologyinaParkingLot 9

HistoricalArchaeologyinContext 13

ToolsoftheTrade 15

PuttingthePiecesTogether 34

ArchaeologyattheBoottMills 36

Lowell'sUrbanLandscape 38

ALandscapeChanged 38

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ThePlannedCity 39

TheBackyardStory 43

LivingConditionsofBoottMillsWorkers 49

LifeinanUrbanBoardinghouse 50

Sanitation 52

Hygiene 53

Health 55

ThePersonalTouch 57

MealtimesattheBoott 59

Working-ClassMeals 60

ATellingComparison 64

LeisureTimeattheBoott 66

CigarsandCutties 67

Alcohol 71

Postscript 74

ClothingandPersonalAdornment 75

JewelryandBeads 77

HairCombsandOrnaments 78

ButtonsandStuds 79

TheBiggerPicture 81

SourcesandFurtherReading 85

Index 91

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Illustrations1.BoottmillyardonSidney&NeffmapofLowell,1850 6

2.Bird's-eyemapofLowell,1876 8

3.Jackhammerarchaeology 10

4.Boardinghousewallrevealed 14

5.ProbateinventoryofAmandaFox 20

6.ResidentBlancheGrahamwithMaryBeaudryandKathleenBond

22

7.Recoveredplatefragments 24

8.Whitewarecoffeecup 25

9.Eveningprimrosepollengrain 28

10.Goldenrod/aster-typepollengrain 29

11.Laboratoryanalysisofceramicfragments 33

12."PatucketFarmsintheTownofChelmsford,"1822 40

13.Lowellin1825 41

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14.Bird's-eyeviewofLowell,1876 41

15.KirkStreetagents'housetoday 42

16.Elevationsof"oneofthe...BoardingHouses,"1836 43

17.Excavatedrearyardoftenement. 45

18.Planofexcavatedrearyard 46

19.SketchofinterioroftheJohnStreetboardinghouse 50

20.Floorplansandelevationsforboardinghouses,1836 51

21.Washdayinaboardinghousebacklot 54

22."KissMeI'mSterilized"button 56

23.Thediningroomofaboardinghouse 60

24.Whitewarecupfragments 60

25.Pearlwarecupfragments 61

26.Claypipewithstampedstem 68

27.Embossedpipebowl 68

28.Illustrationofwomansmokingapipe 69

29.One-pintliquorbottles 70

30.Sodabottles 71

31.Liquorbottlesfoundoutsideaprivy 72

32.Copperalloybrooch 76

33.Combs 77

34.UnidentifiedworkersstandingoutsideBootthousing,ca.1889

82

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Preface''LivingontheBoott"wasaphraseemployedbytheworkersattheBoottCottonMillsinLowell,Massachusetts,thatcametosymbolizeawayoflife.Forthosewholaboredinthemillsandthenmadetheshortwalktothecompany-suppliedboardinghouses,"theBoott"wasbothworkplaceandlivingaccommodation.Throughoutmuchofthenineteenthcentury,workingtwelvehoursaday,sixdaysaweek,skilledandunskilledlaborershadlittlebreakfromtheirtoilinthemills.Theirfreetimewasoftenspentwithotherworkerslivingintheboardinghousesor,inthecaseofsomeskilledworkers,withtheirfamiliesincompany-suppliedtenements.DespitethehistoriesthathavebeenwrittenconcerningtheindustrialrevolutionandLowellinparticular,thereisstillmuchtobelearnedaboutthedailylivesofmillworkersandtheirworld.Thesepeoplewerepivotalactorsinoneofthemostimportantdramasinhumanhistory.Theirexperienceswouldcontributetothegrowthofworking-classconsciousnessand

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helptoformanAmericanculture.Theirlivesaretooimportanttobeleftinobscurity.Buthowdoweretrievethemfromthepast?Howdowebringthemillworkersandtheirworldbacktolifesothatwecanbetterunderstandthelivestheyexperienced?

Historicalarchaeologyprovidesonemethodforrediscoveringthesepastlives.Unlikethescientistsseekingtheprehistoricdawnofhumankind,historicalarchaeologistsplytheircraftfillinginthegapsinhistory.Theirsearchisnotforthehistoryofgreatmenorgreatbattles,butforahistoryrichintexture,fullofthelivesofordinarypeople.Toooften,theselivesfallbelowthethresholdofahistorybasedsolelyonthewrittenword.Throughexcavation,theanalysisofartifacts,andawiderangeofinterdisciplinarytechniques,historicalarchaeologistscanweavetogetherthestrandsofpastlives.Oneofthechiefpurposesofthisbookistoexplainthisprocessofdiscovery.

Attheheartofthisprocessisourconcernforboththepeopleandtheworldinwhichtheylived.Peopledonotliveinavacuum.Theirlivesareinfluencedbythetimesinwhichtheylive.Contextgavemeaningtopeople'slivesinthepastjustastoday'sworldgivesmeaningtoourownlives.Languageprovidesagoodexampleoftheimportanceofcontext.Inthe1985filmBacktotheFuture,MichaelJ.Fox(whogoesbackintimetothe1950s)oftenusestheterm"heavy"todescribevarioussituations.Doc,his1950sfriend,isperplexedbythetermbecauseheassumesitisusedliterallytomeanthatthingsweighmuchmoreinthefuture.Hedoesnotunderstandthecontextinwhichthetermwasapplied.Thesameistrueforarchaeologiststryingtocomprehendthepast.Unlessweexaminethepastinitstotality,takingintoaccountafullrangeofevidence,wetendtolearnmostlyaboutthelivesofwealthyandimportantpersons.ThismeansweneedtopayasmuchattentiontothebackyardofaboardinghouseinhabitedbytheworkingpoorastothebiographieswrittenabouttheinfluentialfoundersofLowell.Ifourgoalisatotal,moredemocratichistory,

botharenecessary.

Archaeologyisaninterdisciplinaryfieldthatdrawsupondiverse

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disciplineswithinthesocialsciences,humanities,andnaturalsciences,bringingtogethermultiplelinesofevidencetoexaminetheculturalandsocialaspectsofmateriallifeinthepast.Historicalarchaeologyisasubfieldofarchaeologythatfocusesontherelativelyrecentpast,employingwrittenrecordsincombinationwithexcavatedevidenceasprimarysourcematerialsandusingwrittenhistories,oraltestimony,andpictorialevidenceinconjunctionwithartifactanalysisandenvironmentalreconstructiontoframecontextsforinterpretation.HistorianshaveapproachedLowell'spastfrommanyanglesandfromtheperspectiveofmanydisciplinesandsubdisciplines:laborhistory,businessandeconomichistory,women'sstudies,immigrationhistory,thehistoryoftechnology,architecture,anthropology,folklore,politicalscience,publicadministration,urbanstudies,andsoforth.EachperspectivebringsfreshinsightintoourunderstandingofLowellanditsplaceinAmericanhistory.Historicalarchaeology,whichreliesonthemethodsandproductsofmanydisciplinestoproducenewwaysoflookingatlifeinthepast,alsohasavalidroletoplay.Inthislittlebook,weofferacasestudythatillustratessomeofthecontributionshistoricalarchaeologyismakingtothebroaderstudyofthecity'spast,notingthatalthoughhistoricalarchaeologycannotstandaloneasanavenueofinvestigation,itisavaluablecomplementtohistoriesbasedonwrittenrecordsalone.

Thearchaeologicalrecordseldomgivesuseverythingwewant.Wehavetotakewhatwecanget.InthecaseoftheBoottMillsboardinghousestherecordvaries.ThewrittenrecordcoversthespanofLowell'shistory.OurdataontheevolutionofLowell'surbanlandscape,thestandingbuildingsandthestreetsaswellasthewealthofarchaeologicalinformationlockedinthesoils,arerichindetailandcoverthecenturyasawhole.Intermsofartifacts,however,therecordismostrepresentativeofthelastthreedecadesofthe1800sandinparticulartheperiodattheendofthecentury.Intellingthestorythat

thearchaeologyreveals,wehavetriedtominimizethecon-

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fusionthatcouldarisefrommovingbetweenthesedifferentperiodsoftime,whileattemptingtomaintaintheflowofournarrative.

Forthesamereason,wechosenottointerruptthetextwithcitationsandreferencesthatmightprovedistracting;instead,thereaderwillfindattheendofthebookalistofsourcesforeachchapter,forin-depthreadingonspecificpointsaswellasforfurther,moregeneralexplorationofthetopicsweaddress.

Manypeopledeservecreditformakingthisbookpossible.MostimportantarethemembersandstaffoftheLowellHistoricPreservationCommissionwhoprovidedfundsanddirectionfortheproject.InparticularwewouldliketothankPeterAucella,executivedirectoroftheCommission;PeterPromutico,contractingofficerfortheCommission;andespeciallyCulturalAffairsOfficerJulietMofford,whoprovidedhelp,encouragement,andeditorialassistancethroughouttheprojectaswellaspatienceandunderstanding.OtherswhoplayedaroleintheLowellProjectwereFrancisP.McManamon,whowaschiefofculturalresourcesfortheNorthAtlanticRegionoftheNationalParkServicewhentheprojectbegan,andMyraHarrison,whoservedinthesamecapacitywhentheideaofthebookwasformulated.ShealsodeservesspecialthanksforhercontinuingsupportoftheprojectasamemberoftheLowellHistoricPreservationCommission.SomanyofthestaffattheLowellHistoricalNationalParkdeserveacknowledgmentthatwearesuretomisssome;however,wewouldliketothankChrysandraWalterandLarryGallfortheirsupportoftheproject.MichaelWurm,MartinBlatt,andMarkBogradallreadportionsofthemanuscriptandforthiswethankthem.Theircommentsandsuggestionsprovedvitalinseeingthebooktocompletion.OtherreviewersincludedJohnWorrellofOldSturbridgeVillage;JamesKrowlikowski,whoteacheshighschoolinManchester,NewHampshire,oneofNewEngland'sgreatmilltowns;andRobertPaynteroftheUniversityofMassachusetts,Amherst.

SpecialthankstoMarkVagos,whowasalwayshelpfulinthefield.AnneLangandJaneMcKinneyhavehelpedtoeditthefinalversionandLeslieDriscoll

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hashelpedwiththegraphics.GregoryBrownoftheColonialWilliamsburgFoundationhandledtheproductionofthefinaltext.TothemanyBostonUniversitygraduatestudentswhoparticipatedintheLowellproject,thankyouforyoureffortsandenthusiasm.Thanksalsotoourfriendandcolleague,GeraldKelso,whoseknowledgeofpalynologyandthelandscapewasoneofthekeystotheproject'ssuccess.Toalltheseandanywehaveforgotten,thankyou.

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IntroductionLowellislocatedattheconfluenceoftheMerrimackandConcordRiversinnorthernMassachusetts,neartheNewHampshireborder.LikemostofNewEnglandatthebeginningofthenineteenthcentury,thispartofMassachusetts,thenknownasEastChelmsford,wasfarmland.Bythesecondquarterofthenineteenthcentury,however,manyNewEnglandtownswerealreadyintransitionfromagricultureandhouseholdmanufacturetoindustrializationandtheconsumptionofshop-andfactory-madegoods.EastChelmsfordwasnoexception;itslocationnearthefallsoftheMerrimackanditsrecentlycompletedpowercanalforavarietyoflocalfactoryandmillingoperationsmadeitanidealsitefortheBostonAssociates,agroupofwealthyinvestorsledbythecannymerchant-manufacturerNathanAppleton,todevelopfortheexpansionofoperationsbeyondthelimitedcapacityoftheirfirstmechanizedfactoryinWaltham,Massachusetts.

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ThefoundingofLowellin1825wasaplannedventureshapedbytheneedsofindustryandtheinterestsofcapital.Thefactories,streetlayout,andworkeraccommodationswereconstructedaccordingtodetailedplans,carefullythoughtout;inlikemanner,companyregulationspromulgatedapolicyofcorporatepaternalismintendedtoguideandprotectthemoralsofworkers.TheBostonAssociatesweremotivatedbythenegativemodelofindustrialcitiesofEurope;theysoughttocreateatotal,plannedindustrialcommunity,todeterthegrowthofcrowded,unsanitaryslumsforwhichtheymightbeblamedasmuchastoavoidconditionsthatmightleadtolaborunrest.Initially,thecorporationssoughttoattractyoungwomenfromNewEnglandfarmstoserveastheunskilledlaborforceforthemills.TheYankee"millgirls,"astheywerecalled,livedincloselysupervised,company-runboardinghousesonlyashortdistancefromthemills.Byday,inred-brickfactoriesstretchedalongthegrowingnetworkofpowercanals,themillgirlstendedrankuponrankofwater-poweredmachinesthatwovemillionsofyardsofcloth.Beyondthemills,acommercialdistrictandresidentialneighborhoodstookshapeinalessorderlyfashion.Bythemiddleofthenineteenthcentury,EastChelmsfordhadbeentransformedfromafarmingcommunityboastingsomefiftyfamiliestoa"spindlecity"ofmorethantwentythousandresidents,manyofwhomlivedinboardinghousesandtenements.

Bymidcentury,however,theYankee"millgirls"werebeingreplacedbyimmigrantworkers,atfirstIrishandFrenchCanadian.Asthenineteenthcenturyprogressed,newwavesofemigrantsfromeasternEuropemovedtoLowellandtookuptheunskilledjobsinthemills.Corporatepaternalism,thepolicyintendedtosafeguardthemoralcharacterandphysicalwell-beingofyoungwomenfactoryworkers,erodedastheworkforcechangedandimmigrantworkers,ofteninfamilygroups,predominatedasboardinghouseresidents.Increasingly,

thecorporationsfoundthatmaintaininghousingforitslaborforcewastoogreatadrainonresources,andtheybegantoinvestinwaystoimprovetheefficiencyofmachinesandpeople.

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Towardtheendofthecentury,themillsbegantoselloffhousingtoprivatelandlordsandtodemolishboardinghousestomakewayforwarehousesandotherstructures.Inthetwentiethcentury,organizedlabormadestrikesaneffectivetoolforimprovingworkingconditionsandpay,butthepriceprovedtoohighforindustrialiststobear.TheNewEnglandtextileeconomywentintodeclineasmanufacturersrelocatedtoplaceswherelaborwascheapandunionswereweak.

TodayLowellhasemergedfromdeclineanddeteriorationtoserveasthehomefornewindustriesandhightechnology.MuchofLowell'srebirthstemsfromitspeople'sdeterminationtoextolthecity'spastandfromitscontinuinggrowthasadiverse,multiculturalcommunity,demonstratingthatitsgreatestresourceshavealwaysbeenitspeopleandthestoriesoftheirlives.Thecityhasmemorializeditshistoryanditspeopleinnumerousways:withscholarlyandpopularbooks,museumexhibits,parks,festivals,and,asweshallsee,archaeologicalresearchthathighlightsandcelebratesLowell'sworkersandtheirdiverseexperiences.

AgreatdealhasbeenwrittenaboutLowell,itsplaceinindustrialhistory,thetechnologicaldevelopmentsofitstextilemills,andevenaboutitsworkersandmanagers.Thereisanabundanceofhistoricalmaterialfromwhichtogatherinformation,includingthestories,letters,anddiariesoftheworkersthemselves.Buttheserecords,asrichastheyare,canonlygiveusonesideofthestory,thatwhichthepeoplethemselveschosetotellinwords.Thereisyetanotherstoryburiedbeneaththestreets,parkinglots,andyardsofpresent-dayLowell.Withthetoolsandskillsofthearchaeologist,wecanretrievethestoryoftheeverydaylivesofworkersinLowell.Wecandothisbylookingattheobjectstheyleftbehindandthephysicalworldtheyinhabited.

Thisbookpresentstheresultsofthearchaeologicalinvestigations

undertakenbytheNationalParkServiceandtheCenterforArchaeologicalStudiesatBostonUniversityattherequestoftheLowellHistoricPreservationCommission.Thisresearchfocusedonthemill

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workers,thosepeoplewhoranthemillsbutwhohaveremainedinthebackgroundoftraditionalindustrialarchaeology.Thepurposeoftheresearchwastoilluminatetheeverydaylivesofthesepeopleoutsidetheworkplaceandintheirhomes,whichwere,forthemostpart,thecorporation-runboardinghousesandtenements.(Thetermboardinghousecommonlyreferstoboththeunitsforunskilledlaborersandthetenementsforskilledlaborersandtheirfamilies.Throughoutthetextthetermboardinghousewillbeemployedtorefertobothformsofhousingexceptwhennoted.)

TheBoottMillsandItsBoardinghouses

TheBoottCottonMillswasincorporatedonMarch27,1835,forthemanufactureofcottonandwoolencloth.Housingformillworkerswassuppliedbythecorporationandwasonlyashortwalkfromthemills.Thishousingconsistedofthirty-twoboardinghousesoriginallydesignedforunskilled,unmarriedworkers,andthirty-twotenements(morelikeapartments)forsupervisorsorskilledlaborersandtheirfamilies.Theseunitswerearrangedineightlongblocks,eachwithfourboardinghousesandfourtenements.

Tenementsweremuchlikeapartmentsorindependentlivingunitswithindividualkitchenfacilities.Theseweretheplaceswherefamilieslived.Theboardinghouseswereverydifferent.Theyweredesignedaslow-costcommunallivingunitsforaboutthirtypeople.ThepersoninchargeoftheboardinghousewasemployedbytheBoottMillsCorporationandcalleda"keeper."Housingcosts,includingboard,weredeductedfromwages.Onaverage,anunskilledlaborerreceived$1.50to$2.00perweekabovethefeeof$1.25to$1.50deductedforroomandboard.Forthisthelaborersgotcookedmeals,washedlinens,andabed,whichtheysometimeshadtoshare.Therewereseveralcategoriesofunskilledandskilledworkersandthesalariesvariedaccordingtotheresponsibilitiesandcapabilities

requiredforthejob.Wageschangedovertimeandwerealsoaffectedbyprofits.Ifprofitsdroppedsodidwages.

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Theprimaryfocusofourresearchwastheunskilledmillworkerswholivedinthecompany-ownedboardinghousesandtheskilledlaborersandtheirfamilieswholivedintheadjoiningtenements.Excavationswereconductedintheyardbehindboardinghouseunit#45aswellasintheyardoftenementunit#48inthebuildingblockalongJames(laterSirk)Street.ThiswasoneofeightboardinghouseblocksthattheBoottMillsconstructedbetween1835and1839.Historicalresearchbeforeexcavationgaveusafairlygoodideaofwhohadlivedthere.

InordertoprovideapointofcomparisonwealsoconductedexcavationsintherearyardoftheKirkStreetagents'house,whichwasconstructedin1845.ThiswasthehouseinwhichtheagentsfortheBoottandMassachusettsCottonMillslived.Theagentservedafunctionsimilartothechiefexecutiveofficerofamajorcompanytoday.Hewashiredbytheownersofthemillstorunthemills.Thiswasamultifacetedtaskthatincludedeverythingfromoverseeingtheconstructionofthemillstosupervisingcompanypersonnel.Thecomparisonoftheordinaryworkers'backyardsandtheagents'backyardhighlightedaspectsofnineteenth-centurylifesuchasdiet,landuse,anddiseasethatmaynothavebeenobviousotherwise.

BoardinghouseResidents

ThereissomeinformationrecordedabouttheresidentsofBoottunits#45and#48,butsincethepersonallivesofemployeeswerenotconsideredimportant,theinformationisrathervague.Workerscameandwent,butusuallyonlytheirnames,ages,andsometimestheirplacesofbirthwererecorded.

Boardinghouseunit#45wasinhabitedalmostexclusivelybywomenfrom1850through1880(usuallyaroundtwenty-fivetothirtywomenatanygiventime)whileitwasunderthecontrolofonekeeper,AmandaFox.LettersfromformertenantsandBoottCompanycorrespondencepaintAmandaasahard-workingwidowwhotookher

responsibilitiesasakeeperseriously.ThecharacteroftheboardinghousechangedafterAmanda'sdeath.Censusesfrom1900and

1.Theview(lookingwest)ofBoottmillyardshownontheSidney&Neff1850mapofLowell.(CourtesyofLowellHistoricalSociety.)

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1910showthatthehousewasoccupiedthenalmostentirelybymen,themajorityofwhomwereFrenchCanadianin1910.Also,in1910thehousewasnolongeroverseenbyawoman,butbyJosephCroteau.Weshallexaminethispopulationchangelater.

Thetenement,unit#48,hadaverydifferentoccupationhistory.Fromatleast1850through1900ithousedaseriesoffamilies,allofwhichincludedsmallchildren.Inthecensuses,themenwerelistedasskilledworkersinthemillandtheirwiveskepthouse.

TheboardinghousesandtenementsalongJamesStreetweresoldbytheBoottMillsCorporationintoprivatehandssometimearound1907.Theywereturnedintoprivaterentalunits,thoughthetenantscontinuedtobemillemployees.Bothunits#45and#48ceasedtobeusedasdwellingsby1918,andwereturnedintostoragefacilitiesinstead.Theentireblockwastorndownin1934,afterwhichitwasusedasacoalyardandthenasaparkinglot.

Amorepersonalviewoftheboardinghousesisofferedbytheoralhistoryofawomanwholivedinoneasachildintheearlypartofthiscentury.BlanchePelletierGrahamlivedinaBoottMillsboardinghouseonJohnStreet(oneblockoverfromtheboardinghouseweexcavated)from1907to1912.BecauseBlanchewasachildwhenshelivedonJohnStreet,shehadthememoriesofachild,notthoseofanadultmillworker.Butshewasabletorememberthelayoutofthehouseshelivedinandeventomakeasketchofthefirstfloor.Sherememberedhelpingthekeepersetandclearthetableatmealtimes,andthatthemealswerehearty.Shesleptinabedwithhersisterinthesameroomastheirparents,andplayedinthemillyardandalongthecanalsusingspoolsandrustywheelsaspropsforplayinghouse.

TheBoardinghouseBackyards

Mapsandbuildingplansfromthenineteenthcenturyshowtheyards

onlyasspaces;wehavenootherinformationdetailingtheirappearance.ThebackyardsoftheBoottboardinghouseblockalongJamesStreetseemtohavebeendesignedforutilitarianpurposes.Themapsshowaone-storywoodenshedthatrantheentirelengthoftheblock

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2.Detailof1876bird's-eyemapofLowellshowingtheareaoftheBoottCorporationmillsandhousing.

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andseparatedtheyardsfromthealleybehind.Weassumedthatinthisshedwereprivies(outhouses)foreachhousingunitandstoragespacesforfirewood.

Atsomepoint,probablybyaround1876,additionsweremadetothehousestoconnectthemwiththeirshedssothatpeoplecouldgettotheprivieswithoutgoingoutside.Afterabout1900theprivieswerefilledinwithdirtandreplacedbywaterclosetsinsidetheboardinghousesthemselves.Theshedswereconvertedforuseascoalstoresandtrashreceptacles.Backyardwellssuppliedthebuildings'residentswithwater.PublicwaterwasavailabletoBoottpropertiesasearlyas1873,butsomeunitsreliedonwellwaterintothe1890s.

Weknowthattheyardswereusedbyallresidentsuntilabout1900,aslongastheprivieswerehousedinthebacksheds.AlthoughverylittleisknownaboutthespecificappearanceoftheyardsofBoottMillsunits#45and#48andwhatactivitieswentonthere,photographsofotherboardinghousesandtenementsprovideanidea.Thesephotographsdepictutilitarianspacesputtomultipleuses.Amongthewashtubs,scatteredtrash,andplankwalkwayschildrenmightplayastheirmothersworked.Whiletheyardsinthephotographsarenotablefortheirdisarray,therearenonethelesstouchesofdecorationsuchasflowerboxesinwindowsoverlookingtheclotheslines.

ArchaeologyinaParkingLot

Therewasnohintthatablock-long,three-storybuildingoncestoodonwhatisnowtheparkinglotweweretoexcavate.Thebuildingwasrazedin1934andthelotwaspaved.Alongonesideoftheparkinglot,anidenticalbuildingrecentlyrestoredstillstands,soweknewwhattheoriginalbuildinglookedlike.Therewas,however,littleinformationaboutwhattheyardslookedlikeorhowtheywereused.Inordertoprythesecretsoftheboardinghouses'backyardsfromthe

ground,wefirsthadtoconfrontsomeoftheproblemsinherentinurbanarchaeology.Whatcananarchaeologistdowhenasiteiscov-

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3.Jackhammerarchaeology:removingblacktopfromBoottMills'parkinglotbeforeexcavation.

eredwithasphalt?Notonlydidtheparkinglothideanyevidenceofaboardinghouseblockoritsbackyard,butaseaofcarshidmuchoftheparkinglot.Sincethelotwasinactiveuseduringourinitialexcavations,wewerelimitedtoeightparkingspaces.Thismeantthatwehadtoconformourexcavationstothedimensionsofthesespaces.Wecouldnottailorthesizeorshapeofourexcavationunitstoanyexpectedremains.Thislimitationdidnotaffectthesuccessoftheinitialoperation,however,becausewewereabletodeterminepreciselywheretodigbycarefullystudyingamapmadein1892forinsurancepurposes.Thismap,matchedtoexistingreferencepoints,allowedustoestablishtheexactlocationofthedemolishedboardinghousesandtheirbackyards.

Thefirstphaseofexcavationwassimplyatesttodeterminehowintactandhowextensivetheboardinghouseremainswere.Theexca-

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vationunitsweremarkedoutontheparkinglotwithspraypaint,andajackhammerremovedtheasphalt.Directlybelowthecinderandsandparkinglotbedding,weencounteredtheexpectedremainsoftheboardinghousesandtheiroutbuildings.

Encouragedbytheseimmediateresults,wewereabletofocusontwospecificbackyards,thoseofBoardinghouse#48andTenement#45.Westrippedofftheblacktopfrombothyards,andaftersomecarefulcleaningandexcavation,weexposedtheyardstoview.Fromabove,theylookedmuchastheyprobablydidintheearlypartofthiscentury,afterthebuildingshadbeentorndown.

Oncetheyardswereexposed,wecarefullysetaboutthetaskofexcavatingthemlayerbylayerandexploringthemanyfeaturesweencountered,suchasbuildingfoundations,filled-inwells,outhousepits,andoldplantingholes.Eachofthesehadtobemeasured,drawn,andphotographedaspartoftherecordingprocessthatistheheartofanyarchaeologicalproject.Thistypeofdetailisnecessarytoreconstructthedifferentperiodsofuse.Somefeaturesarefoundaboveorbelowothers,andrecordingthishelpsustounderstandtheirtemporalrelationship.Anotherimportantpartofthearchaeologicalprocessisthecollectionofsamplesforlateranalysis.Soilsfromfeaturessuchasplantingholesordrainscanbeinvestigatedusingavarietyoftechniquesthatwillbediscussedinmoredetailinthechapterthatfollows.Withouttherecordingofthelocationsofartifactsandfeaturesandthecollectionofsoilsamplesforanalysis,ourpictureofthepastwouldbeanimprecise,impressionisticimageratherthanthecontrolled,richlydetailedportraitthatiscreatedbyusingthetechniquesofhistoricalarchaeology.

Weuncoveredawealthofinformation,mostlyfromtheperiodtowardtheendofthe1800s.Thiswasatimewhenthemillsemployedmoreforeign-bornworkersthantheydidatthebeginningofthecentury.At

thesametimethecompanybegansellingsomeoftheboardinghouses.TheboardinghousethatweinvestigatedwassoldtoSaimonSirk,thusendingcompanycontrolandupkeep.

Theseareimportantfactstokeepinmindwhileconsideringdif-

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ferentaspectsoflifeinthecorporation-runhousing.ButbeforewetrytopulltogetherthepiecesofinformationexcavatedfromtheBoottMillsbackyards,weshouldexplorethenatureofarchaeologicalresearchandexaminethedifferenttoolsanarchaeologistusestoreconstructthepast.

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HistoricalArchaeologyinContextPeoplealwayswanttoknowwhatkindof''goodstuff"archaeologistshavefound,butarchaeologistsarenotprimarilyinterestedinfindingobjectsofbeautyorvalue.Toanarchaeologist,everythingfromcharredbonetomicroscopicremainsoffoodispotentiallyexcitingandinformative.Objectsalonecannottellusverymuchaboutthepast;itisonlythroughtheircontextthatwecanlearnsomething.Aceramicvesselonamuseumshelfismeaninglessunlessweknowwhereitcamefromandinwhatcontextitwasfound.Thevesselneednotbebeautifulorvaluableinordertohavemeaning;afewsherdsofplainpotteryinagravetellusthatpeoplewereburiedwithgravegoods,whichinturntellsussomethingaboutthebeliefsystemoftheculturetowhichthepersonbelonged.

Aburialisaformofarchaeologicalcontext,butitisalsoaculturalcontext.Byculturalcontextwemeanwhatpeoplethought

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4.Blacktopremovedrevealingboardinghousewallremains.

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aboutthetimeinwhichtheylived:theiropinionsortheirbeliefs.Thephrasealsoreferstopeople'spreferencesforcertainkindsoffoodorclothing,ortheirbehaviorslikesmokingordrinking.Thephysicalenvironmentinwhichpeoplelivedisalsoimportanttoarchaeologists,whetherwearestudyingtheclimateofaregionorthespecificconditionsthatexistedinsomeone'sbackyard.Anotherimportantaspectofcontextissocialclass.Considerthreedifferenthousingsites:anabandonedcitylot,weed-infestedandlitteredwithdebris;anarrowurbanhouselotwithanelongated,narrowtownhouseandsmallfrontgarden,tinybutwelltended;thecarefullygroomedandexpansivelawnoftheWhiteHouse.Eachcontexthasdifferentmeanings,andtheappearanceofeachisameasureoftheregardowners,residents,caretakers,ortaxpayershaveforthepropertyandthesocialstandingoftheownersorresidents.Allthesefactorscontributedtoformthecontextthatgavemeaningtopeople'slivesinthepast.Thisiswhysomucharchaeologicalresearchisconcernedwithtryingtoreconstructandunderstandcontext.

Aneffectivewaytogetthemostoutofanarchaeologicalinvestigationistouseeverykindofevidenceavailable.Historicalarchaeologistsusemanyofthesametoolsthatprehistoricarchaeologistsuse,buttheycangofurtherbyincorporatingelementsofwrittenandspokenhistoryintotheirinvestigations.Theyhavewidersourcesbecausehistoricalarchaeologistsstudytimeperiodsforwhichwrittenrecordsexist.Thesamecanbesaidofindustrialarchaeology,whichfocusesontheremains,aboveandbelowground,ofindustryandonthematerialevidenceforthehistoryoftechnology.Historicalarchaeologyfocusesonpeopleandculture,andcomplementsindustrialarchaeologywhenitisappliedtotheexaminationofthedomesticlivesofworkers.Thefollowingsectionpresentssomeofthemethodsthatweusetoilluminatethelivesofeverydaypeoplelivinginthepast.

ToolsoftheTrade

Thefollowinglistisnotmeanttobeexhaustive,butratherasample

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oftherangeoftoolsthatthehistoricalarchaeologistrelieson.AllthesetoolsplayedanimportantpartinourinvestigationsinLowell.

Excavation

Excavationistheactivitythatdefinesarchaeologyasawayoflearningaboutthepastanddistinguishesitfromdigginginthegroundforanyotherreason.Archaeologicalexcavationisthesystematicexaminationoffeaturessuchasfoundations,postholes,wells,andsoforthandofartifacts,plantandanimalremains,andotherevidencecontainedinsitesoilsinrelationshiptothesoillayersinwhichtheyoccur.Sitesareformedbybothhumanandnaturalactions,andeachkindofactivityleavescluesofsomesort,althoughsomearefaintanddifficulttodecipherwithoutscientificprocedures,anumberofwhichwedescribebelow.Thewayanarchaeologistapproachesasitedependsonavarietyoffactors,includingthekindofsiteitis,whereitislocated,thequestionsthearchaeologistwouldliketoanswerthroughexcavation,andtheamountoftimeandmoneyavailableforthework.Thereareneverthelesssomeverybasiccharacteristicsofanyarchaeologicalexcavation.

Archaeologistsfirstdivideupasiteintoagrid,aseriesofunitsor"squares,"thecornersofwhicharepreciselylocatedinspace.Workingwithinonegridunitatatime,theexcavatorsremovesoilcarefully,ingradualincrements.Forthemostpart,excavationrequirespatienceandagoodeyeforchangesinthesoil;archaeologiststakecaretoobserveandrecordinformationaboutchangesinthecolor,texture,andcomposition(e.g.,sand,silt,gravel)ofsoillayers.Theyalsopaycloseattentiontowhattheyfindinordertointerpretwhatwentonindifferentpartsofasite(Wasthereafirehere?Isthiswheretheybutcheredacow?Wasthisagarden,atrashdump,anoldpath,orjustapackrat'snest?)andtoestablishthechronologyorsequenceinwhichthesoillayerswereformed.

Archaeologyisatermoftenusedtodescribeothersortsofstudiesthatinvolvetakingthingsapartsystematically,recordingeverythingastheprocessofdismantlingtheevidenceproceeds.Architecturalhis-

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torians,forinstance,practiceakindof"architecturalarchaeology"whentheyexaminetheconstructionhistoryofahousebyexposinglayersofpaintorwallpaper,removingwallcoveringstofindclosed-upwindowsanddoors,andsoon.Thereisadramaticdifferencebetweenthissortofabove-groundarchaeologyandbelow-groundexcavation,however.Justlikethearchaeologist,thearchitecturalhistoriankeepscarefulrecordsandnumbersthearchitecturalpiecesastheyareremoved,butahousecanberestoredorreconstructed.Onceasiteisexcavated,evenwhenthishasbeendonesystematicallyandcarefully,itcanneverbereassembledorreconstructedexceptthroughtherecordskeptbyarchaeologists.

Forthisreasonyouwillfindmanypeopleonanarchaeologicalsitetakingnotes,writinguptheirobservationsandideasaboutwhattheyarefindingandwhatitmightmean,andmakingscaledrawingsongraphsheets.Theyrecord,forexample,plansofthe"floors"oftheexcavationunitsaseachnewlevelisexposedortheysketchprofilesofthewallsofunitstoillustratethesoillayersexactlyastheyappear.Archaeologistsalsotakephotographsinblackandwhiteandcolorateverystageofanexcavation;someusevideocamerasasyetanotherwayofrecordingeverythingthatisuncovered.Moreandmorearchaeologistsareturningtocomputersinthefield,usinglaptopsforkeepingnotesandlasertransitstorecordtheexactpositionsoftheirfindssothatlatertheycanfeedthedataintoapowerfulcomputertogenerateprecisemapsofwherethingswerefound.Somecomputerprogramspermitanarchaeologisttoproduceathree-dimensionalrepresentationofasitetheclosestwecanevergettoputtingasitebacktogetheragain!

Theexcavationswedescribeherebothtookplacein1986.Attheboardinghouse'sbacklotsacrewofeightworkedforfiveweeksinlatefall,assistedbymanyvolunteers,manyofwhomwerestudentsinanintroductoryarchaeologyclassatBostonUniversity.AttheKirk

StreetsiteoftheduplexthathousedagentsfortheBoottandMassachusettsMills,wespenttwoweeksinthesummerof1986withacrewoffour.Attheagents'houseweexcavatedarowofsix2m.x2m.unitsand

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twounitseach1m.x2m.insizeatthebackofthelotassignedtotheagentoftheMassachusettsMills;attheboardinghousesite,weexcavatedtwohugeareas,each10m.x12m.,exposingthebacklotsintheirentirety.Wefoundnofeaturesintheagents'backlotthatwerenotofrecentdate,buttheboardinghouse'sbacklotscontainedfeaturessuchasdrains,privies,wells,andfoundationsthatcoveredtheentireperiodofthehousingforworkersattheBoottMills.Inadditiontothesefeatures,werecoveredfoodremainsintheformofanimalbonesandplantparts,fragmentsofglassandpotteryeatinganddrinkingvessels,claysmokingpipes,corrodednails,thousandsofpiecesofbrokenwindowglass(oneunithadmorethan7000piecesinasinglesoillayer!),andvarioussmall,personalitemsthatpeoplelostorthrewawayinthebacklots,includingbuttons,beads,haircombs,pins,jewelry,andcollarstuds.

Foreveryweekinthefield,wespentthreetofiveweeksinthelab,cleaning,cataloging,andanalyzingallofthefinds.Wealsospentagreatdealoftimeexaminingoriginaldocumentsthathelpedustointerpretoursiteandlearnaboutthepeoplewholivedthere.

Documents

Oneofthemajordifferencesbetweenhistoricalandprehistoricarchaeologyisthathistoricalarchaeologistsoftencanputnamesandfacesonthepeopletheyarestudying.Historicalarchaeologistshaveagoodchanceofacquaintingthemselveswiththepeopletheyarestudyingbylookingattherecordsinwhichtheirnamesappearandatthepaintings,drawings,andphotographsthatdepictthem.Wecantalkabouttheeventsinsomeone'slife,andsometimesactuallyobservetheveryobjectsthatthispersonmadeorusedandleftbehind.Inthisway,theworkofhistoricalarchaeologistscantakeonpersonalandbiographicaldimensions,makingtheexperienceofthepastevenmoreimmediateforus.

Whenarchaeologiststalkaboutdocumentstheyarereferringtowrittenrecords,usuallythosethatwereproducedduringthetimeperiodbeingstudied.Documentscomeinmanyforms,notjustpub-

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lishedsourcessuchasbooks,newspapers,andmagazines,butalsounpublishedrecordssuchasletters,personalfinancialaccounts,orpropertydeeds.

Personaldocumentsincludeletters,diaries,andmemoirsinwhichpeoplerecordedtheirthoughtsandfeelingsabouttheprivateeventsoftheirlives.Embeddedinthemarecluesaboutthevaluesandsocialmoresofthetime.Usuallytheresearcherlooksbeyondtheliteralstatementsaboutfactsoreventsinthesedocumentsandtriesto"interrogate"thesource,usingcorroborativeorcontradictoryinformationfromothersourcestodeterminethewriter'saccuracy,veracity,andperhapswhathisorherunspokenassumptionswere.

Otherdocumentsarelesspersonal,moreofficialrecordsofevents,transactions,oraccounts.Examplesincludetaxrecords,propertydeeds,censusreports,andcourtrecords.Whilethesedocumentscanalsohaveculturalcluesembeddedinthem,theycontainapparentlyobjectiveinformationaboutpopulationdemographics,includingdetailsaboutpeople'sfinances,propertyownership,andlegalproblems.Sincethesedocumentsareoftenstandardized(foragivenareaatagivenpointintime),theycanbeusedtoanswerquestionsaboutwholegroupsofpeople.

Oneofthethingsthatahistoricalarchaeologististrainedtodoistoreaddocumentscritically,toknowwhatquestionstheycananswer,andwhatthelimitationsofthevariousdocumentsare.Abriefdiscussionofonekindofdocumenttheprobateinventorywillserveasanexampleofhowanarchaeologistmightmakeuseofthewrittenrecord.

"Probate"isthelegaltermusedtodescribeahostofactivitiesthatarecarriedoutatthetimeapersondiesinordertomanageanddisposeofpersonalproperty.Oneelementofprobateisaninventoryoftheperson'sassets,includingthemovablehouseholditems.Inthis

countrytoday,onlythetotalmonetaryvalueoftheestateisusuallyrecorded.Upuntiltheendofthe1800s,however,probateinventorieswereverydetailed,oftenlistingaperson'sbelongingsroombyroomanditembyitem.Whenyoureadsuchaninventoryyoucanimagine

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5.ProbateinventoryofAmandaFox.

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therecorderwalkingthroughthehousewithpenandpaperinhand,examiningeachobjectcarefully,countingcandlesticks,chairs,andspoons,andfinallyassigningamonetaryvaluetoeachpossession.Onecaneasilyimaginethevalueofsuchalistingtoarchaeologists.Notonlycanresearchersascertaintheobjectsapersonpossessed,buttheycanalsolearnthecolloquialnamesfortheseobjects.Whatismoresignificant,researcherscandeterminetheveryroominwhichagivenobjectwasusedoratleaststored.Inthiswaywecangetanideaofhowpeopleorganizedtheirspace,andhence,howtheirlivesdifferedfromorweresimilartoourown.

Figure5showstheprobateinventoryofAmandaFox'sboardinghouse,madeshortlyafterherdeathin1895.Althoughthehandwritingisdifficulttoread,thetranscriptionshowswhatkindsofitemswereinthehouse.

Ascompellingandevocativeasadetailedprobateinventoryis,theserecordsdonotprovideuswitheverything.Foronething,thelistingisusuallynotverydescriptive.Anentrymightread"6dinnerplates,"butwhatkind?Weretheyfancyandexpensive,orplain,durable,andinexpensive?Weretheyingoodconditionandtreatedastreasuredobjects,orweretheychippedandtreatedcarelessly?Didthesixplatesmatch,orweretheredifferentcolorsanddesigns?Anotherproblemwithprobateinventoriesisthatnoteveryonewhodiedhadanestatelargeenoughtorequireone.Onlypeoplewithasignificantamountofpropertywereinventoried.Thepoorestmembersofsocietyhadnothingofmonetaryvaluetopasson,soinventorieswereunnecessary.Thisdiscrepancycreatesaseriousdistortioninthehistoricalrecord,andonethattheresearcherwhoisinterestedinallclassesofpeopleinaculturecannotignore.Aprobateinventory,likemanyotherkindsofdocuments,isthereforeonlyonesourceofinformation.Itcanprovideastartingpointforourinquiryandabackdropforthematerialsthatareexcavated,butdocumentsarenot

enough.Theyarejustonecomponentinawidearrayofresourcesavailabletothehistoricalarchaeologist.

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6.FormerboardinghouseresidentBlancheGrahamdescribesherlifeontheBootttoMaryBeaudry(center)andKathleenBond(left).

OralHistories

Althoughthedocumentaryrecordiscomposedofhistorythathasbeenwrittendown,oralhistoryisthehistorythathasbeenrememberedbylivingpeople.Oralhistoriesaretheverbalanalogiesofpersonaldocuments.Theyarenarratedrecollectionsofpeople,usuallyintheformoftaperecordedinterviews,andcontainvaluableinformationaboutthespecifictimeperiodandplacebeinginvestigatedbythearchaeologist.Anoralhistorycanalsoderivefromaseriesofinformalconversationsandoralhistoriesarenowsometimesrecordedonfilmorvideo.Theprimaryadvantageofanoralhistoryisthatitprovidesapersonalandinterestingpictureofthepast.Therearesomedrawbacks,however.First,oralhistoriesarelimitedtotherelativelyrecentpastessentiallythelengthofalifetime.Oralhistoriesrecordedby

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earlierresearchersaresometimesavailable,butthesetoocanbefrustratingifthekindsofquestionsaskedbytheinterviewerdifferfromthoseofinteresttothecurrentresearcher.Thebiggestdrawback,however,istheveryqualitythatmakesoralhistoriessointeresting:theirsubjectivity.People'smemoriesarenotoriouslyinaccurate,andfactsuncoveredinanoralhistoryusuallyrequireindependentcorroboration.Justasresearchersmustreadbetweenthelinesofapersonaldocument,theymustlearntolookbeneaththesurfaceofanoralhistoryandferretoutitsculturalsignificance.

Features

Nonportablematerialremainssuchasbuildingfoundations,wells,graves,andlandscapingelementsarereferredtoasfeatures.Archaeologistsgivespecialattentiontofeaturesbecausetheyaresohighlyinformativeaboutculturalpracticesandsociallife.Architecturalfeaturessuchaspostholes,foundations,andcellarholesrevealthesortsofhousespeoplelivedinandthekindsofpublicbuildingsorspacestheyusedforworship,commerce,ormanufacturing.Therelationshipamongfeaturestheirlayoutinspaceisevidenceofsocialstructureandclassdistinctions.

Otherfeaturesreflectthewaysinwhichpeoplerespondedtobasicneedsandchangingtechnology.Installationsforwasteandwatermanagementandotherutilitiesareveryrevealingaboutconditionsofsanitationandhygieneandoverallqualityoflife.Manyfeaturesbecamereceptaclesforrefuseanddebrisoncetheynolongerservedtheiroriginalpurpose.Archaeologistscanlearnagreatdealfromthediscardedobjectstheyfindinabandonedwells,privies,borrowpits(holesdugtofindclayorgravel),cellars,andthelike.Theytakespecialcaretorecordtheprofileorverticalsequenceofdepositioninsuchfeaturessotheycaninterprethowlongafeatureperformeditsoriginalfunctionbeforeitwasusedforthedisposalofwastes,how

longittooktofillit,andexactlywhenandwhythisprocesstookplace.Oftenitispossibletolinktheremainswithspecificfamiliesorhouseholdslivingatasiteandtodeterminewhether

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7.Blue-edgedwhitewareplatefragmentsrecoveredfromboardinghouseyard.

theartifactsfromthedepositwerethrownawaybecauseawidowdisposedofthingsoncebelongingtoherhusband,oranewwifechosetogetridofunpleasantremindersofherpredecessor,orsimplythatmovingdaywastheoccasionforaverythoroughjobofhousecleaning!

Artifacts

Artifactsarethetraditionalsourceofinformationthatarchaeologistsrelyontointerpretthepast.Insimplestterms,artifactsarethematerialobjectsthathumansmake,buy,use,discard,orloseduringtheirlifetimes.Inthearchaeologist'svocabulary,artifactsareusuallythoseobjectsthatareportable,suchasstonetools,ceramicdishes,jewelry,andbuildingmaterials.Becausethestudyofartifactsissooftenmisunderstoodbynonarchaeologists,letuslookatoneofthemostcommonartifactsrecoveredfromarchaeologicalsites:ceramics.

Ceramicsfigureprominentlyinthepreparation,storage,andservingoffood.Byexaminingthetypesofceramicvesselsfoundatasite,thearchaeologistcanlearnaboutthebasicdietarypatternsanddininghabitsoftheinhabitants.OneaspectofouranalysisofceramicsfromtheBoottCorporationhousinginvolvedacomparisonofthetypesof

vesselsfoundindepositsbehindthetenementforskilled

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workersandtheirfamilieswiththetypesofvesselsfromtheboardinghousedeposits.Thedifferencesthatwediscoveredweresubtle.Forexamplewefoundthatsupervisors'familiespurchasedandusedagreatervarietyofdishesintendedfortheindividualdiner,suchasbreadplates.Thisdiscoveryledus,inturn,totheconclusionthatsupervisors'wivestriedtomaintainthevaluesoffamilylifebysettingtheirtablesaccordingtocontemporarynotionsofappropriatediningcustoms.Attheboardinghouse,therewaslittleevidenceofrefinementsofthissort.Herecommunaldiningwassuggestedbytheassortmentofservingbowlsandplattersintendedtocontainlargequantitiesoffood.Therewasnothingtoindicateindividuallypresentedservingsorothernicetiesthatwentalongwiththesociallychargedcharacterofnineteenth-centuryformaldining.Thus,ceramicanalysiscanrevealthesocialdifferencesthatfamiliesandboardersbroughttomealtimes.

Apartfromwhatartifactsrevealaboutculturalpractices,everyday

8.Partiallyreconstructed,plainwhitewarecoffeecuppiecedtogetherfromfragmentsrecoveredfromboardinghouseyard.

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behavior,andsocialdifferences,theyplayacriticalroleinhelpingarchaeologiststoassigndatestotheirsitesandtothefeaturesandsoillayersinthem.Stylesandtasteschangeovertime,resultingintheintroductionofnewformsandnewtypesofdecorationonobjects.Sometimesoldideasandstylesarerecycledandintroducedasnewormaybeevenasfashionably''retro."Technologicaladvancesovertimemeanthatthingsaremadedifferentlyatdifferentperiods,oftenwithnewlydiscoveredorinventedmaterials.Soeven"retro"itemsRomancopiesofGreekstatues,forinstance,or1950sclothingstylesusingVelcrofastenersprovidecluestotheiractualdateofmanufacture.Archaeologistsemployseverallinesofevidenceinarrivingatdatesforsitesandportionsofsites.Prehistoricarchaeologistsoftenusescientificallybasedproceduresthatmeasureelapsedtimebasedonratiosofdecayofcarbonorotherunstablematerialsoverthousandsofyears.Historicalarchaeologistsaresometimesluckyenoughtofindobjectswithdatesrightonthemcoins,forexamplebutthisisrelativelyrare.Usuallytheyreasonfrominformationgleanedfromwrittensourcesincombinationwiththeevidenceofwheretimesarefoundwithinthesite.

Forexample,attheLowellboardinghousesitewefoundhundredsoffragmentsofwhiteclaysmokingpipes,manyofwhichboreletteringnamingtheircityandcountryofmanufacture.Byconsultingsourcesonvariousmanufacturedgoods,welearnedthatpipesmarkedwiththecountryofmanufacture(inthiscaseScotland)weremadeafter1890,whentheUnitedStatesgovernmentbegantoenforcetheMcKinleyTariff,whichimposedtaxesonimportedgoods.Earlierpipestemsweremarkedwithonlythecityofmanufactureorwithnothingconcerningwheretheywereproduced.Thus,eveninatinyobjectsuchasapipestemarchaeologistshaveacluetothedateofthesoillevelinwhichtheartifactwasfound,plusevidencefortradepatterns,nottomentionsmokinghabits!

Stratigraphy

Underidealcircumstances,thearchaeologist'sgeneralruleofthumbisthattheoldestthingswillbefoundinthedeepestlayersofasite,

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whereasthenewestarenearoratthesurface.Thisprincipleisbasedonthefactthatlayersofsoiltendtobuildupandburyanythingleftonorinanoldgroundsurface.Soillayersareformedfromthedeteriorationoftherocksthatmakeupthenaturalbedrockofaregion,whichitselfisformedbyvariousgeologicalprocessesincludingmetamorphosisoftheearth'smoltencoreintorock,sedimentationinbodiesofwater,andvolcaniceruptions.Thelayerstakeonthecharacteristicsoftheparentmaterialandbuildupovertime.But,aswementionedearlier,bothnatureandculturetendtointerveneinthisidealizedschemeofthings,alteringthearrangementofsoillayersandtherelationshipsbetweenfeaturesandartifactspeoplemayhaveleftbehind.

Almosteverythingthatpeopledoaspartoftakingshelter,gettingandeatingfood,andjustgoingaboutdailylifeleavesevidenceinsomeform.Theymaybuildfires,butcheranimals,gatherplantsandseedsandconvertthemintofoodorusefulitems,andsoon.Theyareverylikelytodigholesinthegroundinordertostoregoodsordeposittrash,shelterafirefromthewind,buryadepartedrelative,constructahouse,ormineclayfromwhichtheycanfashionbrickstobuildthehouse.Sitestratigraphy,astheinterpretationofsoillayersiscalled,involvesdecipheringthewaysinwhichhumanshavealteredthelandscapebyaddingtoandsubtractingfromthenaturallyoccurringsequenceofsoilstratainagivenlocale.

Evenafterhumanshaveabandonedasiteandceasedtohaveaneffectonit,naturecontinuesitswork.Inadditiontolong-termgeologicalprocesses,localandregionalnaturaleventssuchasrodentburrowing,erosionbywindandwater,floods,earthquakes,landslides,andfrostheavealtertheconditionofsitesandtheremainstheycontain.

Peoplelivinginprehistorictimeshadanimpactontheirenvironment,tobesure,butathistoricalsitesweoftenfindextremeexamplesof

deliberatemanipulationoftheenvironment.Inplaceswherepeoplelivedformanygenerations,theyoftenrepeatedlydugthroughaccumulatedlayersofsoilandsealedoverevidenceofpreviousoccupationperiods,mixingtogetherthesoilsandartifactsfrom

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earliertimeswithsoilsandartifactsfromtheirown.Thearchaeologist'staskistosortoutalloftheseeventsandtoreconstructthesequenceofdepositionandredeposition.Thegoal,essentially,istoreconstructthelifehistoryofasite.

Citydwellersandfarmersalikehaveatendencytoreshapethelandscapetosuitthemselves.Attimestheycreatevastamountsofrealestate,forminglandwhereoncetherewasnonebyusingsoil,trash,buildingrefuse,oracombinationofthesematerialsaslandfilltoreclaimswampyorlow-lyingareasoreventomakenewlandalongshorelines.Landfillcanbethoughtofasanartifactinitsownright;inthelifehistoryofasiteitusuallyrepresentsasingle,massiveoccurrenceratherthanagradualorcumulativeseriesofevents.

PlantRemains

Peopleuseplantsinavarietyofways,notonlyforfoodbutalsoasrawmaterialformakingusefulobjects,clothing,andshelter.Wecanlearnagreatdealaboutpeoplebyexaminingthekindsofplantsavailabletothematagivenplaceandtime,discoveringwhichonestheyused,andunderstandinghowtheyusedthem.

9.Enlargementofeveningprimrosepollengrainasseenthroughmicroscope.

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10.Enlargementofgoldenrod/aster-typepollengrainasseenthroughmicroscope.

Plantremainscomeindifferentforms;woodandseedsaremostcommon.Thepersonresponsiblefortheiranalysisisusuallycalledanarchaeobotanistoranethnobotanist.Woodsurvivesunderconditionsofextremewetnessordryness.Somewoodentools,weapons,buildingmaterials,andfiguresthatarethousandsofyearsoldhavebeenfoundonarchaeologicalsites.Inorderforaseedtosurvive,itusuallyneedstobecharredorrecoveredfromanarchaeologicalfeaturethatcontainswetsoils,suchasawell,aprivy,oradrain.Intheseinstancesthepreservationofevenuncharredseedscansometimesberemarkable.Seedsareagoodsourceofinformationaboutwhatpeopleindifferentculturesate,whattheygrew,andthekindofenvironmentinwhichtheylived.

Pollen

Besidesbeinganuisancetopeoplewithallergies,pollenisanimportantsourceofinformationaboutplants.Plantpollenthatdoes

notmakeitswaytofertilizeanotherplantsettlesonthegroundand

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becomesburiedovertime.Pollencansurviveforlongperiodsinthisway,andsincethepollenofdifferentplantsisidentifiableunderamicroscope,atrainedspecialist,calledapalynologist,candeterminewhatplantswerepartofaparticularenvironmentatagivenpointintime.

Pollendatahasmostlybeenusedbyresearcherstogetanideaofwhatplantswereavailabletopeopleinthenaturalsurroundingswheretheylived.Pollenmovesaroundinseveralways,themostcommonbeingonthewindandonthebodiesofanimalsandinsects.Wind-bornepollencantravelgreatdistancesbeforeitcomestorest,whileanimal-bornepollentendstoremainclosertohome.Thismeansthatpalynologistsmustknowwhichplantsproducewhichkindofpollen.Wind-bornepollengivesaregionalenvironmentalpicture,whileanimal-bornepollengivesmoreofalocalenvironmentalpicture.

Recentpollenstudieshaveshownthatcarefulanalysiscanprovidedetailedandsite-specificinformationabouthowverylocalenvironmentssuchasasinglebackyardchangedovertime.Changesinpollenfrequenciesandratesofdeteriorationcanindicateepisodesoflandscaping,lawnmaintenance,anddisuse.

Phytoliths

Phytoliths,theinorganiccastsofplantstructures,includingcells,areanothersourceofinformationaboutplants.Softunstableorganictissuesofmanylivingplantscanbefilledwithhardinorganicsilicatesthatareresistanttodamageanddeterioration.Sincethecellshapesofdifferentplantsaredistinguishable,phytolithsofvariousplantscanbeidentified.Aparticularadvantageofphytolithstoarchaeologicalresearchisthattheytendtoremainpreciselywheretheirparentplantdied,thusprovidingextremelylocalizedinformation.Thedisadvantageofphytolithsisthattheyareonlyidentifiablebygrossshape,whichdoesnottendtovarybetweenspecies.Thismeansthat

onlyhighertaxonomiclevelssuchasfamiliescanbedistinguished.However,inconjunctionwithpollendataphytolithscanalsobeusedtoreconstructlocalenvironmentalevents.

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AnimalRemains

Bonesconstitutethemostcommonformofanimalorfaunalremainsencounteredbyarchaeologists.Bonesaremostoftentheby-productsofamealbuttheycanalsobetheremainsoftools.Insomecasestheyarethemortalremainsofpetsorpests,or,asisusuallythecasewithhumanbones,theyarewhatisleftfromaburial.Inanineteenth-centuryurbansitesuchasLowell,themostcommonbonestendtobefromanimalsthatwereeaten,domesticated,ordisdained,suchasrodents.Thezooarchaeologistswhoanalyzetheanimalremainsalsowishtoknowwhatkindsofnonfoodanimalsfrequentedaplacesincethisinformationcanprovidehintsregardinghowwellkeptanareawasandwhatkindsofdiseasesthehumanslivingtherewereexposedto.Butarchaeologistspayevenmoreattentiontothebonesofanimalsthatpeopleconsumed.Wecanlearnnotonlywhatkindsofmeatpeopleate,butalsohowtheybutcheredtheirgameandlivestock.

Oneexampleofhowthisinformationcanbeusefulcomesfromobservationsconcerningthemannerinwhichbutcheringpracticeschangedinthenineteenthcentury.Beforethis,manyanimalcarcasseswerebutcheredbychopping,probablywithanax.Marksleftbyanaxareusuallyidentifiable.Attheveryendoftheeighteenthcentury,however,sawsbegantobeusedtodividecarcassesintomanageablesizes.

Thischangecorrespondedtoachangeinthewaypeopleatemeals.Before1800manypeopletendedtoeatstewsthatcombinedamixtureoffoodsandwereservedinlargebowls.InAmericathiscustomstartedtochangearoundtheturnofthecenturyasmoreandmorepeoplebeganeatingavarietyofcutsofmeat.Infact,beef,themainstayofmanyAmericandiets,begantobebutcheredintocutsthatarefamiliartoustoday,suchaschuckroast.

Parasites

Organismsthatlivewithinthebodiesofanimals(includinghumans)canleavebehindeggsthatsurviveinarchaeologicalsoils.Theexaminationoftheseeggsprovidesarchaeologistswithatleast

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twodifferentkindsofinformationaboutasite.

First,parasiteeggsarepresentinverydenseconcentrationsonlyinfecalsoils,thatis,soilsderivedfromanimalorhumanexcrement.Thisissignificantbecausetheinterpretationoftheeggsthemselvesandanyothermaterialfoundinthatsoilwouldbedifferentforfecalandnonfecalsoils.Seedsinafecaldeposit,forexample,comefromplantsthattheanimalate.Seedsinanonfecaldepositcomefromplantsthatexistedintheareaandthatmayormaynothavebeeneatenbytheanimalslivingthere.

Second,sometimesthekindoforganismthatinhabitedthepersonoranimalcanbeidentifiedfromitsegg.Sincespecificparasitesfrequentparticularanimals,wecaninferwhatkindsofanimalswerepresent.Theidentificationofparasiteeggsprovidesaglimpseintothestateofhealthandhygieneofthehumanslivinginthearea.

SoilCompounds

Althougharchaeologiststendtofocusonculturalremainssuchasartifacts,theyalsoexaminethesoilitselfforcluestohumanactivity.Notonlydohumansshapetheirlandscape,leavebehindobjectsthatbecomeburiedintheearth,anddiscardfoodremains,buttheyalsoaffectthechemicalandphysicalpropertiesofthesoilitself.Phosphorusisonechemicalthatoccursinhigherconcentrationsinplaceswherehumansandanimalshavelivedthanitdoesnaturally.Mostphosphorusproducedbyhumanscomesfromurine,feces,trash,food,anddeadbodies.Thismeansthathighlevelsofphosphorusinthesoilmaybeusedtoidentifyplaces,wheregarbagehasbeendepositedorwhereanimalswerekept.

Analysisofsoilsattheboardinghousesproducedstrikinglyhighreadingsofleadinthesoil,possiblyfromtheuseofleadpaint.Lead,then,couldhavecontributedtotheoveralldeteriorationinworker

healthnotedbylatenineteenth-centuryreformers.

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11.Laboratoryanalysisofceramicfragmentsunearthedinboardinghousebackyards.

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PuttingthePiecesTogether

Therearetwobroadstagesofallarchaeologicalinvestigations:theactualgatheringofdatathroughexcavationandotherfieldwork;andtheanalysis,whichincludestheprocessingandsynthesisofthedatainthelaboratory.Theanalysisphasenormallytakesfarlongerthantheexcavation.Atfirstthespecialistsworkindividually.Soilsamplesaredistributedtothevariousscientistswhoseevidenceisliterallysuspendedinthedirt.Thesoilspecialistmeasuresthechemicalcomponentsofthesoils;thepalynologistandphytolithexpertextracttheirevidencefromsoilsamples;thearchaeobotanistseparatesseedsandotherplantremainsfromthesoilbyflotation.Thisprocessinvolvesimmersingthesoilsampleinwaterandskimmingofftheplantremainsthatfloattothetopwhileothersarecaughtinveryfinemeshedscreens.Pollen,phytoliths,andseedsthenareidentifiedandcountedunderamicroscope.Thezooarchaeologistusesacomparativecollectiontoidentifytheanimalbonesandstudiesthebutcherymarksonthem.

Atthesametime,laboratorytechniciansprocesstheartifactsbycleaningallofthefindsandlabelingthemwithnumbersthatidentifyexactlywheretheywerefoundonthesite.Theneachartifactiscataloged.Thecatalogentryincludesinformationaboutwhattheobjectis(afragmentofthestemofawhiteclaypipe,forinstance),itsdistinctivecharacteristics(forexample,embossedletteringalongthestemthatreads"GlasgowScotland"),andmanufacturinginformationaboutwhentheitemmighthavebeenmade.

Aftereachitemiscataloged,theinformationisplacedintoacomputer,whichstoresthedata.Computersareanessentialpartofanyarchaeologicalproject.Theynotonlystoremanyoftheoftenhundredsofthousandsofpiecesofinformationgatheredfromtheanalysisoftheartifacts,buttheyalsoprovidethemeanstoanalyzethe

information.Theresultcanbesomethingassimpleasachartoragraphthatrecordsthenumberofceramicsfoundonasite,orascomplicatedasamapofthehorizontaldistributionofartifactsthatillus-

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trateswherespecificactivitiestookplaceonasite.Althoughcomputersarenotabsolutelynecessarytocarryoutthiskindofspatialanalysis,thecomputerprovidesthebesttoolforthearchaeologisttomanage,analyze,anddisplaymanythousandsofpiecesofinformation.Byplottingwherethingswerefoundonthesite,welearnaboutpatternsofrubbishdisposalaswellaspatternsofotheractivitiesindifferentareasthesite.

Theanalysisdoesnotstopwiththecomputer,however.Oftenartifactsofspecialinterest,suchasceramics,glass,tobaccopipes,andsoforth,aregroupedtogetherformoredetailedanalysis.Thisprocedurecaninvolvepiecingtogetherthebrokenfragmentsofceramicorglassvesselssothatwhatiscalleda"minimumvesselcount"canbemade.Inthisway,itispossibletofigureoutfromthefragmentshowmanyactualvesselsexistedoriginally.Knowingthenumberofvesselsthatwerecollectedonasite,aswellastheirsizesandshapes,tellsusagreatdealaboutdrinkinghabitsandconsumerpatternsofthepeoplewholivedthere.Afterall,peopleusedwholeobjects,notfragments!

Thissortofdetailedstudyalsoinvolvesfurtherresearchintodocumentsandbooksaboutobjectsandhowtheywereused.Theultimateaimofallthispainstakingartifactanalysisallthewashing,counting,sorting,andreconstructingcarriedonbyindividualspecialistsistobeabletoplacetheobjectsbackintotheirculturalcontextsothathistoricalarchaeologistscanunderstandhowpeopleusedthemintheirdailylives.

Inthefinalphaseofanalysis,allofthespecialistssitdownwiththearchaeologistsandexchangeideasaboutwhattheythinktheirfindingsmean.Oftenthisexchangeisanon-goingprocessthattakesplaceduringperiodicmeetingsoftheprojectteaminwhichresultsoftheindividualanalysesarediscussedtoseewheredataagreeor,insomecases,conflict.Thiscollaborationistheessenceof

interdisciplinaryresearch,andoftenthisphaseoftheprojectisthemostexcitingbecause,essentially,everyonebecomesanarchaeologist.Frequently,areasneedingfurtherresearchmaybeapparentand,morelikelythannot,prelimi-

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naryinterpretationsbasedononlyonetypeofanalysiswillhavetoberevised.Interdisciplinaryresearchisaninteractiveeffort.Atrulythoroughandreliableinterpretationofanysitecomesfromtheinterchangeofideasamongallthespecialistswhohaveparticipatedintheproject.

ArchaeologyattheBoottMills

ThearchaeologicalinvestigationsattheBoottMillsinLowellusedallofthesourcesofinformationdescribedabovetoformwhatiscalledaninterdisciplinarystudy.Together,thecollectionandanalysisofthesevariousformsofdataallowedustoreconstructaspectsofpeople'slivesinthepast.FortheLowellprojectthismeantconveyingapictureoflifeasexperiencedbyworkersinanindustrialcityofthelate1800s.Wewantedtounderstandhowthepeoplewhorantheindustrialmachinerystructuredtheirlivesandshapedtheirworld.Weknowthatmanyaspectsoftheirliveswereprogrammedforthembytheirpowerfulandinfluentialcorporateemployers,butwewantedtoexplorewaysinwhichtheyexpressedthemselvesandmadetheirownimpactontheirphysicalsurroundings.

Thespecificwayweapproachedthesequestionswastoexcavatetheirbackyards.Whiletheseareaswereownedbythecorporation,theywereusedbytheworkers.Byexaminingthesespacesarchaeologicallywewereabletolearnhowpeopleusedtheyardsovertime.Thiswasjustastart,however.Throughinterdisciplinaryanalysiswecouldinvestigatetheseyardsasmicroenvironments;theiruseovertime,whatotherplantsandanimalslivedthere

BackyardArchaeology

Excavatingabackyardmaynotseemtobeafruitfulapproachtolearningaboutpeople'slives,butthereareseveralreasonswewereasinterestedinthebackyardsasinthehouses.Foronething,weknew

exactlywherethehouseswerebecausewehaddetailedhistoricalmaps,andweknewwhattheylookedlikefromexistingplans,arestoredsisterblockofbuildings,andphotographsanddrawings.We

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knewmuchlessaboutthephysicalappearanceofthebackyards.

Yetfindingoutwhatthebackyardslookedlikewasonlyonedetailinwhichwewereinterested.Thereisalottobelearnedfromexcavatingayard,becausethatiswheremuchoftheday-to-daylivingdebrisendsup.Alargepartofbackyardarchaeologyconsistsoflookingatpeople'sgarbage.Whatpeoplethrowaway,howtheydisposeofit,andwheretheyputittellussomethingaboutwhattheycareaboutandwhattheirattitudesaretowardtheirlivingspaces.Specificquestionstobeinvestigatedwerehowwell-caredfortheyardswere,whethertheyhadbeenlandscapedormaintainedbytheBoottcorporation,andwhatkindsofactivitiesmighthavetakenplacethere.

Thearchaeologistsexcavatedthousandsofartifacts,conductedchemicalanalysesonthesoil,extractedpollenandphytoliths,andspentseveralyearsresearchingwrittenrecordsalltolearneverythingtheycouldabouttheworkerswhoinhabitedtheBoottMillsboardinghouses.TherestofthisbookisdevotedtospecifictopicsonwhichinformationwasgatheredduringtheLowellinvestigations.Takentogether,thesetopicsreflectthefabricofeverydaylifeinLowellasexperiencedbyatleastsomeoftheBoottMills'textileworkers.

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Lowell'sUrbanLandscape

ALandscapeChanged

Beforethemillcorporationsmovedin,thesitewhereLowellwouldbebuiltwasafarmingcommunityknownasEastChelmsford.Therewerefarmhouses,fields,andpasturesalongtheshoresoftheConcordandMerrimackRivers,inadditiontoanumberofmillingoperationstakingadvantageofthewaterpowertobehadfromtherivers.Thislandscapewouldbedramaticallyalteredinordertomakethesettingsuitableforlarge-scaletextilemanufacturing.Sincemuchofthelandwaspartofthefloodplainforthetworiversandthereforewetandunstable,largequantitiesofearthhadtobebroughtintolevelthegroundandmakeitsolidenoughtosupportlargebuildings.Deepfeaturessuchasprivyshaftsorfoundationswerenotdugintoglacialsubsoil,aswouldnormallybethecase,butintosoilfilledwith

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artifactsfromevenoldersites,reducedtolandfill.

Afterfillingintheland,canalshadtobebuilt,insomecasesthroughthefill.Thesecanalsbroughtwaterinlandfromtheriverstothemillmachinerythroughtheuseofwaterwheels.Inadditiontoallthisfillingandearthmoving,themillsthemselvesandthebuildingsthatwouldhousetheworkershadtobeconstructed.

Finally,landscapingthatwouldmakepeoplefeelcomfortableandmoreathomehadtobecompleted.Treesandgrasshadtobeplanted,fencesputup,andstreetsandpathslaidout.TheresultofthisworkwasanewcitythatcompletelytransformedtherurallandscapeofEastChelmsford.

ThePlannedCity

TheCityofLowellwastheresultofcarefulplanning.TheappearanceofthebuildingsandofthelandscapesgivesusanideaoftheimpressiontheplannersofLowellintendedtoconveytothevariouscityresidents.Thesourcesforthisinformationarewrittenrecords,paintings,drawings,photographs,archaeologicalexcavations,andexaminationsofexistingbuildings.Fromallthisevidenceitseemsthat,atleastintheearlyyearsofoperation,themillownerstriedtomakeLowelllookandfeelwellcaredforandmorelikehomethanlikeagrim,impersonalcity.OneoftheearlymillworkersofLowell,LucyLarcom,describedtheway''longstretchesofopenlandbetweenthecorporationbuildingsandthestreetmadethetownseemcountry-like."Indeed,itwastothecorporations'benefittomakethecityattractivesincethemillownersneededtobringpeopletheretowork.AcloserlookattheKirkStreetagents'houseandtheboardinghouseswillillustratesomeofthecity'sprominentfeatures.

KirkStreetAgents'House

TheKirkStreetagents'housewasaduplexbuiltin1845tohousethehighest-levelmanagersoftwotextilemills,theBoottMillsandthe

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12.Hale's1822mapof"PatucketFarmsinthetownofChelmsford,"whichwaschosenbytheBostonAssociatesforthesiteofLowell.

MassachusettsMills.Thecorporationswantedtoconveyasenseofauthoritythroughthedesignofthisstructure,andthereforeitwasquiteformal.

EverythingabouttheKirkStreetagents'housespokeofpower.Itwasclosetotheboardinghousesbutraisedabovetheotherstructuresandabovethestreetonanartificialterraceheldinplacebyimpressive,cut-graniteblocks.Itwasalsocutofffromtheboardinghousesbyanimposingwrought-ironfencethatencloseditsentireyard.Therearyardallottedtothehouseholdofeachagentwasinitiallynearlyaslargeastheyardspacetotherearofoneoftheboardinghouseunits,althoughtheagent'sfamilysharedtheyardwithnoone.Eventhebuildingmaterialswereofhighquality:pressedbrickwithbrown-

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13.Lowellin1825lookingnorthacrosstheMerrimackRiver

14.Bird's-eyeviewofLowell,1876.

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15.KirkStreetagents'houseasitappearedin1988.

stonetrim,dressedgraniteatthefoundationlevel,andwood-paneleddoubledoors.Thefrontandsideyards,whichwerevisiblefromthestreet,wereplantedandmaintainedwithalawn,afactsupportedbythethicklayersofrichsoilencounteredbythearchaeologists.

TheBoardinghouses

Therowsofboardinghousesthatwerebuiltnearbybetween1835and1839conveyedadifferentmessage.Althoughtheytooweremeanttobeinvitingthemoststrikingaspectofthesestructures,perhaps,wastheirorderlinessandsymmetry.EightidenticalblocksofboardinghouseswereoriginallyconstructedfortheBoottMillsworkers.Eachblockcontainedfourboardinghousesflankedateitherendbytwotenementsconsistingofapartmentsforskilledworkers,supervisorypersonnel,andtheirfamilies.ThebuildingmaterialswereplainerandcheaperthanthoseusedintheKirkStreetagents'house,andtherewerenoformalfrontorsideyardstosuggestalifeofleisure.Thesewereneat,orderedtownhousesdesignedforefficiency

ratherthan

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comfort.Thebuildingswerewellmaintainedontheoutside.Theywerewhitewashedeveryyear,andthecorporationstookpainstoenforcestandardsofcleanliness:therearemanylettersonfilereprimandingboardersformessyyards.

TheBackyardStory

ThebackyardsoftheKirkStreetagents'houseandtheboardinghousesalsotoldverydifferentstoriesabouthowpeopleinLowellactuallylivedtheirlives.Itmadesensethattheprofit-mindedcorporationownerswouldwanttoidealizetheirmanufacturingcenter,notonlytoattractworkersbutalsotostaveoffcriticismfrompoliticiansandfarmerswhocampaignedagainstwhattheysawastheevilsofindustrialization.Thinkofthegreatlengthstowhichmoderncorporationsgotoconvincepotentialcustomersthattheyarenotinsensitiveprofiteersbutareecologicallyresponsible,caringpeopletryingtoimproveourlives.

16.FrontandendelevationsofoneoftheBoottBlocksofboardinghouses,1836.(LocksandCanalsCollection.CourtesyLowellHistoricalSociety

andUniversityofMassachusetts,Lowell,CenterforLowellHistory.)

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KirkStreetAgents'House

Eventheformalandwell-maintainedKirkStreetagents'househadasecretlife,hiddeninthebackyardwellawayfromthepublic'seye.Archaeologicalexcavationsshowedthatthiswasaworkingyardwhereallkindsofactivitiesoccurred.

Thechemistryofthesoilwasexamined,andhighlevelsofphosphatesandcalciumwerefound.Thiswasinterpretedasevidencethatgarbagewasallowedtodecaythere,afindingthatwassupportedbythemanyanimalbonesthatwerealsofoundintheyard.Theseweremostlybonesfromcutsofmeat,butsomewerewastepartssuchasheadandfeet,suggestingthatsomeslaughteringorbutcheringwentonbehindthescenes.Therewerealsonolayersofrichlandscapingsoilinthebackyard,justlotsofdomestictrash.Thiswasapparentlyanopenyardusedforwashing,foodprocessing,andgarbagedisposal.Ofcourse,itwasprobablyservants,nottheagents'families,whoworkedintheyard.Thefamiliesmighthaverarelyenteredthebackyardsincetheyhadanindoorbathroom.

OneofthemoreinterestingthingswelearnedabouttheKirkStreetagents'housebackyardcamefrompollenandphytolithanalyses,whichsuggestedthatweedsweregraduallyreplacedbygrasses.Thismeantthattheyardbecamemoreornamentalovertime,forasanygardenerknows,youhavetomakeadeliberateefforttogetridofweedsandgrowgrassinstead.Bytheendofthetimethatmillagentslivedinthehouse,thebackyardwasmuchmorelikeamodernbackyardaplaceforplayingandrelaxationratherthanforwork.Thiswasnottrueoftheboardinghousebackyards.

BacktotheBoardinghouses

Eachboardinghousehadanenclosedbackyardthatseemedtoosmallforrecreationalactivitiesbutwasusedasaworkingyard.Theseyards

wereapproximately25ft.x25ft.insize.Ourexcavationsrevealedthetypicallayoutoftheseyards.Connectedtothebackofthehousewasabulkheadentrytothebasementandasmallbackroomcontainingpartofawellthatwassharedwiththeadjoiningboardinghouse.At

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17.ExcavatedrearyardofBoardinghouseUnit#48,Tenement.

therearoftheyardwasawoodshedwithastone-linedprivypitinit.

Theyardsoftheboardinghousescontainedallkindsoftrashandgarbage.Archaeologicalevidencesuggestedthatconditionsintheboardinghousebackyardsdeterioratedovertime.Bonesandotherrefuseseemtohavebeenthrowninpitsorwithinthecellarintheearlyyearsofoccupation,thusconcealingthemfromview.Laterontheyseemtohavebeenstrewnrandomlyacrosstheyardwithlittleregardforappearances.This1889letterfromthemanagementtoaboardinghousetenantgivesanideaofwhatmanyoftheyardsmighthavelookedlikeinlateryears:

Complaintismadethatyourfamilythrowsswillteagroundsetc.intothecesspoolinyourbackyardandthesamehascloggedthedrainandwillhavetobecleanedoutwhichourMr.Crawfordwillattendto,butyoumuststopthrowingsuchstuffintothedrainandnothaveit[happen]again,anduseyourswillbucketforsuchthings.[A]lsoyouhadadeadcatinyourashbarrellastFridaywhichhadlainsolongthatitwasmaggatey.Youmustbe

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18.PlanofexcavatedrearyaardofBoardinghouseUnit#45.

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morecleanly,andnothavesomuchlitteraboutyourpremises,asitwillbreeddiseaseandcan'tbeallowed.

Thelandscapingevidencemirroredthistrendtowardlaxness.FortheearlyyearsoftheBoott'shistorytherewererelativelyhighandstablelevelsofgrasspollen,whichsuggestedthattheyardswerewellmaintained.Inlateryearsthepollenrecordbecamedominatedbyweeds.ManyseedsfromthecommonNewEnglandweednightshadewerealsofound.Thisweedisaclimberandprobablyclusteredalongthefencesattheedgesoftheyards.Thecenteroftheyardsseemedtohavebeenlefttodustandmud,althoughthediscoveryofwoodenplankssuggestedthattheymayhavebeencovered.

Lestwepaintamoresqualidpictureoftheurbanlandscapethanreallyexisted,weshouldpointoutthatpeopleintheboardinghousedidmakesomeeffortstobeautifytheirbackyards.Wefoundplantingholesthatprobablyhousedsmalltreesorshrubs.Oneholehadelderberrypollenandseedsinit,identifyingitasthelocationofanelderberrybush.(Elderberrieswereusedtomakeapopularcider.)Wealsofoundgrapepollenandseedsinvariouspartsoftheyard,alongwithaseriesofholesforpoststhatmighthavesupportedagrapearbor.Eventhoughboththeseplantswerepotentiallyusefulasfood,theymustalsohavesoftenedtheotherwiseharsh,utilitarianappearanceoftheyards.

Inanycase,thewaythebackyardsoftheKirkStreetagents'houseandtheboardinghouseswereusedwasnotatallunusualforthetime.Outsidespacesweremuchmoreutilitarianinthe1800sthantheyaretoday.WhatwediscoveredabouttheLowellbackyardsthrougharchaeologicalinvestigationsisinterestingforseveralotherreasons.Foronething,theyardsattheKirkStreetagents'houseshowedthetransitionfromutilitariantodecorative,startingwithaformalfront

andsideyardcombinedwithaworkingbackyard,andendingwithnooutdoorworkingspaceatall.Itisinterestingtoobservethatthe

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boardinghousesdemonstratedtheexactoppositetrend,movingfromawell-maintained,thoughprobablyworking,yardtoaweedy,trash-strewncitylot.

Whatbothyardsshowbest,though,istherealityoftheurbanlandscapealandscapelivedinandusedbypeopledespitethebesteffortsofthecorporationstoportrayitasaneat,controlledenvironment.

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LivingConditionsofBoottMillsWorkersAswehaveseen,historicalarchaeologistspursuemanylinesofevidenceintheirattemptstogobeyondwrittenandoralstatementsthatglorifythepastandignoreorglossoveritsvariety,complexity,andhumbleorignoblecharacteristics.Becausethemethodsweusecanrevealconditionsaspeopleinthepasttrulyexperiencedthem,weareabletoexaminethequalityoflifeatitsmostintimate.Thearchaeologicalrecordprovidescluesabouthowpeopleusedthespacesavailabletothemintheboardinghousesforacceptableaswellasillicitactivities;ittellsofcleanlinessandsanitation,orthelackthereof;andityieldsdetailsaboutthepropertiesofwater,soil,andotherelementsoftheimmediateenvironmentthataffectedeverydaylife.Eventhesmallestofarchaeologicalfinds,somethingasplainand

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simpleasasherdfromabrokenflowerpot,canindicateactionspeopletooktoimproveorembellishthemselvesandtheirsurroundings.

LifeinanUrbanBoardinghouse

WeknowthebasiclayoutoftheboardinghousesbylookingatoldfloorplansandbyexaminingtheoneremainingstructureinLowellaswellassimilarbuildingsthatsurviveinothercommunities.Therewasadiningroom,asittingroom,awashingandstoragearea,androomsfortheboardinghousekeeperonthefirstfloor.Thesecondandthirdfloorscontainedbedroomssharedbyboardersandheated

19.BlancheGraham'ssketchofinterioroftheJohnStreetboardinghouseshelivedinasachild.

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20.FloorplansandelevationsforBoottMillsboardinghouses,1836.(ProprietorsofLocksandCanalsCollection.CourtesyofUniversityofMassachusetts,LowellSpecialCollections.)

byfireplaces.UnliketheKirkStreetagents'house,therewerenomodernconveniences.Throughoutthe1800sresidentshadtouseanoutdoorprivyintheshedatthebackoftheyard.Therewasnosenseofprivacyintheboardinghouseseither.Accordingtoanearlyresident,asmanyassixpeoplehadtosharearoommeasuring14ft.x16ft.,''withallthetrunks,andboxesnecessarytotheirconvenience."Eventhoughprivacywasnotcommonplaceinthe1800sunderanycircumstances,beforecomingtoLowell,millworkersprobablyhadnotbeenaccustomedtosharingtheirspacewithstrangers.

AmoreintimateviewoftheboardinghousesisofferedbythememoriesofBlancheGraham.Shelivedintheboardinghouseasachildwithherparentswhoworkedinthemillsduringtheearlyyearsofthetwentiethcentury.Sheremembersenteringthebuildingintoalonghallwaythatledintoareceptionroomwithwoodentablesandchairswheremensatandtalkedandplayedcards.Sheremembers

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thediningroomwiththreelongwoodentablesandthekitchenwithasinkandablackstovealongonewall.Herdescriptionofheryouthrevealsastarkexistence:"[There]wasn'tmuchfurniture,causethemdaystheydidn'thavemuchfurniture....Mattresswaslikestraworsomedarnthing...ormaybefeathers...andwoodenchairs,everythingwaswood...therewasnofanciness.Maybeaplainwoodenbureauwithafewdrawerstoputyourclothesinandamirrortostickuponthewall.Thatwasthefurniture."

AsBlancheremembers,thelightingwaskeroseneandtherewasjustonewaterclosetcontainingatoiletandasinkwithcoldrunningwater.Thisonebathroomwasfortheentirehouse.Therewerechamberpotsineveryone'sbedroom.Thiswas,however,animprovementontheoutdoorprivythatwasusedbyboardinghouseresidentsduringthe1800s.

Sanitation

Privieswerenotaverypleasantsolutionfortheproblemofhumanwaste.Withthenumberofpeopleusingthemattheboardinghouses,theywouldhaverequiredfairlyfrequentcleaningtokeepthemfrombecomingoffensive.InLowellthistaskwasaccomplishedthroughwhatwascalledthe"night-cart"system.Farmersfromoutlyingareasweregivenlicensestocleanpriviesandcartoffthecity'ssewerageandrubbishduringtheevening(hence,"night-workers").Thissystemprovedunsatisfactoryasproblemswithleakingnight-cartsandthefarmers'demandsforhigherwagesexceededthebenefitsofmaintainingtheprivies.

By1890theBoardofHealthoftheCityofLowellorderedthatallpriviesbeabandonedandreplacedbywaterclosetshookeduptosewerlines.Archaeologicalinvestigationsshowedthatthecorporationswereslowtocomplywiththelaw.Oversevenhundred

machine-madebottlefragmentswereexcavatedfromtwopriviesintheboardinghousebackyards.Becausetheprocessformakingthiskindofbottlewasnotputintouseuntil1910,weknowthattheprivieswerenot

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abandonedandfilledinuntilatleast1910,twentyyearsafterthecitydemandedthatitbedone.

Becauseoftheprivies,drinkingwaterwasunsanitaryfortheboardinghouseresidents.Mostwaterwasobtainedfromwellsinthebackyardorfromthecanals.Thewellswereeasilysubjecttocontaminationbecausetheywereshallowandwereplacedtooclosetothepriviesalookatthelayoutofthebackyardsconfirmsthis.Thecanalswerenocleaner.Steppedtowerprivieswereusedinallthemillsalongthecanals,andthehumanwastewasreleaseddirectlyintothewater.Thecitybegantoprovidepipedwaterasearlyasthe1870s,butmanyboardinghousescontinuedtorelyontheirprimitivesourcesintothe1890s.

Oneunpleasantsideeffectoftheseunsanitaryconditionswasthattheboardinghouseresidentshadtoputupwithrats.BlancheGrahamrememberedratsatherboardinghouse,andwefoundplentyofevidenceoftheminthearchaeologicalrecord.Notonlydidwefindratbones,butwealsofoundevidenceoftheireatinghabits.Manyoftheanimalbonesandplantremainsfoundintheboardinghousebackyardhadrodentgnawmarksonthem.ThiswasinstarkcontrasttotheevidencefromtheKirkStreetagents'house,wherenoratboneswerefoundandonlyonepieceofboneshowedsignsofhavingbeengnawed.Theratsprobablypreferredtheboardinghousenotonlybecauseofitsmoreunsanitaryconditions,butalsobecausefoodwasstoredinbulkinthebasement.Thepresenceofratsinoneplaceandtheirabsenceintheotherpointedtoafundamentaldifferenceinthequalityoflifeexperiencedbythesetwogroupsofpeople.

Hygiene

Itdidnotsurpriseanyofustolearnthatworkinginthemillswasaverydirtybusiness.Thevariousprocessesinvolvedinmakingcloth

releasedcloudsoflintthatstucktobodiescoveredwithsweatandmachinegrease.Washingfacilitiesattheboardinghouseswerenotequaltothetaskofkeepingtheresidentsclean.Wewouldprobablyconsiderthe

21.LewisHinephotographofwashdayinaHomestead,Pennsylvania,boardinghousebacklot.(ReproducedfromByington,1910.)

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workers'personalhygieneinadequatebytoday'sstandards.

Beforewemakeanyjudgmentsaboutthecleanlinessofboardinghouseresidents,however,wehavetounderstandthefacilitieswithwhichtheyhadtolive.Therewasnorunningwaterasweknowittodayintheboardinghouses.Aswehavealreadymentioned,waterwasbroughtinfromawellinthebackyard.Aleadpipefoundinoneofthewellsmayhavecarriedwatertoacisterninthebasementortothekitchen.Justwhenwaterhook-upswereinstalledisunclear,however.Evenintheearlytwentiethcenturybathingfacilitieswerenonexistent.

Thehardshipsofdoinglaundrycontributedadditionalproblemstoworkerstryingtokeepclean.Clothingwasscrubbedinatubofwaterandhungonalinetodry,aprocedurethattookaconsiderableamountoftime.Oneoftheprivilegesofboardingwasthatyourbedlinenswerewashedforyoubytheboardinghousekeeper.Personalclothingwasnotincluded,however,andwouldhavebeeneithersentouttobelaunderedforapriceorwashedduringpreciousleisuretime.

Severalartifactsrelatedtopersonalgroomingwerefoundintheboardinghouseexcavations.Werecoveredtwokindsofcombsthatwereusedingrooming.Onewastheregularstraightcombusedtogettanglesout,buttheotherwasafine-toothedcomb.Fine-toothedcombswereusedinthe1800stocombdirtandliceoutofthehair.Anotherpieceofevidenceforremedialgroomingcameintheformofglasscosmeticandcolognecontainers,severalofwhichwereexcavatedfromthebackyards.Thesesmallluxurieswereprobablyprizedpossessionsthataidedpersonalhygiene.Theywouldhavehelpedtodisguisetheodorsandirregularitiesofcomplexionthatmightresultfrominfrequentbathing.

Health

Ourcurrentunderstandingofgermsastheagentsofdiseasewasnotfullyaccepteduntiltheveryendofthe1800s.Formostofthenineteenthcenturypeoplebelievedthatdiseasewascarriedincloudsof

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poisonousgases(miasmas)emittedbydecayingwaste.Theonlydefenseagainstdiseasebornebythesethreateningvaporswasplentyofsunlight,ventilation,anddryness,allofwhichthecorporationsrecommendedbutdidnotprovide.And,aswehaveseen,theverysourcesofthese"miasmas"theaccumulatedrefuseinthebackyards,theuncappedprivyvaults,andthecontaminatedwellswerenotattendedto.Evenconsideringthediseasetheoryoftheday,workersdidnotliveinveryhealthfulconditions,andtherealculpritsincludingvirusesandbacteriathatspreadthroughhumancontactandincontaminateddrinkingwaterwereallowedtorunrampant.

SicknesswasafrighteningrealityoflifeinLowellinthe1800sandearly1900s.DiseasesthatareseldomathreattoAmericanstodaycouldkillhundredsofpeopleintheprimeoflifeahundredyearsago.Acaseinpointistheinfluenzaepidemicof1918,whichspreadthroughouttheworld.Thisdisease,calledSpanishInfluenza,wasaparticularlyvirulentstrainofthefluvirusthatcirculatesthroughoutthepopulationeveryyear.Weallknowtheachesandchillsandcongestionassociatedwiththeflu,buttheSpanishstrainattackedthelungsandbroughtonpneumonia,mostfrequentlyinyoungpeoplebetweentheagesof

22.The"KissMeI'mSterilized"buttonrecoveredfromboardinghouseprivy.

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twentyoneandtwentynine.Lowellwashitbythefluepidemicinthefallof1918,andduringtheweekofOctober612,141influenza-relateddeathswerereported.

ThatthisoutbreakwasapartoftheLowellworkers'consciousnesswasmadeapparentbyaparticularlyfascinatingartifactexcavatedfromthefillofaprivyvault.Itwasaplasticpin-backbuttonresemblingacampaignbutton.Itdepictedamanandawomankissingandsurroundedbythewords,"KISSME[illegible]I'MSTERILIZED."Thefigureswererenderedwithsimplelinestocreateacartoonisheffect,withcostumesandhairstylessuggestingadateoftheearly1900s.Whatwasmostcuriouswasanobjectprotrudingfromthewoman'srightshoulderthatlookedlikeahypodermicneedle.Itseemedthatthisbuttonwasmeanttoadvertisethefactthatthewearerhadbeenvaccinatedagainstadisease(probablytheSpanishInfluenza)andwassafeforkissing!

ThePersonalTouch

FewAmericanstodaywouldbecomfortablelivingwiththeconditionsofsanitation,hygiene,andhealththatprevailedintheboardinghousesofLowellinthe1800s.Althoughthedomestictechnologyforimprovingconditionswasnotavailabletoallcitizensuntiltheearlytwentiethcentury,themiddle-classresidentsoftheKirkStreetagents'houseenjoyedamuchhigherstandardoflivingduringthemid-nineteenthcentury.Thehousewasequippedwithindoorplumbing,includingrunningwaterinthekitchenandwaterclosetsfortheresidents.Evenwhenthetechnologyforindoorplumbingbecameavailable,thecorporationsseemedtohavebeenreluctanttospendmoneyonimprovementstotheboardinghouses.Asaresult,theboarderslivedinanatmospherethatwasnotonlyunpleasant,but,insomecases,unhealthy.

Inthefaceofthisratherharshenvironmentpeopledidwhattheycouldtomaketheplacefeellikehomeandtoexpresstheirindividuality.Somekeepers,whofurnishedtheirhouseswithaneyetoecon-

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omy,seemedtohavelavishedattentionontheparlorwheretheresidentsconvenedandguestswerereceived.OnevisitortoaLowellboardinghousein1886remarkedonhow"handsomely-furnished"theparlorwas.Theroomwasequippedwithacarpet,wallpaper,curtains,framedprintsonthewalls,upholsteredchairs,atablewithknickknacks,andapiano.(ThisiscertainlymorewelcomingthanthesparselyfurnishedcardroomofBlancheGraham'smemory!)

Otherattemptsatbeautificationwerefoundinthearchaeologicalrecord.Wehavealreadymentionedtheelderberriesandgrapesplantedinthebackyards;wealsofoundmanyfragmentsofplantpots,suggestingthatthekeeperandtheboardersraisedplantssomewhereinoraroundtheboardinghouse.Wedonotknowwhetherthesepotswereusedtogrowherbsforuseinthekitchenortogrowflowers.

Lifeintheboardinghousesmayhavebeencrampedandlackinginprivacy,butnodoubtmanyresidentsfoundthatthebenefitsofcommunallivingoutweigheditsshortcomings.Neverthelessthearchaeologicalevidencefordeterioratingconditionsattheboardinghousesisunmistakable.Wewouldbewrong,however,toprojectourownstandardsofcleanlinessandhygieneontothepastwithoutattemptingtocomprehendtheexperiencesofnineteenth-centuryworkersandtheirnotionsofwhatwasappropriateandacceptable.Archaeologyoffersusrawdata,the"nakedtruth"thatneedstobeinterpretedwithintheculturalandhistoricalcontextnotofourowntimesbutofthepeoplewhomweseektolearnmoreaboutthroughourwork.Closeexaminationofartifactsthatreflectpositiveandconstructiveactionsbyboardinghouseresidentstotakechargeofsomepartsoftheirlivesteachesusthatworkerswhoresidedherewerenotallhaplessvictimsofindustrializationbutpeoplewhowereproudoftheirwork,proudoftheirappearance,and,indeed,proudofthemselves.

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MealtimesattheBoottFoodmusthavehadspecialmeaningforBoottCottonMillstextileworkersasmealsprovidedpreciousmomentsawayfromthestressfulpaceandlonghoursofwork.Indeed,foodisanintegralpartofeveryone'slife,andhistoricalarchaeologistsdomorethanjuststudywhichfoodspeopleateinthepast.Theyarealsointerestedinthewayfoodwasproduced,themannerinwhichitwasprepared,andevenhowfoodremainswerediscarded.Historicalarchaeologyiswellsuitedtostudyingalldimensionsofdietaperspectivethatwecall"foodways".Wecandiguptheremainsofmealsintheformofanimalbonesandplantseedsandthefragmentsofthedishesandcutlerywithwhichthefoodwasserved.Fromthesematerialremains,aswellasinformationfromdocuments,memories,andphotographs,

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wecangainanunderstandingofhowtheworkersoftheBoottspenttheirmealtimes.

Working-ClassMeals

Mealtimesattheboardinghouseswereaverydifferentkindofexperiencefromthefamilymealsmostofusenjoytoday.Forthepriceofaroom,aboarderwasalsogiventhreemealsaday.Themealswere

23.ThediningroomatCroteau'sboardinghouse,ca.1908.(CourtesyofLowellNationalPark.)

24.Plainwhitewarecupfragments

recoveredfromboardinghouseyard.

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25.Pearlwarewithcobaltbluetransferprintingandpurplelustreglaze.Theprint

isafloraldesignmanufacturedbetween1795and1840inEngland.CupfragmentsrecoveredfromyardoftheKirkStreetagent'shouse.

servedinthediningroom,whereallboarderswouldcometogethertoeat.Rowsoftablesweresetforeveryone,andthefoodwasbroughtinonlargeplattersorinbowlsfromwhichthedinersservedthemselves.

TheTable

Atotalof7,183ceramicfragments,accountingforaminimumof305individualdishes,wereexcavatedfromthebackyardsofBoottunits#45,theboardinghouse,and#48,thetenement.Ofthesedishes,almost75percentweremadeofaninexpensiveandutilitarianmaterialcalledwhiteware.Morethanathirdofthesedisheswerecompletelyundecorated.Apparentlytheboardinghousetablewassetmostlywithplainwhitedishes.

Theimpressionofstarktablesettingswasreinforcedbyotheraspects

oftheceramicanalysis.Oftheceramicfragmentsthatwere

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decorated,noneofthepatternsmatchedanyotherexceptincolor,suggestingthatlittleeffortwasmadetoobtainmatchedsets.Apparently,themotivatingforcebehindtablewarechoicewascost.

Theinexpensive,mismatcheddinnerwarebespokeaquiethumilitybutmealtimeswereprobablylively,filledwithtalkofwork,talkoffamily,andtalkofleisuretime.Incontrast,thetableattheagents'housewassetwithmatchingplates,saucers,andservingplatters,colorfulandattractivedisheswithtransfer-printedscenesofexoticruinsandforeignlocales.Fineglasswareandsilverplatemusthavebeencarefullylaidoutbyservants.Here,thefamilyanditsguestswerewaitedonandserved.

Thekindsofceramicvesselsinthecollectioncanalsotellussomethingabouthowthemealswereserved.Attheboardinghousethereweremostlyplates,largeplatters,andbowls,suggestingthecommunalnatureofthefoodservice.Therewerealsoveryfewspecializedformssuchasvegetabledishes,breadplates,orsaladplates.Boardinghouseresidentswereapparentlyprovidedwithonlythebasicsforfoodserviceandconsumption.Completemealswereservedtoindividualsonasingleplatewithfewornoaccessories,reducingthenumberofdishestheboardinghousekeeperhadtopurchase,carry,wash,andreplace,andrenderingmealsstraightforwardandpractical.

Thingswereonlyslightlybetterforthefamilieslivinginthetenements.Hereonedifferencewasthepresenceofteaservices.Althoughtheceramicswerenotfancy,theydidevokeimagesoffamilylifethatmightnothavebeencommonintheboardinghouses.Toshareteawiththefamilyorotherswasaformofentertainmentnotopentomanyofthemillworkers.

MealChoice

Thefoodservedwasthechoiceoftheboardinghousekeeperandnottheindividualresidents.Itwasprobablyalsochosenwitheconomyinmindbecausethekeeperwastryingtomakeadecentliving.Writtenrecordsshowthatkeepersboughtgrains,flour,andvegetablesinbulk

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andstoredtheminthebasement.Therearenorecordedcomplaintsaboutthefood,althoughitseemsthattothetenantsquantitywasasimportantasquality.BlancheGrahamdescribedboardinghousemealsthisway:''Inthemornin'youhadbaconandeggsandallthatstuff.Itwasgoodfood,ohyeah.Ifyoufeltliketoast,Frenchtoast,oroatmeal,thenshehadit.Atdinnertimeshe'dhavemaybeabigcornbeefandcabbagedinner....Atsupper,wellyahadalightsupper.She'dwarmitupandgiveittoyou."

Ananalysisofthekindsofbonesfoundduringtheexcavationscontributessomeinsightsaboutthemeatportionofthemeal.Eventhoughthenumbersaresmall,thefoodbonesidentifiedshowthattherewassomevarietyintheboarders'meals.Cow,pig,sheep,goat,andchickenboneswerefound,butitseemsthatbeefdominatedtheirdiet.

Thekindofmeateatenisnottheonlyinformationthattheboneshavetotell.Thezooarchaeologistalsolookedatmarksonthebonestodeterminehowthemeatwasbutcheredandwhatcutsofmeatwerepurchasedbytheboardinghousekeeperandpreparedfortheboarders.Atotalofninety-fiveboneshadbutcherymarksonthem,themajorityofwhichwereshearsorsawmarks.Theseareprimarybutcherymarks,thoseresultingfromtheinitialdivisionofthecarcass.Manyofthesebonescouldbeidentifiedaccordingtowhatcutofmeattheywere,animportantcriterionindeterminingstandardofliving.Theresultsweresomewhatsurprisinginthattherewasmuchmorevarietythanexpected.Apparently,theboardinghouseresidentswereservednotonlycost-efficientlegofmutton,butalsomoreexpensivecutssuchasbeefshortloinandsirloin.

Meatwasnottheonlycomponentoftheboarders'diet,butitisthemostidentifiabletypeoffoodarchaeologically.Anothersourceofinformationaboutfoodisplantremains,bothmacroscopic(seeds)and

microscopic(pollen).Seedsfoundintheprivy(andthereforeprobablyconsumedbytheboardinghouseresidents)includedstrawberry,blueberry,andblackberry.Otherareasoftheyardscontainedseedsofpeachandelderberry.Bothpollenandseedsofgrapewere

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found,indicatingthatgrapesmaynothavebeenjusteaten,butalsogrownintheboardinghousebackyards.Itiscertainfromthisevidencethatfruitsconstitutedpartoftheboardinghouseresidents'diet,whethereatenfresh,aspiefilling,oraspreserves.

ATellingComparison

Onewaytounderstandwhatmealtimeswerelikeintheboardinghousesistoexplorehowtheymighthavedifferedfromafamilymealservedatthehomeofthewealthiermillagents.Theexcavationsbehindtheagent'shouseonneighboringKirkStreetprovidedthiscomparativeinformation.WecouldprobablyassumethatmealtimesattheKirkStreetagents'houseandattheboardinghousesmusthavebeenverydifferentexperiences.Theformerwaslikelyasmallfamilygatheringwithservantsinattendance,whilethelatterwasaboisterouscommunalaffairthatbroughttogetherpeoplewhosharedalivingspaceandworkingexperience.Througharchaeologicalexcavations,however,wewereabletoputourfingeronpreciselyhowthesedifferencesmightbeexpressedinthephysicalaspectsofmealtimes.

Itwaswithsomesurprisethatwediscoveredthatitwasnotinthefooditself,butratherinthewayitwasserved,thatthemanagersweredistinguishedfromtheworkersinnineteenth-centuryLowell.Oftheboneslefttorotinthebackyardoftheagents'house,morethanhalfofthosethatcouldbeidentifiedwerecowbones.Beefwasapparentlythepreferredmeat,althoughpork,lamb,fish,turkey,andchickenboneswerealsofound.Thecutsofthesemeatswerealsoidentified,anditwassurprisingtonotethatinexpensivecutsweremuchmoreusualthanexpensiveones.Wehadexpectedthat,becausecompanyagentsmademoremoneythanthemillworkers,theycouldaffordmoreexpensivecutsofmeat.Thekindoffoodserved,then,wasapparentlynotparticularlylavishorextravagant,butthewayitwas

servedmighthavebeen.

ThetablewareweexcavatedfromtheKirkStreetagents'housebackyardbeliedtherathercommonplaceselectionofmeats.We

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foundlargesetsoffancyEnglishchinadecoratedwithfloralmotifs,travelandlandscapescenes,andgeometricpatternsincolorsofbrown,blue,green,black,purple,andred.Wealsofoundevidenceoffineglasswareandglassglobesfromgaslights,whichwereanewinnovation.Manyofthedisheswerelargebowlsorplattersfromwhichfoodwasprobablyservedbythedomestichelp.Whiletheagentsandtheirfamiliesateratherplainmealsoffsumptuouschina,theboardinghouseresidentsgenerallyatethesameplainmealsservedonstarklyplainwhitechinaoroccasionallyondecoratedtableware.

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LeisureTimeattheBoottWehavedevotedmuchofourdiscussiontothoseaspectsofworkers'livesthatwerecontrolledbythecompany.Nowwecanturnourattentiontowhattheworkersdidwithsomeofthelittletimetheyhadlefttothemselves.Betweenworkinginthemillsandeatingmealswithfellowworkers,boardinghouseresidentshadverylittleleisuretime.WeknowfromlookingatthewrittenrecordthatthiswasparticularlytrueoftheearlyyearsofLowellwhentheworkforcewasdominatedbyyoungwomenfromtheNewEnglandcountryside.Inordertoreassurethefamiliesoftheseyoungwomenthattheirmoralitywasbeinglookedafter,thecorporationsadoptedapaternalroleandtriedtocontroleventheleisuretimeoftheworkforce.Rulesandregulationswereestablished,includingtherequirementsthatworkersliveincompany-runboardinghouses(whichwouldbelockedat10:00P.M.),attendSundaychurchservices,andnotdrinkalcohol.Workhourswerelong,usuallyfromMonday

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throughSaturday,leavingworkerswithonlyafewhoursintheeveningsandonSundaystodoastheypleased.

After1840,thecompositionoftheworkforceshiftedastheNewEnglandfarmgirlsabandonedthemillsandwerereplacedbyimmigrantlabor.The"moral"controlexercisedbythecorporationsseemedtowaneatthistime.Workerswerenolongerrequiredtoliveincompany-runboardinghouses,andtherewerenorecordedchurchrequirementsorbansonalcohol.Thepublishedregulationsfocusedmoreontheresponsibilitiesofthekeepers,mostofwhichwererelatedtoinsuringanincomeforthecorporations.Leisuretimewasstillasscarceasitwasbefore1840,butitseemedthatwhatworkersdidwithitwaslessprescribedbythecorporations.Itisthisperiodafter1840thatweinvestigatedarchaeologically.

Thebackyardoftheboardinghousewasoneoftheplaceswhereworkersmighthavespentsomeoftheirleisurehours,particularlyintheshorteveningsbetweenmealsandbedtimewhenitwouldhavebeendifficulttogoanywherefarfromhome.Itiseasytoimaginepeoplegatheringinthebackyardonawarmsummerevening,playingcards,mullingovertheeventsoftheday,andsharingopinionsorgossipwithahousemateorneighbor.Whiletheboardinghouseresidentssocialized,someindulgedinadrinkorasmoke,evidenceofwhichwefoundduringthearchaeologicalinvestigations.Thereweremanypipesandpiecesofbrokenbottlesburiedinthebackyards.Theseunprepossessingartifactssparkedourinterestandledustosomeveryinterestingconclusionsabouthowtheseactivitieswereincorporatedintotheeverydaylivesoftextileworkers.

CigarsandCutties

SmokingtodayisrapidlydeclininginpopularityintheUnitedStatesasthepubliclearnsmoreandmoreabouttherisksitposestohealth

andlongevity.Smokinghadfewofthesenegativeconnotationsinthe1800s.Whatyousmokedandwhereyousmoked,however,werevery

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26.ClaypipewithMcDougallstampedonstemandT.(TD)onbowl.MadebyMcDougall&Co.,Glasgow,Scotland.

27.Pipebowlembossedwith"HomeRule"slogandatingtothe1880s.

muchtiedupwithwhoyouwereandtowhatsocialclassyoubelonged.Aslongasyousmokedinamannersuitedtoyourstationinlife,smokingwasprettywellaccepted.

Cigarettesdidnotbecomewidelyavailableuntiltheendofthenineteenthcentury.Beforethat,middle-andupper-classmentendedtosmokecigarsbecausetheywereexpensiveandtosmokelongpipes

becausethehighlyfragilestemsimpliedtheabilitytosmokeinaleisurelymanner.Thelengthofapipewasamatterofsomeimportance.Thelongertheshaft,thecoolerthesmokewouldbebythetimeitreachedthemouth.Yetalongpiperequiredspecialattention.Thesmokerhadtoholdthepipeinonehand,andsometimesevenhadtobeseatedtocontrolitproperly.Onlyamanofconsiderableleisurewouldhavethetimetosmokealongpipe.Withinthemiddleandupperclasses,smokingwasmostlylimitedtomensincewomenwhosmokedriskedbeingconsidered"loose."

Amongtheworkingclasses,claypipeswerefavored.Theseweremuchlessexpensivethancigarsandcouldbebrokentoanydesiredlength.Shorterpipes,called"cutties,"werepreferabletoaworkingpersonbecausetheycouldbegrippedbytheteethanddidnotrequireafreehand.Thisallowedthesmokertopartakewhileonthe

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28.Nineteenth-centuryillustrationsshowingwomanseatedandsmokingapipe.

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29.Threeone-pintliquorbottlesrecoveredfromtheboardinghousebackyard.

job,thoughatextileworkerwouldneverhavebeenallowedtosmokeatworkbecauseofthedangeroffire.Anotherdifferenceinworking-classsmokingbehaviorwasthatwomenwerenotbarredfromtheactivity.

Itwaswithinterestandaneyetotheseknownclassdistinctionsthatweexaminedthenearlyfivehundredwhiteclaypipefragmentsthatwereexcavatedfromtheboardinghousebackyards.Someofthepipeshadmarksonthemthatindicatedtheirmanufacturer.Mostoftheseweremarked"T.D.,"thenameofaveryinexpensivekindofpipethatcostonlyafewcents.Someofthemarkingssuggestedpoliticalaffiliations."HOMERULE,"whichreferredtotheIrishfightforindependencefromtheBritish,appearedonseveralpipes,andonepipeevenborethenameofWolfTone,anIrishpoliticalmartyr.Theseareclearindicationsofworking-classandethnicidentitybeingexpressedthroughsmokingparaphernalia.

Anotherinterestingfindingwasthearchaeologicalevidenceof

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modificationstothepipes.Itwasclearthatmanyofthepipeshadbeendeliberatelybrokentomakethemshorterbecausealmostnoneoftheidentifiablefactory-mademouthpieceshadanytoothmarksonthem.Incontrast,manyofthestemfragmentshadtoothmarksorshowedmarksofhavingbeenmodifiedbywhittlingorgrinding,forexample.Onestemfragmentshowedsignsofhavingbeendeeplyscoredwithaknifeandthensnappedatthatpoint.Itwasapparentthatshortpipesweremoreusefultotheworking-classboardinghouseresidents,andthatifthepipestheyboughtwerenotshortenough,theycouldeasilybemadeso.

Alcohol

Withinthemiddleclassinthemid-tolate-1800s,therewasastrongtemperanceoranti-alcoholmovementheadedbysocialreformers,whichultimatelyledtothelegalprohibitionofalcoholduringthe1920s.Theseviewswerenotheldbyeverybody,butthemiddle-class

30.SodabottlesofPKelley&Co.,manufacturedinLowell.

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31.Cacheofliquorbottlesfoundoutsideaboardinghouseprivy.

opponentswereinpositionsofpower,whichenabledthemtoinfluencepublicopinionandsuccessfullyportrayalcoholconsumptionasavicethatwasresponsibleforcrime,insanity,andpoverty.

ApparentlytheLowellcorporationsconcurredwiththereformers.Whilecompanyregulationsdidnotexplicitlystateaprohibitiononalcohol,lettersfromthecompanytoboardinghousekeepersmadeitclearthatexcessivedrunkennesswasaseriousoffense.Oneletterfrom1899said,"WeareinformedthatAnnieDriscoll...hasbeendrunkatyourhouseallthisweekYouprobablyknowthatthisiscontrarytoyourorderfromagt.andthatallcasesofdrunkennessmustbereportedtothecountingroom.YouwillatoncedismissDriscollfromyourhouse."

Thispolicywasinstitutedprimarilyforthegoodofthecorporation.Drunkenemployeeswouldslowproduction,threatenprofits,andgiveabadpublicimpression.Moreover,inebriatedworkersmightinjurethemselves,causingadditionalproblemsanddisruptions.

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Thearchaeologicalevidencemadeitclearthatboardinghouseresidentsimbibedalcoholdespitecompanypolicydiscouragingit.Thousandsofglassfragmentswereexcavatedfromtheboardinghousebackyards.Amongthesewerepiecesofwineglasses,beermugs,andatleastseventytwoindividualalcoholbottles,includingflasksforhardliquoraswellaswineandbeerbottles.Theseflasksandbottlesprobablyrepresentjustasmallpercentageofwhatwaspurchasedbytheresidentsoverthecourseofthecentury,sincebottlescouldbereturnedforadepositandmanyprobablywerereturned,forreasonsofeconomy.

Twoimportantobservationscanbemadeaboutthecollectionofalcoholvessels.Foronething,theyseemtohavebeenboughtwitheconomyinmind.Mostoftheliquorbottlesweresmall,suggestingthatworkerscouldonlyaffordsmallamountsatatime.Theyalsocontainedlocallymadebrands,whichwerelessexpensivethanimportedbrands.

Thesecondobservationisthatworkersmayhavetriedtoconcealtheevidenceoftheirdrinkingfrompryingeyes.Thesmallnessofthebottles,whileprobablyduetoeconomicnecessity,alsoallowedthemtobeeasilyhiddeninpocketsorbags.Thebottlesseemtohavebeendiscardedinout-of-the-wayplaces,suchascornersofbuildingsorfencelines,intheprivies,andinwhatwouldhavebeencrawlspacesbeneathbuildings.Thestrongestevidenceofsecrecywasa''cache"ofwholebottlesfoundinthewoodshedatthebackoftheboardinghouseyardneartheprivy.Thefactthatthebottlesremainedlargelyintactsuggestedthattheywerecarefullyplacedsomewhereprotected,suchasunderastep,aplatform,oreventhewoodshedfloor.Perhapsworkersdrankinthewoodshedwhereneitherkeepersnoragentscouldseethemandthenhidthebottles,eitheremptyorfull.

Suchindicationsthattheworkersdrankinsecretdoesnotmean,

however,thattheyallthoughtoftheirbehaviorasillicit.Whenwelookattheevidenceforalcoholuseintheboardinghousebackyards,itisimportanttokeepinmindthatmostoftheworkerslivingthereinthelate1800swereimmigrantswhomaynothavesharedthe

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Americanmiddle-classviewofalcohol.Thesepeoplecamefromculturesthatmayhaveacceptedalcoholratherthanconsideringitavice.Itwasonlywhentheycametothiscountrythatwhattheyconsiderednormalbehaviorwastransformedintosomethingthathadtobehidden.Hadtheybeenabletoaffordtheirownhomes,perhapstheywouldnothavebeenassubjecttothecorporations'middle-classmoralityandwouldnothavebeenforcedintoclandestinebehavior.

Postscript

Smokinganddrinkingwerejusttwoleisureactivitiesinwhichmillworkersengaged,andtherewereprobablymanyindividualswhodidneither.Thenatureofarchaeologicalinvestigation,however,isthatwecanexamineonlytangibleremainsofpeople'sactivities.Wecannotknowthrougharchaeologyhowmuchtimepeoplespenttalking,sewing,reading,singing,orplaying,althoughoraltestimonyindicatesthatsuchactivitieswerecommon.Asithappens,smokinganddrinkingleavebehindplentifulartifactualevidence,andthusbecomethefocusofourinvestigationofleisurebehavior.

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ClothingandPersonalAdornmentClothingandpersonalornamentsweresomeoftheveryfewitemsthatworkerspurchasedforthemselves,andforthisreasontheymusthavehadpersonalsignificance.Bylookingattheartifactsofclothingandpersonaladornment,archaeologistscanlearnsomethingabouthowtheworkerswholivedintheLowellboardinghouseschosetoexpressthemselves.

Archaeology,thoughnotwithoutitslimitations,hasadvantagesoverwrittenhistoryforthiskindofinvestigation.Foronething,contemporarywrittensourcestendtofocusonhighfashionasopposedtothekindsofclothesworking-classpeoplemighthaveworn.Justthinkabouttoday'sVoguemagazine,orthefashionpagesoftheNewYorkTimes.Thesehardlyconveyasenseofthekindsofclothesmostpeopleweartoworkeveryday,orthebluejeans,t-shirts,andsneakerswedonforleisure.Moreover,wearenotsomuchinterestedin

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whatmostpeopleworeasinwhattheparticularpeoplewholivedintheboardinghouseswore.Wecanusethewrittenrecordasastandardagainstwhichtocomparetheclothinghabitsofoursubjects,butnothinginthewrittenrecordtellsusasmuchastheactualbuttons,beads,andjewelrythatthesepeopleboughtandwore.

Aswehavealreadysaid,archaeologyisnotwithoutitsproblems.Actualarticlesofclothingdonottendtosurviveburiedintheground.Clothdeterioratesfairlyquicklyunlessitispreservedunderverydryconditions.Evenifwedofindcloth,itisusuallyintheformofsmallfragmentsthatarenotveryilluminating.Whatwefrequentlyfindaretheaccessoriesofclothing:beads,jewelry,buttons,andhaircombs.Yeteventhesesmallitemscantellussomethingaboutthepeoplewhousedthem.

32.Copperalloybroochrecoveredfromboardinghousebackyard.

Anotherdrawbackofarchaeologyisthattheitemswefindareusuallythosethatwerediscardedorlost.Themostpreciousandvaluedpersonalpossessionstendtobeguardedbytheowner.Theseareprobablypassedonfromgenerationtogenerationasheirlooms,andarerarelyfoundburiedinsomeone'sbackyard.Despitethesedrawbacks,however,wedidfindsomeinterestingobjectsandwereableto

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identifytheirsharedcharacteristics,whichseemedtotellussomethingaboutthepeoplewholivedintheboardinghouses.

JewelryandBeads

Weexcavatedmorethanthirtyitemsofjewelry,includingbeads,fromthebackyardsofthetwoboardinghouses.Severalpiecesofjewelrywerestriking.Thereweretwodelicateroundbroocheswithhingedpinsthatseemedtohavecontainedphotographicorpaintedminiaturesatonetime.Bothpiecesofjewelryweremadeofcopperandhadasimilardesign.Onebroochwithabraidedborderframedapieceofglassbehindwhichtheminiaturewasmounted.Theotherbrooch,whichwasaroundpieceofmetalontowhichaphotographwasmounted,hadaswirlingborderthatwassuggestiveoffoliage.

Anotherhandsomepieceofjewelrythatweexcavatedwasacopperalloyandrhinestonepinthatheldnineclearglassstonesina

33.Combsrecoveredfromtheboardinghousetenementbackyards.

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straightline.Hadthestonesbeenreal,thiswouldhavebeenaveryexpensiveandimpressivepieceofornamentation.Ascostumejewelry,itprobablywasnotveryvaluable,thoughitmighthaveexcitedspeculationamongitsowner'sfriendsandacquaintances.Infact,oneofthemostinterestingthingsaboutthejewelrythatwefoundisthatallofitwasmadefromimitationmaterialsthatlookedvaluable,butwerenot.Thefemaleboardinghouseresidentswantedtolookfashionablewhilepurchasingaccessoriesthatwerewithintheirmeans.

HairCombsandOrnaments

Excavationsinthebackyardsoftheboardinghousesyieldedmorethanfortyhaircombsandornaments.Someofthesewereutilitariancombsusedtogetouttanglesorremovedirtandlice,butmanymoreweredecorativecombsthatwereusedinwomen'shair.Womeninthelate1800sworetheirhairlongandneededtokeepitupandawayfromtheirfaces.Thiswasespeciallyimportantforfemaletextileworkers,whoriskedinjuriesiftheirhairbecameentangledinthemovingpartsoflooms,belts,orspinningmachines.Combsandhairpinswereplacedatthebackortopoftheheadaccordingtothecurrentstyle,andalthoughfashionsinhairstyleschangedduringthecourseofthecentury,shorthairdidnotcomeintovogueuntilthe1920s.

Again,theoverwhelmingimpressionmadebyallofthecombsandhairornamentsthatwefoundwasthattheyweremadefromimitationmaterialsandmusthavebeenveryinexpensive.Plasticwasdevelopedandmarketedasearlyas1870,anditwasperfectforimitatinggenuinetortoiseshellaveryexpensivecommodity.Mostofthedecorativehaircombsandpinsweremadeofplastic,someofwhichlookedverymuchliketortoiseshell.Aswastruewiththejewelry,thehairdecorationshadtobebothattractiveandinexpensive.Becausetheboardersprobablycouldnotaffordtortoiseshell,theyboughtthe

nextbestthing:plastic.

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ButtonsandStuds

Byfarthemostplentifulartifactsofclothingandpersonaladornmentthatwefoundwerebuttonsandstuds.Studs,likebuttons,wereusedtofastenclothing.Theyhaveashortshaftattachedtoaknobordiskateitherendandlooksortoflikeminiaturebarbells.Eachknobwasputthroughahole,oneoneachsideoftwopiecesofclothingthatwerebeingfastenedtogether.Fromthefront,thestudwouldhavelookedjustlikeabuttonwithnoholes.Studswereusedbybothmenandwomen.Fromthemiddleofthe1700s,theywereusedbymentoattachseparatecuffstotheirshirts.Bythe1830sstudswereusedonthefrontofshirtsasbuttonsareusedtoday.Around1860menbegantouseseparatecollarsbecausetheywereeasiertowash,andstudswereusedtoattachthemtotheshirts.Studswerealsousedonmen'svestsaswellasonwomen'scollars,cuffs,andshirtwaists,whichwereblousesordressesthatbuttonedor"studded"downthefront.

Weexcavatedatotalof131buttonsandstudsfromtheboardinghouseandtenementbackyards.Wefoundbuttonsandstudsmadeofmanymaterials,includingmetal,shell,plastic,wood,andglass,butmorethanthree-quartersofthemweremadeofplainwhiteporcelain.Mostoftheplainwhitebuttonshadtwoorfourholesandlookedverymuchlikeanywhitebuttononeseestoday.ThedifferencewasthatthebuttonsweexcavatedinLowellweremadeofporcelain,andthebuttonsyouseetodayareusuallymadeofshellorplastic.Shellbuttonswereavailabletoconsumersinthe1800s,butporcelainwasmuchlessexpensive.Theywereadvertisedinthemail-ordercatalogsofthetimeaslookinglikeshell,whichsuggeststhatpeopleboughtthemasacheapersubstitute.Indeed,whereasshellbuttonscosttwentycentsperdozeninaMontgomeryWardmail-ordercatalogof1895,porcelainbuttonsofthesamesizecostonlytencentsfor144buttons.Wealsofoundanumberofbuttonsmadeofblackglassand

shapedintosomeveryinterestingandwonderfuldesigns.Onepairofbuttonswasfacetedwithasmilingman-in-the-moonsilhouette

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fashionedalongitsedge.Anotherbuttonhadaswirlingdesignofpolishedfacetsrunningdownitscenter,reminiscentofgalaxiesinaclearnightsky.Blackglasswasprobablyasubstitutefortherareandexpensivematerial"jet,"whichwasmadefromadenseblackcoal.Jetornamentsbecamepopularinthe1860swhenQueenVictoriaofEnglandwentintomourningforherhusband,Albert.Onceagain,weseethewomenoftheboardinghousesashavingbeeninterestedinkeepingupwithfashions,butunabletopaytheprice.

Thepersonalitemsweexcavatedfromtheboardinghousebackyardsdonottellusthewholestoryofwhatpeopleworeorhowtheyadornedthemselves,buttheydoallowustomakesomeinterestingobservations.Boardinghouseresidentsworkedlonghoursandlivedamongstrangerswithverylittlespaceortimetothemselves.Ontheplussidethemillworkersreceivedwagesfortheirlabors.Formany,Lowellrepresentedtheirfirstrealeconomicfreedom.Moneycouldbeusedtopurchasemanythings,includingthetypesofpersonalitemswerecovered.Lowellwasatownwithmanystores,andbytheendofthecentury,numerousmail-ordercatalogswereavailablethatallowedpeopletoshopwithoutleavingtheirhomes.Theboardinghouseresidentsapparentlytookadvantageoftheseopportunitiestostayabreastofchangingfashions,eventhoughtheirworking-classwagesforcedthemtomakecompromisesintheirpurchases.

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TheBiggerPictureGovernedbytheconceptofcorporatepaternalism,theestablishmentofLowell,Massachusetts,setinmotiononeofthelargestandmostinnovativeindustrialexperimentsinAmerica'shistory.Wedonotknowwhethertheworkerswhotoiledinthemillssawtheirlaborsasacontributiontoalargerpictureorwhethertheymeasuredtheirlivesweektoweek.Usingthecomprehensiveapproachofhistoricalarchaeology,wewereabletoretrievepartofthematerialworldofthenineteenth-centurymillworkers.Atthesametime,wewereabletochroniclethelife-historyofLowellasanexperiment.Whatwefoundwasthatbythelate1800sLowellwasanexperimentwhoselusterhadfaded.

Bythelateryearsofthenineteenthcentury,boardinghouseyardsthathadoncebeenwellmaintainedwerenowweed-chokedspacesstrewnwithtrash.Thepresenceofgarbageintheyardsattractedratstotheboardinghouses.Leadfrompaintchipsandothersources

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34.Stereopticonview,ca.1889,showingunidentifiedworkersstandingoutsidetheBootthousinginAmoryStreet.TheBoottMillscomplexistotheright;totheleft,theendoftheboardinghouseblockcanbeseen.

madeitswayintoyardsoilsandrepresentedahealthhazardforyoungchildrenandadultsalike.Theseobservations,gleanedfromthearchaeologicalrecord,contributetoaportraitnotunliketheimageswehavetodayofAmerica'sworkingpoor.ThispicturewasfurtherrefinedbycomparingourresultsfromtheboardinghousewiththosefromthetenementandtheKirkStreetagents'house.Atatimewhentheboardinghouseswerestartingtodecay,thecompanywasaddingthelatestinhouseholdinnovationstotheagent'shouse.

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Thesedifferencesextendedtotheyardsthatsurroundedthebuildings.Thefrontandsideyardsofagents'houseweretailoredandneatlykeptforpubliceyes.Thebackyard,however,wasjustasmuchaworkingyardasweretheboardinghouseandtenementyards.

Aslivingandworkingconditionscontinuedtodeteriorate,workerunrestgrew.Workers'callsforimprovedwages,jobsecurity,andbetterworkingconditionswentunheeded,leadingtostrikesandtheformationoflaborunionsbytheearlydecadesofthetwentiethcentury.ThisusheredinLowell'sfinalphaseasacenterfortextileproduction.Eventuallylowerprofitsandcompetitionfromsouthernmillscontributedtotheclosingofmanyofthemills.Insomecasesmillcomplexesandworkers'housingweredemolished.

Incomparingwhatwefoundintheboardinghouse,tenement,andagents'housebackyards,wewerestruckbythedifferencesintheappearanceoftheyardsandthemannerinwhichmealsweretaken.Yetitmaybewrongtomaketoomuchofthesecontrasts,asstrikingastheyare.ThereismuchthatwassharedbythemanyactorsinLowell'sdrama.Whattheysharedwasanewwayoflife,onethatwasdistinctlyurbaninflavor.Formanythecitywasexcitingifnotsomewhatoverwhelming.Thepaceoflifecontrastedsharplywithruralliving.Therewerestores,placestoeat,andthingstobuy.Andtherewerepeople,lotsofpeople,fromalloverNewEngland,andlaterfromdifferentpartsoftheworld.Thiswascitylife.

Fromourperspective,lifeintheworkers'housingmayseemstarkandunderprivileged,butthearchaeologycanspeaktousinotherways.Despitetheseemingomnipresenceofthecorporation,workersmadetheirownlivesandtookprideintheirwork,theirpersonalappearance,andevenintheyardsoftheircorporation-ownedhomes.Thisisevidentinthepersonaltoucheswedetectedinthebackyardsandinthewidearrayofitemsofpersonaladornmentandgrooming.

Workerswerecertainlylimitedtosomeextentbytheirincomes,butevenso,itseemsclearthattheywerewillingparticipantsintheworldofcommerce.Theyexpressedthemselvesinthejewelry,haircombs,andbuttonstheybought,andintheflowerpotswithwhichtheychose

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todecoratetheirhomes.Somefeltstronglyenoughabouttheirownethnicidentitiestocommunicatetheirprideinthepipestheysmokedandperhapseveninthefruitvinestheygrewintheiryards.Somepeoplemayhavesuccumbedtotheilleffectsofalcohol,butmostforgedanindelibleidentityaworking-classculturethatcontributedinapowerfulwaytothechangingfabricofAmericanculture.

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SourcesandFurtherReading

Introduction

DiscussionsofandhistoriesofLowellabound;somewerewritteninthenineteenthcenturybypeopledirectlyinvolvedwiththemills,andanumberhavebeenwritteninthetwentiethcenturybytraditionalhistoriansaswellasbysocial,labor,andpublichistorians.

ContemporarysourcesthatjustifiedanddefendedindustrializationinLowellincludeNathanAppleton,IntroductionofthePowerLoomandOriginofLowell(Lowell:B.H.Penhallow,1858);ElishaBartlett,AVindicationoftheCharacterandConditionoftheFemalesEmployedintheLowellMillsAgainsttheChargesintheBostonTimesandtheBostonQuarterlyReview(Lowell:LeonardHuntress,1841);andRev.HenryA.Miles,Lowell,AsItWas,andAsItIs(1846;Facsimile,NewYork:ArnoPress,1972).

Criticsofthemillsalsohadtheirsay:AzerAmes,Jr.,M.D.,SexinIndustry:APleafortheWorkingGirl(Boston:JamesR.Osgood&Co.,1875);JamesCookAyer,SomeoftheUsesandAbusesintheManagementofOurManufacturingCorporations(Lowell,1863);ErastusB.Bigelow,RemarksontheDepressedConditionofManufactures

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inMassachusetts,withSuggestionsastoItsCauseandItsRemedy(Boston,1858);andFemaleLaborReformAssociation,FactoryLifeasItIs,byanOperative(1845;reprint,Lowell:LowellPublishingCo.,1982).

WritingsbythewomenwhoworkedinthemillsduringLowell'searlydecadesincludefirsthandaccounts,letters,autobiographies,andevenshortliteraryworkssuchasthosepublishedinthe''millgirls'own"periodical,TheLowellOffering.SeeThomasDublin,ed.,Farm&Factory:TheMillExperienceandWomen'sLivesinNewEngland,18301860(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1982);BenitaEisler,ed.,TheLowellOffering:WritingsbyNewEnglandMillWomen,(18401845)(NewYork:HarperTorchbooks,1977);LucyLarcom,ANewEnglandGirlhood:OutlinedfromMemory(1889;reprint,Boston:NortheasternUniversityPress,1986);HarriettH.Robinson,LoomandSpindle,OrLifeAmongtheEarlyMillGirls(Boston:ThomasV.Cromwell&Co.,1898).

Twentieth-centuryhistorianshaveexaminedmanyaspectsofLowell'sindustrialpast,oftenrevisingoldnotionsaboutthecity'shistory.AsamplingoftheseincludesMaryH.Blewett,TheLastGeneration:WorkandLifeintheTextileMillsofLowell,Massachusetts,19101960(Amherst:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,1990);FredCoburn,HistoryofLowellandItsPeople(NewYork:LewisHistorical,1920);JohnCoolidge,MillandMansion:AStudyofArchitectureandSocietyinLowell,Massachusetts,18201865(1942;2ded.,Amherst:UniversityofMassachusettsPress,1993);RobertF.Dalzell,Jr.,EnterprisingElite:TheBostonAssociatesandtheWorldTheyMade(NewYork:Norton,1993);ThomasDublin,WomenatWork:TheTransformationofWorkandCommunityinLowell,Massachusetts,18261860(NewYork:ColumbiaUniversityPress,1981);ArthurL.Eno,,Jr.,ed.,CottonWasKing:AHistoryofLowell,Massachusetts(Lowell:LowellHistoricalSociety,1976);HannahJosephson,The

GoldenThreads:NewEngland'sMillGirlsandMagnates(NewYork:Duell,Sloan,andPearce,1949);G.F.Kenngott,TheRecordofaCity:ASocialSurveyofLowell,Massachusetts(NewYork:Macmillan&Co.,1912);andRobertWeible,ed.,TheContinuingRevolution:AHistoryofLowell,Massachusetts(Lowell:LowellHistoricalSociety,1991).

ThehistoryoftheBoottMillshasbeenexaminedindepthbyLaurenceF.Grossinhisbook,TheCourseofIndustrialDecline:TheBoottCottonMillsofLowell,Massachusetts,18351955(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1993)andinhisessays,"BuildingonSuccess:LowellMillConstructionandItsResults,"inIA:TheJournaloftheSocietyforIndustrialArcheology.14,2(1988):23-34and"TheGameIsPlayedOut:TheClosingDecadesoftheBoottMills,"inWeible,TheContinuingRevolution,281-99.AthoroughdiscussionofthearchitecturalfabricofportionsofthesurvivingBoottcomplexcanbefoundinLaurenceF.GrossandRussellA.Wright,HistoricStructureReportHistoryPortion:Building6;TheCountingHouse;TheAdjacentCourtyard;andtheFacadesofBuildings1and2.BoottMillComplex,LowellNationalHistoricalPark,LowellMassachusetts(Denver,Colorado:NationalParkService,1985).

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HistoricalArchaeologyinContext

UsefulintroductionstoarchaeologyincludeWendyAshmoreandRobertJ.Sharer,DiscoveringOurPast:ABriefIntroductiontoArchaeology(MountainView,Calif.:MayfieldPress,1988);BrianM.Fagan,Archaeology:ABriefIntroduction(5thed.,NewYork:HarperCollins,1994).Introductory-levelbooksonhistoricalarchaeologyareappearingwithincreasingfrequency,althoughtodatenoonebookdoesjusticetothefieldasawhole.Amongthoseavailable,werecommendJamesDeetz,InSmallThingsForgotten:TheArchaeologyofEarlyAmericanLife(NewYork:AnchorBooks,1977);IvorNoelHume,HistoricalArchaeology(NewYork:AlfredA.Knopf,1968)(thoughseriouslyoutdated,muchofitscontentremainsrelevant);andCharlesE.Orser,Jr.,andBrianM.Fagan,HistoricalArchaeology:ABriefIntroduction(NewYork:HarperCollins,1994).Athought-provokingcollectionofessayscanbefoundinBernardL.HermanandLuAnDeCunzo,eds.,HistoricalArchaeologyandtheStudyofAmericanCulture(Winterthur,Del.:TheHenryFrancisduPontWinterthurMuseum,1995).HistoricalArchaeology,publishedbytheSocietyforHistoricalArchaeology,isthemajorjournalforthefieldand,althoughfocusingonNorthAmerica,isglobalinscope;NortheastHistoricalArchaeology,thejournaloftheCouncilforNortheastHistoricalArchaeology,publishesarticlespertainingtohistoricalarchaeologyinthenortheasternUnitedStatesandeasternCanada.OnlyonecomprehensivegeneralworkonindustrialarchaeologyinNorthAmericaisavailable:RobertB.GordonandPatrickM.Malone,TheTextureofIndustry:AnArchaeologicalViewoftheIndustriesofNorthAmerica(NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress,1994).TheSocietyforIndustrialArchaeologypublishesIA:TheJournaloftheSocietyforIndustrialArchaeology.

ExplorationsofhowhistoricalarchaeologistsapproachtheanalysisanduseofdocumentarysourcescanbefoundinMaryC.Beaudry,ed.,DocumentaryArchaeologyintheNewWorld(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress,1988);MaryEllinD'Agostino,MargotWiner,ElizabethPrine,andEleanorCasella,eds.,TheWrittenandtheWrought:ComplementarySourcesinHistoricalAnthropology,KroeberAnthropologicalSocietyPapers,78(Berkeley,Calif.:DepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofCaliforniaatBerkeley,1995);andBarbaraJ.Little,ed.,Text-AidedArchaeology(BocaRaton,Fla.:CRCPress,1992).RussellJ.Barberhaspreparedaworkbookontheuseofsourcesinhistoricalarchaeology:DoingHistoricalArchaeology:ExercisesUsingDocumentary,Oral,andMaterialEvidence(NewYork:Prentice-Hall,1994).ThestandardreferenceforartifactidentificationinhistoricalarchaeologyisIvorNoelHume'sGuidetoArtifactsofColonialAmerica(NewYork:AlfredA.Knopf,1970),which,asthetitleindicates,focusesonthecolonialperiodinNorthAmerica.Studentsofnineteenth-centurymaterialculturelacksuchacomprehensiveresourceonartifactidentification.Ausefulsourcetoconsult,however,isGeorgeL.Miller,OliveR.Jones,LesterA.Ross,andTeresitaMajewski,comps.,ApproachestoMaterialCultureResearchforHistorical

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Archaeologists:AReaderfromHistoricalArchaeology(Tucson,Ariz.:SocietyforHistoricalArchaeology,1991).

OverviewsoftheLowellArchaeologicalSurveyProjectareprovidedinStephenA.MrozowskiandMaryC.Beaudry,"TheArcheologyofWorkandHomeLifeinLowell,Massachusetts:AnInterdisciplinaryStudyoftheBoottCottonMillsCorporation,"IA:TheJournaloftheSocietyforIndustrialArcheology14,2(1988):1-22andinStephenA.Mrozowski,"HistoricalArchaeologyandtheIndustrialRevolution:TheLowellArchaeologicalSurvey,"HistoryNews45,4(1990):24-26.TheresultsarereportedindetailinaseriesofthreemonographspublishedbytheNationalParkService:MaryC.BeaudryandStephenA.Mrozowski,eds.,InterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,Lowell,Massachusetts.vol.1,:LifeintheBoardingHouses:APreliminaryReport,CulturalResourcesManagementSeries,18(Boston:NationalParkService,NorthAtlanticRegionalOffice,1987);InterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,Lowell,Massachusetts,vol.2,:TheKirkStreetAgents'House,CulturalResourcesManagementSeries,19(Boston:NationalParkService,NorthAtlanticRegionalOffice,1987);andInterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,Lowell,Massachusetts,vol.3,:TheBoardingHouseSystemasaWayofLife,CulturalResourcesManagementSeries,21(Boston:NationalParkService,NorthAtlanticRegionalOffice,1989).

Lowell'sUrbanLandscape

ThebuiltenvironmentandurbanlandscapeofLowellarediscussedinThomasBender,TowardanUrbanVision:IdeasandInstitutionsinNineteenth-CenturyAmerica(Baltimore:JohnsHopkinsUniversityPress,1975);RandolphLangenbach,"FromBuildingtoArchitecture:TheEmergenceofVictorianLowell,"HarvardArchitecturalReview2(1981):90-105;MaryC.Beaudry,"TheLowellBoottMillsComplex

andItsHousing:MaterialExpressionsofCorporateIdeology,"HistoricalArchaeology23,1(1989):19-32;StephenA.MrozowskiandMaryC.Beaudry,"ArchaeologyandtheLandscapeofCorporateIdeology,''inEarthPatterns:EssaysinLandscapeArchaeology,WilliamM.KelsoandRachelMost,eds.,(Charlottesville:UniversityPressofVirginia,1990);StephenA.Mrozowski,"LandscapesofInequality,"inTheArchaeologyofInequality,ed.RandallMcGuireandRobertPaynter,(Oxford:BasilBlackwell,1991);WilliamF.FisherandGeraldK.Kelso,"TheUseofOpalPhytolithAnalysisinaComprehensiveEnvironmentalStudy:AnExamplefrom19th-CenturyLowell,Massachusetts,"NortheastHistoricalArchaeology16(1987):30-45;andGeraldK.Kelso,"Pollen-RecordFormationProcesses,InterdisciplinaryArchaeology,andLandUsebyMillWorkersandManagers:TheBoottMillsCorporation,Lowell,Massachusetts,18361942,"HistoricalArchaeology27,1(1993):70-94.Foraseriesofessaysonthearchaeologyoftheurbanenvironment,seeA.R.HallandH.K.Kenward,eds.,EnvironmentalArchaeologyintheUrbanContext,CouncilforBritishArchaeology

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ResearchReports43(London:CouncilforBritishArchaeology,1982).

LivingConditionsofBoottMillsWorkers

Livingconditions,hygiene,andsanitationintheBoottboardinghousesarediscussedbyEdwardL.Bell,"APreliminaryReportonHealth,Hygiene,andSanitationattheBoottMillsBoardingHouses:AnHistoricalandArcheologicalPerspective,"inBeaudryandMrozowski,eds.,InterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,vol.1;GeraldK.Kelso,WilliamF.Fisher,StephenA.Mrozowski,andKarlJ.Reinhard,"ContextualArchaeologyattheBoottMillsBoardinghouseBacklots,"inBeaudryandMrozowski,editors,InterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,vol.3;StephenA.Mrozowski,EdwardL.Bell,MaryC.Beaudry,DavidB.Landon,andGeraldK.Kelso,''LivingontheBoott:HealthandWellBeinginaBoardinghousePopulation,"WorldArchaeology21,2(1989):298-319;MaryC.Beaudry,"PublicAestheticsversusPersonalExperience:ArchaeologyandtheInterpretationof19th-CenturyWorkerHealthandWellBeinginLowell,Massachusetts,"HistoricalArchaeology27,2(1993):90-105;andDavidB.Landon,"DomesticIdeologyandtheEconomicsofBoardinghouseKeeping,"inBeaudryandMrozowski,InterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,vol.3.

MealTimesattheBoott

DavidH.Duttonanalyzedtheceramicsfromtheboardinghouseexcavationsin"Thrasher'sChinaorColoredPorcelain:CeramicsfromaBoottMillsBoardinghouseandTenement,"inBeaudryandMrozowski,InterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,vol.3andin"Thrasher'sChinaorColoredPorcelain:MealtimeattheBoott"(M.A.thesis,DepartmentofArchaeology,BostonUniversity,1990).

AnalysisofthedocumentaryandzooarchaeologicalevidenceispresentedinDavidB.Landon,"FoodwaysintheLowellBoardinghouses:TheHistoricalandZooarchaeologicalEvidence,"inBeaudryandMrozowski,InterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,vol.1;andinDavidB.Landon,"FaunalRemainsfromtheBoottMillsBoardinghouses,"inBeaudryandMrozowski,InterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,vol.3.

LeisureTimeattheBoott

AspectsofleisurebehaviorreflectedbyartifactsfromtheboardinghousesarediscussedinLaurenJ.Cook,"Tobacco-RelatedMaterialCultureandtheConstructionofWorkingClassCulture,"andinKathleenH.Bond,"'thatwemaypurifyourcorporationbydischargingtheoffenders':TheDocumentaryRecordofSocialControlintheBoottBoardinghouses,"and"TheMedicine,Alcohol,andSoda

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VesselsfromtheBoottMills,"allinBeaudryandMrozowski,InterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,vol.3;andinKathleenH.Bond,"AlcoholUseintheBoottMillsBoardinghouses:TensionbetweenWorkersandManagement,aDocumentaryandArchaeologicalStudy"(M.A.thesis,DepartmentofArchaeology,BostonUniversity,1988).

ClothingandPersonalAdornment

TheartifactsofgroomingandpersonaladornmentfromtheboardinghousebacklotswereexaminedindetailbyGraceH.Ziesing:"AnalysisofPersonalEffectsfromExcavationsoftheBoottMillsBoardinghouseBacklotsinLowell,Massachusetts,"inBeaudryandMrozowski,InterdisciplinaryInvestigationsoftheBoottMills,vol.3;aswellasinher"PersonalEffectsfromtheBacklotsofBoottMillsCorporateHousinginLowell,Massachusetts:AGenderStudyinHistoricalArchaeology"(M.A.thesis,DepartmentofArchaeology,BostonUniversity,1990).

TheBiggerPicture

FordiscussionsofthedeclineofthetextileindustryinLowellanditsrepercussions,seeGross,CourseofIndustrialDeclineandessaysinWeible,ContinuingRevolution.

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Index

A

Agents:

dietof,6465;

healthof,53,57;

houseof,3942;

responsibilitiesof,5;

yardof,44

Alcoholconsumption,7174

Animalremains,31,6365

Appleton,Nathan,1

Archaeobotanist,29,34

Archaeologicalsubdisciplines:

archaeobotany,29;

historicalarchaeology,xiixiii,11,15,18;

industrialarchaeology,4,15;

palynology,30;

prehistoricarchaeology,15;

zooarchaeology,31,34,63

Architecturalhistorians,17

Artifacts:

adornment,7580;

botanicalremains,29,47,6364;

buttons,7980;

ceramics,2426;

claypipes,6871;

clothing,55,7576;

combs,55,78;

definitionof,2426;

faunalremains,32,6365;

glass,65,73;

metal,77,79;

phytoliths,30;

pollenremains,2930,63

B

Backyards,79,3637,4348

Boottcottonmills:

asexampleofcorporatepaternalism,3839,6667;

historyof,13,3843;

locationof,38

Buildingfoundations,11,24

C

Ceramics:

fromagents'house,6465;

fromboardinghouse,6162;

dating,2426

Clothing,76

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Computers,useof,inarchaeologicalanalysis,3436

Context:

archaeological,13;

cultural,1314

CorporatepaternalismatBoottmills,2,66

Croteau,Joseph,7

D

Diet:

ofagents,6465;

differencesbetweenworkers,2425,64;

ofunskilledworkers,6264

Disease,5556

Documents,1821

E

Excavations,1618

F

Features:

buildingfoundations,11,23,38;

cellars,23,45;

definitionof,11,2324;

privies,23,45,5153,56,63;

postholes,23;

wells,23,38,53,56

Flotation,34

Foodways:

definitionof,59;

dietofagents,6465;

dietofunskilledworkers,6264;

disposaloffoodandceramics,45;

preparationofmeals,5965;

tablewareofskilledworkers,25,62;

tablewareofunskilledworkers,25,6162

Fox,Amanda,5

G

Garbage,45,

Graham,BlanchePelletier,7,5152,63

Grid,16

H

Health:

innineteenthcentury,5556;

ofunskilledworkers,5253,5557

Hygiene:

ofagents,57;

innineteenth-century,55;

ofunskilledworkers,5355

I

Immigrantworkers,effectivenessofcorporatepaternalismon,23

Industrialarchaeology,4,15

Industrialrevolution,2

Interdisciplinaryresearch,3536

L

Landscape,3839

Landuse:

byagents,44;

overtime,3,79;

byunskilledworkers,4447

Larcom,Lucy,39

Leisuretime,6674;

activitiespresentinarchaeologicalrecord,67;

ofagents,68;

alcoholconsumption,7174;

beautificationofbackyard,4748;

smoking,6771;

ofunskilledworkers,68,73

Lowell:

constructionof,3839;

historyof,13

M

Maggots,4547

Millgirls:

effectivenessofcorporatepaternalism,23,6667;

implementationofcorporatepaternalism,23,6667;

replacedbyimmigrantworkers,23

Millworkers:

immigrantworkersandcorporatepaternalism,66;

millgirls,2

Minimumvesselcount,35

N

Nightcartsystem,52

O

Oralhistory,2223

P

Palynologist,30,34

Parasites,3132

Phytoliths,30,34

PlannedindustrialcommunitiesandcorporatepaternalismatBoottcottonmills,39

Plantremains,2830,47