The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Volume 14 | Issue 7 | Number 6 | Article ID 4880 | Apr 01, 2016

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K-dramas across Thailand: Constructions of Koreanness andThainess by contemporary Thai consumers

Mary J. Ainslie

Summary

Studies of the popularity of Hallyu concentratealmost exclusively upon Northeast Asiannations, disregarding their popularity withinSoutheast Asia, an area still defined as 'Asian'yet often ignored in favor of the moreeconomically prominent East Asian nations.This article attempts to expand discussions ofHallyu through an analysis of the reception ofSouth Korean television dramas amongdifferent consumers in Thailand. It draws uponevidence gathered from qualitative interviewswith Thai fans to illustrate how diverseconsumers use these foreign products as ameans to assess and critique their own positionwithin contemporary Thailand and activelyengage with changing constructions ofKoreanness, Thainess and Asianness as ameans to do so.

Introduction

The study of Hallyu throughout Asia provideswhat Kim Sujeong (2009) terms a "counter-case" to West-centric globalization that hadpreviously dominated the Asia regionculturally. Many scholars have explored thesuccessful export and enormous popularity ofKorean products in nearby East Asian countriessuch as Japan, Taiwan, China and Hong Kong.Research addressing the reception of suchphenomena tends to focus upon theories ofboth "cultural proximity" and the attraction ofdifference in the reception of Korean popmusic, concerts, TV Dramas and, to a lesserextent, films. Viewing pleasure stems fromidentifying sameness in characters andsituations that may otherwise seem distanced

from a consumer's own reality and also in theappeal of consuming foreignness as analternative to local products.

Despite the copious research addressing thepopularity of Hallyu in proximate East Asiannations, however, much less attention has beenpaid to Hallyu in Southeast Asia, a region thatpossesses its own very diverse history ofdevelopment and interaction with transnationalcultural products. Chua Beng Huat argues that"regionalization" has been much moreimportant than "globalization" for Hallyu,noting that the vast majority of exportedKorean pop culture travels no further thanNortheast Asia (2015). In light of the very largeKorean populations in countries such asThailand and Philippines as well as theimportance of this area as a market for Koreanproducts, the "region" under considerationshould be extended to include Southeast Asia,though such a wide-reaching geographicalumbrella is difficult and problematic. Inparticular, the social divisions and diversity ofthe Southeast Asian nations and the verydifferent economic conditions and historicallegacy of each present new challenges tounderstanding the popularity of Hallyu.Recognising and engaging with the effects ofsuch diversity is necessary when studying thereception of cultural products in this region,which differs according to the differentconsumer groups.

Currently, the few studies available thataddress the reception of Hallyu in SoutheastAsia concentrate on young urban consumers,who are implied to be the main audience thatconsumes Hallyu. However, there is little

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attention to consumers outside of this group orto how the stark divisions based upon wealthdistribution, ethnicity and culture affect theengagement with and localization of suchproducts. In order to move beyond thisconsumer group, this paper examines the waysin which various consumers across two verydifferent Thai contexts understand andinterpret Korean television dramas. It seeks toillustrate how the specific position of these twosets of consumers in Thai society affects theirown conceptions of and relationship todiscourses of Thainess (kwam ben Thai) andKoreanness (kwam ben gaoli) and how thesediscourses are indicative of the currentchanges in Thai society today.

Following Koichi Iwabuchi's example in hisanalysis of Japanese dramas, this is therefore a"translocal" rather than "transnational" projectbecause it reflects upon the experiences ofliving within very different contexts ofcontemporary Thailand (2004) rather thanconcerning itself with a homogenous imaginednational experience. Studying the responsesand attitudes of such consumers can highlightwhat Younghan Cho (2011) calls the "temporalconsciousness" of consumers, something thatbecomes particularly significant when suchcitizens are (re)negotiating their own positionwithin a changing regional, national andinternational spatial hierarchy. Indeed, oneprevious study investigating Hallyu in Thailandsuggests that Korean culture-in this casemusic-functions as an alternative model ofidentity for marginalised social and ethnicgroups at a t ime of increased soc ia lpolarisation and polit ical instabil i ty(Siriyuvasak and Shin, 2007). Anotherdemonstrates how such consumers frequentlyengage with Korean products through socialmedia in ways that are interpreted as veryinventive forms of resistance towardscentralized state control (Lim, 2015).

The article is based upon interviews with anumber of self-identified fans of Korean dramas

from across Thailand. These fans identifiedthemselves to me, citing their familiarity withthe latest Korean TV dramas, films, dressstyles, music videos and stars as well as theircollections of DVDs, magazines, clothing andother elements of Korean popular culture.Korean TV Dramas are the most widelyaccessible element of Hallyu and are consumedby a very diverse audience. Some things heldtrue for all the fans, however. These dramasare particularly accessible due to their"universality" created by the focus on thefamiliar themes of love stories, family conflictand detective dramas; in addition, as ChuaBeng Huat states, "television dramas engendersustained viewership and are, therefore, themost conducive site for audience receptionresearch" (Chua Beng Huat, 2015). In addition,the fans found the dramas physically easy toacquire. They spoke of their ease in accessingthe latest Korean dramas through cheap copiedDVDs brought from Burmese border towns bylocal entrepreneurs. There was also nodiscernible difference between the dramasconsumed by urban and rural viewers and allfans seemed equally happy to consume thelatest Korean drama, with Dae Jang Geumhaving acted as a gateway into Hallyu fandomfor a great many people in both groups.

A typical Bangkok stall selling Korean TVDramas on DVD

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Korean DVDs on display with Thai subtitles

My interviewees fell into two groups: urbanconsumers in central Bangkok and people inthe culturally and economically very differentrural North-eastern Chaiyaphum province.While this rice-farming province is dominatedby an agrarian economy and its inhabitants areethnically and culturally Laotian (and speak aLaotian dialect rather than central Thai), it isalso a relatively affluent province in the widercontext of the Northeast with a low level ofpoverty and a substantial and growing ruralmiddle class since the economic recovery in themid-to-early 2000s. Chaiyaphum is thereforeundergoing a shift in its relationship to thecapital Bangkok. While Bangkok's central Thaihegemony was previously promoted as anasp i ra t iona l "norm" by Tha i e l i tes ,Chaiyaphum's opposition to this is particularlyevident in its significant show of support for thered shirt movement, a protest movement whichorganises large demonstrations against themilitary rule that Thailand has endured atvarious intervals since the 2006 coup.1

The wider Thai context: Hallyu, 'Class War'and the Rise of the Thai Middle Class

The major impact of Korean popular culture –known as Krasae-Gaoli - in Thailand can betraced to 2001, with the successes of TVdramas Autumn In My Heart, My Sassy Girland the introduction of the internet game

Ragnarok, all of which caught the attention ofThai teenagers (Damrong Thamdee, 2007; ParitWongthanasen, 2007). Numerous dramas, filmsand popstars followed, continuing the craze. In2005, a further surge in popularity of Krasae-Gaoli is attributed to the Korean soap operaDae Jang Geum (Jewel in the Palace), whichhad already fuelled a fever for all things Koreanin a number of Asian nations. Dae Jang Geumrevitalised the fortunes of Thai Channel 3,which went from a dismal performance in 2005to a 184% profit increase after broadcast(Bamrung Amnatcharoenrit, 2006). Broadcastin Thailand in 2005 and 2006, the drama was asmash hit and is still very much a part ofpopular consciousness in Thailand today. Theseevents changed Thai attitudes towards Koreaand sparked interest in many kinds of Koreangoods, services and foods (BoonsongKositchotethana, 2006). After a markedincrease in Korean language study by Thaistudents, the oldest and most prestigiousuniversity in Thailand – ChulalongkornUniversity – even opened a Korean languagedepartment in 2008. Other universities alsoreported a dramatic increase in enquiriesregarding Korean language courses during thebroadcast of Dae Jung Guem (DamrongThandee). Since then, the popularity of Hallyuhas not waned, and indigenous Thai films haveincorporated aesthetics and discourses thatdirectly reference Korea. These include HelloStranger, Sorry, Sarangheyo as well as thehighly successful Thai remake of the Koreandrama Full House, known as Woon Nak RakTem Baan in Thai.

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The Thai version of Korean TV Drama, DaeJang Geum

A shopkeeper advertises her productthrough its connection to Korea

How then do we explain the appeal of Hallyu inThailand in the context of the social, economicand political changes occuring there at thesame time? "The Thai consumer" is actuallycomposed of inhabitants within a nationalhierarchy based upon class, ethnicity,geography and cultural positioning thatconstructs particular consumers pejoratively inrelation to central Thailand and the Thai state.Consumer constructions of Korean productsand Koreanness are most interesting becausethey show how people are trying to break downthese divisions today.

Like other ASEAN countries, Thailand is anextremely diverse nation geographically and

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culturally. Central, Northern, Northeastern andSouthern Thailand all possess their owntraditions, histories, food, entertainment, andvariations upon the Thai language. These starkdifferences began when the area was dividedinto various early pre-modern kingdoms basedon the early movement of peoples across theSoutheast Asian peninsula. They were lateramalgamated into a single nation, a processthat involved violent suppression of internaldissent at times as well as the promotion of acentralized notion of Thainess and Thaiidentity. These differences derived not justfrom ethnic and linguistic divides, but werealso intimately connected to very stark classand employment distinctions. Observing Thaisociety in 1962, David Wilson speaks ofeconomic separation into two main groups: "agross two-class structure, in which the classesare physically as well as economicallyseparated… The rural agrarian segment isseparated geographically from the urban rulingsegment. The agrarian segment is, in the mainland-owning and survives by a quasi-subsistence economy. The ruling segment issalaried (when its members own property, thisis usually urban or sub-urban) and lives on acash economy" (Wilson, 1962, quoted inUNESCO, 1982:38).

The mass movement of rural workers to thecities during Thailand's four decades ofunprecedented post-war economic growth thenbegan to break down and destabilise suchhierarchical divisions. This changed therelationship between rural and urban citizensforever (see Ruth, 2011 for a deeper analysis ofthis). Alongside this transformation, thecreation of the modern Thai middle class was adirect result of the 1980s and 90s economicdevelopment and was almost exclusively urban-based and strongly associated with Bangkok.That group tended to cling to older hierarchicalpower structures and ally itself closely withtraditional aristocratic elites, creating whatFunatsu and Kagoya call "a solid image of amiddle class with a common polit ical

orientation" (Funatsu and Kagoya, 2003:244).

In keeping with these social divisions, theperception and conception of physical spaceand positioning within the nation supportedsuch inequality. The "spatial hierarchy" inThailand classified those furthest from the cityas uncivilised and backwards. While those inurban Bangkok were positioned close to thecentre of "civilisation" – or siwilai in Thai – andmodernity, those in rural areas were far fromthis centre of enlightenment and werestereotyped as undesirable uneducated 'others'situated in the backwards realm of spirits andwild animals (Thongchai Winichakul, 2000).

Thai pol i t ica l movements have beenconstructed along the class distinctionsassociated with this division between rural andurban areas, particularly after the 2006m i l i t a r y c o u p w h i c h r e m o v e d t h edemocratically elected Prime Minister ThaksinShinawatra. Thaksin enjoyed widespreadpopularity among rural and lower-class votersand was arguably the first political figure to tapinto their dissatisfaction when they sufferedfrom Thailand's economic crisis after 1997. Hisremoval (due to fear of his significant powerand influence by traditional Thai elites)resulted in widespread demonstrationsbetween the "Red Shirt Movement," a rurallower and working-class movement, and theurban "Yellow Shirts" who are associated withBangkokian middle-class Thais and supportedThaksin's removal. Since 2006, these twogroups have clashed multiple times, resultingin deaths on both sides.

Any close analysis of Thai cultural productsindicates the ways in which they are pulledbetween these different political, social andeconomic groups. This results in what filmscholar Katarzyna Ancuta calls a "practicalmanifestation" of these social divisions,focusing on Thai TV and movies (Ancuta, 2014)and also begins to cement what Chaiworapornunderstands as the "two-tiered" division of Thai

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cultural products into lower-class and upper-class production designed for two separateaudiences (Chaiworaporn, 2001). Many see thisdivision in perjorative terms: substandard,crude and visceral texts such as generic soapoperas (described by the derogatory Thai term'nam nao' – meaning dirty or stagnant water)which cater for a supposedly unsophisticatedprovincial lower-class viewer in contrast tosophisticated and expensive foreign and artisticproducts consumed in air-conditioned cinemas.Due to their high quality and status as foreignproducts, Korean dramas seem to beautomatically attached to this urban sphere,yet, as my analysis shows, in fact Hallyu catersto a wide range of consumers.

Korean Cultural Products amongBangkokian fans

As foreign texts with high production valuesthat depict both historical Korea and urbanmodernity, Hallyu is inevitably associated withurban middle-class consumers in Thailand.Talking of American and Japanese culturalproducts in the 1980s and 1990s, UbonratSiriyuvasak describes how many urban middle-class Thai youth embraced them as a means ofarticulating their own frustrations at a societythat remained "repressive" and "patronizing"(Ubonrat Siriyuvasak, 2004:178). Yet, inkeeping with the 'elite' nature of this group,accounts from interviews and focus groups inBangkok indicate how the consumption ofHallyu can also function as a means for theseconsumers to intensify and reaffirm classdivisions.

For instance, fans interviewed in Bangkokcontrasted Korean TV Dramas with Thai TVDramas based on what they called "realism,"classing Thai "nam nao" dramas as dull,unrealistic and predictable compared to thecreativity and flexibility of Korean dramas.They also referred to the supposed audience ofthese productions in ways that indicate how,for these urban consumers, Hallyu acts as a

signifier of class and social status. Miss F, astudent in Bangkok said "People who can watchKorean series are those that 'need' theInternet. This group is also more educated,earns more money and tends to be in themiddle class. People who watch Thai soapoperas are country people. They live outside ofthe city; they don't have the Internet and/orthey can't afford it." Such a statement indicatesthat consuming Hallyu functions as a means forMiss F to distinguish herself from a supposedbackwards rural "other." This reinforces asocial hierarchy that, research indicates, isactually breaking down in contemporaryThailand.

Indeed, the divisions Miss F refers to no longernot exist in the way she imagines. Rural fans inChaiyaphum province have access to theinternet in cafes, schools and libraries, buyDVDs through shops and markets, and consumea variety of Korean dramas on TV at home.Rural provincial fans consume Hallyu productsand use them to engage with the changingcontext of contemporary Thailand, rather thanbeing outside of this as Miss F supposes.

For consumers like Miss F, Hallyu was alsovery much attached to notions of modernity andsophistication. In particular it appeared toembody individuals with a competitive andresourceful nature who are able to adapt andchange in the contemporary world. Thissuggests that not only is Hallyu functioning touphold particular divisions, but is also a meansthrough which these fans can express theirperceived frustrations with and critique whatthey see as the backward na ture o fcontemporary Thailand and its inhabitants.,who supposedly lack such entrepreneurialnotions. Miss A stated that "Thais are veryconservative. I think it [Koreanness] can helpThais be more creative, think out of the boxbecause Koreans absorb everything aroundthem; they express creativity and areinteresting… Thais use the same pattern everyday." Through such statements Miss A

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indicates her frustration with a context that sheassociates with discipline, rules and oldfashioned discourses. This view was alsorepeated by other participants in Bangkok,such as one who again brought up thesupposedly flexible and democratic nature ofKoreanness, stating in frustration that"Tha i land has too many boundar iessometimes." Similar to Miss. A, Mr. D (age 20,also from Bangkok) connected Koreanness to anotion of change and adaptation. Interestinglyhe contrasted this to another "model" ofAsianness, that of Japaneseness, which for himappeared much more static: "I think Japan is avery strong culture too, [but] they will notchange, they are the same as many years ago.Korean culture is changing a lot. I find itfascinating."

The fans also included professionalism and astrong work ethic within this construction. MissE, also a student in Bangkok, gave an exampleof these characteristics (which she described as"the Korean way") from a Korean drama sheliked, indicating the direct link between Hallyuand this mediated construction of Koreanness:"An example is, I DO, I DO is a movie aboutfashion. The story is about a woman who lovesshoes and wants to be a shoe designer. One daythere is a shoe fashion show, she has to fit andrepair a pair of shoes for a model in a veryshort period of time. Her work still comes outgreat." Students who studied Korean alsoconnected this professionalism to an increasedlevel of competition in education, with onestating: "My Korean teacher told me thatKorean society is really competitive. Studentswake up and get ready for their classes, whichrun from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. They then go to alibrary until midnight after that they taketutoring classes until 2 a.m. They go to bed at 2or 3 a.m. The reason is everyone must try toget accepted into the Seoul NationalUniversity."

However, while these participants identifieddifferences between Thainess and Koreanness

as a means to critique their own circumstances,they were also quick to indicate the culturalproximity of these two nations based uponthese cultural products, particularly whencompared to the West. For instance Miss. D, astudent in Bangkok, said: "I think because ofthe similarity of cultures, it [Korean popularculture] makes everything easier to access,compared to western cultures." She also notedthat "Korean is easier to adjust to Thai culturecompared to Japanese and Chinese,"suggesting that Hallyu products have beeninvolved in constructing notions of perceivedcultural closeness between Thailand and Koreain ways quite separate to constructions of otherNortheast Asian nations. Likewise, Miss A feltno need to 'adjust' when watching Hallyuproducts: "I am Thai and in my mind, I thinkwestern cultures are too difficult to adjust tocompared to our Asian cultures." Interestingly,Miss. G (also in Bangkok) located this similarityin the actual linguistic processes of Thai andKorean, stating "Korean and Thai have[politeness] levels of using our language. But inwestern languages it's only "You" and "I" likethat."

Participants struggled to articulate theirunderstanding of this "Asianness," and reliedmuch more upon its opposition to what theyunderstood as "western cultures," rather thanlaying out explicit criteria. Moreover, asindicated by earlier comments, they are notattempting to construct an inclusive model ofnational or ethnic identity but rather one thatexcludes the lower-classes of Thailand. Morein-depth research is needed to assess thevarious meanings behind these new andchanging constructions of "Asianness" as wellas the implications for Thai nationalism.

Further comments suggest that Hallyu may beplaying an active role in building internationalrelationships. One student from Bangkokremarked "The Korean wave is goingeverywhere today. It can help us in many ways,for example, if we do not know anything about

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a person's culture, we can still make friends bytalking about Korean culture." Her friend thenfollowed with "That's true. Just like when Iwent abroad last time I was talking to aCambodian in Korean because they could notspeak English." While it is still far too early tobe able to assess the potential of Korean tobecome a pan-Asian language, such commentsindicate that there is a practical element toHallyu's presence and its impact is not simplyconfined to academic realms of cultural theory.Indeed following this conversation, one studentalso worried about her own exclusion from thispotential, stating "I chose to learn Japanese.This was before I knew about Korean culture."

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Hallyu Fans in Bangkok

Korean Cultural Products amongChaiyaphum fans

Despite the assumptions of the Bangkok fans,Chaiyaphum province in the northeastern Isaanregion also has plenty of Hallyu fans, all ofwhom were eager to share their expertise andopinions. As with Bangkokian fans, for those inChaiyaphum, Hallyu also appeared to functionas a means through which to mediate, critiqueand assess their own experiences ofcontemporary Thailand. However, in contrastto the modernity, adaptation, creativity, andentrepreneurship noted by the Bangkok-basedfans, fans in Chaiyaphum seemed to focus moreupon constructions of national identity, culturaluniqueness and loyalty in their interpretation of

Hallyu and Koreanness.

For these fans, their appreciation for andenjoyment of Korean dramas was connected toa definitive and very strongly perceived"Koreanness" (kwam ben gaoli) that they readin the texts. The dramas contained very strongand dominant identifiers of Koreannesssuggesting to them that Korea was a uniquecountry and Koreanness was something thatwas recognisable and distinctive. For exampleMrs B, a 44 year o ld woman l iv ing inChaiyaphum, remarked "I like the culture. I likeit because it is a unique country." She furtherstated that "Korean media mostly keeps Koreancultural identity. For example in their seriescharacters are always dressed traditionally.Um… even if we never knew it's a Koreanseries or movie people will always recognizethem as Korean." It quickly became apparentthat this perceived strong identity of"Koreanness" was a major source of popularity.Much of this identity tended to be connected tospecific mise-en-scene such as costumes andprops, indicating that there was a physical andperformat ive character is t ic to th isrecognisability. Fans talked a lot about clothesand food and it was clearly a source of pridethat they could identify these specific icons ofKoreanness.

This construction, however, also stretched toinclude particular behavioural characteristics.Many participants mentioned the good moralsof the dramas and seemed to associate anelement of personal strength and resiliencewith Koreanness. Miss. C, 34 years old,described herself as a major fan of Dae JangGeum (owning all the DVDs) She singled outloyalty, leadership and resilience as importantcharacteristics of Koreanness, stating "Koreansare loyal to their country. And the mostimportantly they are hardy. They are soKorean, I mean unique. Korean people are notfollowers they are always leaders. That makesme like them."

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When discussing such observations further, itvery quickly became apparent that theperceived cultural uniqueness of the dramas(despite such uniqueness being far from clear)was a key means through which fans couldactively assess and respond to the currentcultural and political discourses of their ownenvironment. Given that regional, national andinternational relationships are currentlychanging, the nature of this Koreanness and itsrelationship to constructions of Thainess andAsianness is likely to become an avenue fordiscussing these changes. Notably, manyChaiyaphum fans contrasted these expressionsof Korean uniqueness to notions of Thainessthen expressed their frustration with their owncontemporary Thai context. For instance, whenasked to explain what she meant by 'culturalidentity' when describing Korean products,Mrs. B instead expressed her own frustrationswith Thailand:

"The Koreans keep their culture very unique.For Thais, I think we take a little too much ofwestern cultures. Thai teens follow trends toomuch. Um… for instance, if there are anyforeign fashions then Thais will act the same asthese. But Koreans don't. They keep their ownways."

This statement seems to articulate Mrs. B'sown position as an educated provincial middle-class Thai citizen. As an Laotian ethnic "other"and provincially located consumer she isoutside of central Bangkokian Thainess whichhas shaped performative notions of Thainational identity. Such exclusivity isundesirable to her, and she criticisescontemporary Thai land as a culturalconstruction that is merely a poor imitation ofthe West. In contrast her construction ofKoreanness as clear, unique and stronglydefined becomes a form of identity that to herappears easily accessible to and inclusive for allindividuals within Korean national designation.

Similarly, Miss C also contrasted Korea with

Thailand along these lines: "In my opinionKorea is one of best in Asia… Our countries arein Asia, but what makes Korea do better thanThai. It's quite interesting." Again, Miss. C'scomments can be connected to her ownposition within Thailand. However, rather thandissatisfaction with the constructed exclusivityof Thainess, further discussion indicated thatshe saw loyalty as a very desirable aspect ofKorean uniqueness, a significant point for acitizen in a nation where recent politicaldirections have been shaped by violent streetdemonstrations and military coups. Miss. Csought to uncover the reasons behind what sheviews as the advancement of Korea overThailand; she asked me (as an outsider) why Ifelt Korea was doing so much "better" as anation than Thailand. This began to transformthe interview site into a space for discussion.

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A Hallyu Fan in Chaiyaphum

Members of Super Junior Appear on theCover of A Fashion Magazine

While the sample is far too smal l forquantitative analysis, it is worth noting thatdiscussions about "Asianness" displayed themost consistent differences betweenparticipants from Chaiyaphum and Bangkok.Moreover, the perceived relationship betweenKorea and Thailand was interpreted verydifferently by each set of consumers,suggesting wider contextual differences in thespatial construction and relationship ofThailand to "Asia." Rural fans were much morelikely to say that Thailand was "near" Koreaand that the two countries had a special andclose relationship due to their "Asianness."They expressed belief in a shared unique

cultural identity of Asia, though they struggledto articulate this specifically. In terms ofculture and geography they expressed a closeconnection between Thailand and Korea andasserted strong cultural proximity, with onestating "in fact we are all Asian, we aren't muchdifferent." Fans in Chaiyaphum seemed to havemore invested in and appeared more connectedto Hallyu and images of Korea, despite beingmore economically and culturally removed fromit than those in Bangkok. For rural viewersHallyu also appears to act as an inclusiveconstruction of modernity that is outside oftraditional elitist Thai hierarchies oncepropagated by the Thai state. The "Asianness"that they speak of removed the unfairhierarchical structures they are subjected too,in keeping with the current changes in widerThai society.

Urban viewers only expressed culturalproximity between Thailand and Korea whenthey contrasted Asia to "the West." While theydid believe that there was a degree of regionalsimilarity they stated that the two countrieswere "far" from one another and were muchmore likely to note differences within this"Asianness" (a term that was ultimately veryunclear as a signifier). Fans in Bangkok alsoseemed more likely to recognise Hallyu asitinerant culture. They interpreted it as aphase, a new fashion in Asia, an impermanentwave that is part of wider cultural movementsthat come and go. Miss. C even stated "we cantalk to friends about it, but I don't have tosettle with it." Another student even questionedthe logic behind learning Korean, despite thefact that she had chosen to study it herself: "Iam not so sure about the Korean language,perhaps it's just a wave that comes and goes. Ifit changes in the future then English will stillbenefit me."

Conclusion

It is clear from this study that Korean culturalproducts have had an ongoing and complex

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impact upon consumers in contemporaryThailand. Individual Thai viewers haveresponded to and incorporated this new"Koreanness" into their environment at a timewhen the i r own rea l i t y i s chang ingconsiderably. Interviews with Thai fans indicatethat Hallyu products have a strong affiliationwith constructions of Koreanness for Thaiconsumers and specifically that these productsallow them access to signifiers of Koreanculture that fans can appropriate in numerousways. Such appropriation includes critiquingexisting hierarchies and spatial relationshipswithin Thailand as well as functioning as analternative symbol of freedom and creativity forthose who feel stifled by their currentenvironment.

Such responses also show that in thecontemporary age the reception of Hallyuproducts can indicate the wider economic andcultural changes that Thai society isexperiencing. Social relationships are being re-thought-out, influenced, and challenged by anumber of different forces. The rural and urbanThai consumers who have historically existed inseparate geographic and cultural spheres arebeing brought closer together and Thailand'srelationship to its immediate neighbours andthe rest of Asia is changing due to theamalgamation of the region under ASEAN.Most significantly internally, the traditionalhierarchies associated with these spatialdynamics within Thailand are breaking downand the growth of the rural middle class inparticular problematizes the previous simplisticpolitical and economic divisions of this nation.Thai fans interpret Hallyu products in waysthat are specifically shaped to accommodatewider questions of social position andhierarchy. In essence, Hallyu becomes a vehiclefor diverse consumers to express theirfrustrations and desires in this divided nation.

Finally, considering the differing attitudes ofdifferent Hallyu fans in Thailand enables us to(re)construct Southeast Asian consumers as

active constructors of both their ownenvironment and a wider (imagined) Asianregion. Far from being passive receivers ofinternational products and discourses, Thaiviewers are actively using Korean popularculture to construct and assess changingdiscourses of Thainess, Koreanness andAsianness. In doing so they actively mediatetheir own position within the newly emergingspatial dynamics of contemporary Thailand andpose questions regarding what will and shouldhappen. The construction of Koreanness clearlyplays a part in enabling them to do this,indicating that both new forms of transnationalcultural products and their increasing presencemay play an important part in forming suchnational and international relationships.

Dr. Mary J. Ainslie is Assistant Professor andHead of Film and Television Programs at theUniversity of Nottingham Malaysia Campus.Parts of this paper were originally published inthe related collection "The Korean Wave inSoutheast Asia: Consumption and CulturalProduction."

Recommended citation: Mary J. Ainslie, "K-dramas across Thailand: Constructions ofKoreanness and Thainess by contemporary Thaiconsumers", The Asia-Pacific Journal, Vol. 14,Issue 7, No. 6, April 1, 2016.

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Jooyeon Rhee, "Gendering Multiculturalism: Representation of Migrant Workers and ForeignBrides in Korean Popular Films. (https://apjjf.org/2016/07/Rhee-2.html)

Dr. Mary J. Ainslie is Assistant Professor and Head of Film and Television Programs at theUniversity of Nottingham Malaysia Campus. Parts of this paper were originally published inthe related collection "The Korean Wave in Southeast Asia: Consumption and CulturalProduction."

Notes1 The data was collected in Thailand from August to December 2012. This consisted of fivefocus groups in Bangkok and one single individual interview. In Chaiyaphum, two focusgroups and four single interviews were conducted. All interviews were conducted in Thai andtranslated afterwards. Conscious of my own position as a Western 'outsider', I allowed theparticipants to lead the interviews. Participants were very eager to discuss their perception ofKorea and Koreanness and the perceived relationship this held to Thailand and Thainess,indicating that such relationships were currently of relevance to consumers. They alsoappeared eager to 'educate' me about the differences between Korea and Thailand and aboutinter-Asian relations in general, possibly indicating that my position as an 'outsider' and'other' in many ways actually encouraged them to talk freely and in-depth about issues thatmight be more problematic if raised with other Thais. The project is also based upon twohundred questionnaires asking about opinions and relationship to Korean dramas and Koreanculture. Many participants left lengthy comments detailing their own preferences andopinions.