Family Dramas/Prison Dramas Troubled Souls

Family Dramas, Prison Dramas:Correspondence Betweeen Portuguese Businessmen

in the Seventeenth Century

Denise Helena Monteiro de Barros Carollo

The seventeenth century marked Portuguese history in a peculiar way regarding thestructures of power. It was the century in which the Portuguese were ruled for sixtyyears by the Spanish Habsburgs. On 12 January 1640 a political coup put to an endthe period in which Portugal was part of the Hispanic Monarchy and inaugurated theBragança dynasty. The conflict that started on the Iberian Península lasted until1668, when Spain recognized Portuguese independence.

Spain's interest in regaining dominion over the Portuguese empire had thesupport of some facções (factions) of the Portuguese church, particularly the HolyOffice of the Inquisition. It had operated in Spain since the fifteenth century andbegan operating in Portugal in 1536, during the mandate of King Filipe I (II ofSpain). In the seventeenth century, the Portuguese Inquisition, at the time of FilipeIII (IV of Spain), was under the command of Inquisitor General Dom Francisco deCastro, who remained faíthful to the Spanish interests even after the restoration ofthe Portuguese throne, só much só that he even saw himself involved in a conspiracyto assassinato the Portuguese monarch.'

Strong tensions marked the relationship between the king, Dom João IV, andthe Inquisition, subverting the traditionally harmonious modus vivendi between thepower factions in Portugal. The king found material support for his political projectonly in the most representative sector of the emerging Portuguese burgeoisie, that is,Jewish businessmen, who became "New Christians",2 by forced baptism decreed byDom Manuel in 1497. Due to the convergence of these interests, King João IVestablished an alliance with this wealthy group of New Christians. The consolidationof power demanded raising the necessary funds to proceed with the War of theRestoration. It was also necessary to rehabilitate the colonial empire, which wasundergoing a major crisis. The crown had only "two ships in a condition to sail".3

Approaching the supposedly New Christian conversos, however, hurt theChurch's interests, since the ecclesiastical institutions supported the traditionalsenorial class. An analysis of the businessmen's role in the Restoration of thePortuguese throne shows the importance of this participation in a key economicsector of the colonial empire, that is, sugar. New Christians in the Brazilian sugartransactions were associated with Jews living in various parts of Southern andNothern Europe.

One of the most notable such men was Duarte da Silva, who also worked asKing João IV's financier.4 He was born in Lisbon (1595), son of Catarina Henriquesand Diogo Pinto da Silva.5 His father had served Spain and therefore had benefitedfrom "pensions and salaries".6 Duarte da Silva stood out in State financing,including the acquisition of war materiais to defend the borders in the War of theRestoration and to recover Bahia and Angola.7 He was part of a merchant network

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that reached into several continents and which specialized in the trade of sugar,fabric and precious stones.8 In spite of his social prominence, he felt threatenedbecause, parallel to the friendly royal power, there was the hostile power of theInquisition. Studying this man's life one may see how he tried to protect himselffrom the traps laid by the Holy Office through the use of paid informers working inCourt. This kind of information circulated among his relatives and allied merchants.Before surrendering to the Inquisition to be arrested on 12 August 1647, he managedto keep himself informed on what was going on inside the Court regarding his fateand on what his accusers were talking about.9

At that time, the procedures of the Inquisition's lawsuits were quite differentform what we currently know as law. The prisoner did not exactly know what he wasbeing accused of, what were the circumstances, nor who were the accusers. Thedefense had to be made blíndly. The defendant was also always subject to torturesand the terrible conditions in the cells (dungeons) contributed not a little to thediscouragement of the accused caught up in the system.10 Years went by like that,and most of the time the case ended in the seizure of the defendanfs asseis, loss ofsocial status and occasionally in death in the fires of the auto-da-fé.

The Duarte da Silva case is peculiar, perhaps due to his own social projection.It is worth noting that, when his arrest was over, he left Portugal still in a privilegedposition: he accompanied princess Catarina de Bragança as her attorney on her trip toKing Charles II of England.11

This who lê story began on 31 January 1646 when, at the height of hispolitical prestige as the king's right arm, Duarte da Silva learned that several of hisfamily members had been arrested. Desperate, other relatives worried about theirdear ones and foreseeing their own fate, began a fervent exchange of letters in orderto prepare themselves against their arrest and to defend their family members. Theseletters circulated between February and August 1646.12 The language used in thoseletters is covert due to the fear of having the messages fali into the hands of theInquisition, as actually did happen. High officers of the Inquisition becamesuspicious when, in December 1647, they were not able immediately to arrest Duarteda Silva, who was accused of secretely practicing the Jewish religion and of havingaccess to the internai affairs of the Holy Office. It was suspected that somehow hehad learned beforehand about the warrant of arrest.

Letters to Defend Arrested RelativesThis careful Correspondence circulating among converted businessmen dealt with theprisoners' situation in the Inquisition prisons and how to support them through secretcontacts established with the high officials of the court of the Holy Office. Theseletters, besides allowing us to know how some of the Court's agents made personaluse of the secrecy dogma, show the drama of the prisioners' families living outsidethe cells, even though they were economically powerful.

The documents published here for the first time include twelve signed lettersand an anonymous epistle written within a five-month period, between February andAugust 1646. The existence of these letters had already been mentioned by historianAntónio Baião in his book Episódios Dramáticos da Inquisição. However, the fulltranscription of the letters and their analysis is now being presented for the first timein this paper, as well as English translations. Ali of them are part of the action filed

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by the Inquisition against Jorge Dias Brandão, a powerful Lisbon merchant, brother-in-law, cousin and major partner of Duarte da Silva, the most important Portuguesebusinessman during the forties of the seventeenth century.

The epistles are ali addressed to Jorge Dias Brandão. The texts are mostlywritten by Francisco Mendes, who was also related to these same men. As theyreveal the contacts between the Inquisition's high officers and converted merchants,when discovered, the letters were used as prosecution evidence against Jorge andDuarte. Therefore the accused were also indicted for attempting to violate the"secrecy" required by the Inquisition actions.

Jorge received the notes in Lisbon and one may infer that he probablyanswered them, even though his answers are not recorded in his Inquisition lawsuitin Lisbon. He was not only the addressee of this correspondence, but also served tocentralize the forwarding of the documents destined for other converso businessmen.

Seven of the letters had as their intrepid sender none other than FranciscoMendes, a trader from the city of Viana da Foz do Lima. From this same city werethe senders Miguel Velho, Rafael de Burgos and Bento de Mello Pinto. From the cityof Porto letters were written by Manoel Pinto Cardoso and Álvaro Lobo Tavares,who, like the other traders and merchants, had been born Crypto-Jews.

The understanding of the context of this correspondence requires us to clarifythat:

a. On 31 January 1646 the following relatives of Duarte da Silva were arrested: AnaCastanho, Bernardo de Medeiros, Branca Mendes, Clara de Medeiros, Domingos deMedeiros, Isabel, Maria e Joana Mendes.13

b. This correspondence of lhe Duarte da Silva group merchant circulated between 02.

22.1646 and 16.08.1646

Seven of the letters were written by Francisco Mendes, a cousin of Jorge DiasBrandão and son of Maria Mendes, Joana Brandão's sister and mother of Jorge andRodrigo Aires Brandão. Francisco was also related to Duarte da Silva because thelatter's wife, Branca da Silva, was Jorge and Rodrigo's sister. In the correspondenceMendes expressed a close bond with Rodrigo Brandão, signing himself a "spiritualcousin", meaning that their affmity went beyond the family relation.

Even though the texts of some of the thirteen letters confirm that there werebusiness transactions between Jorge Dias Brandão and his correspondents, it is clearthat at that moment they were paying attention to their relatives' arrests. In some ofthe letters there was information destined to Duarte da Silva. We find references tohis group that allow us to get acquainted with the ideas and the emotional profile ofconversos at the time. The correspondence informs us about the disquietingatmosphere that existed in the Duarte da Silva group as a result of the arrest of theirrelatives by the Inquisition.

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THE LETTERS

Date

Nodate

02.12.1646

02.27.1646

02.28.1646

02.28.1646

03.01.1646

03.22.16

4603.27.1646

04.05.1646

04.30.1646

05.12.1646

05.17.1646

08.16.1646

Author

Francisco Mendes(Unsigned letter with no referenceto the addressee. The author isassigned by the Inquisition.)Francisco Mendes

Miguel Velho

Francisco Mendes

Rafael de Burgos

Francisco Mendes

Francisco Mendes

Bento de Melo Pinto

Francisco Mendes

Francisco Mendes

Manoel Pinto Cardoso

Francisco Mendes

Álvaro Lobo Tavares and ManoelPinto Cardoso

Probable Addresseeand

Subject• •>

• inquisitors' siege to the richconverted (metaphor)

• Jorge Dias BrandãoActions on the arrest ofViana' s relatives.

• Jorge Dias Brandão• Inconformidade on the arrest

of family members

• Jorge Dias Brandão« Request made to the General-

Inquisitor.• Jorge Dias Brandão• Expectation of a good ending

regarding the arrests.• Jorge Dias Brandão• Secret contacts with a

Inquisition CourtCommissioner

• Jorge Dias Brandão• Secrets from inside the Holy

Office are being revealed.• Jorge Dias Brandão• Offers solidarity and calls the

attention to a vindictivebehavior

• Jorge Dias Brandão• Alert to the action of the

Inquisition "family members".

• Jorge Dias Brandão• Reveals that he is working for -

Duarte da Silva.• Jorge Dias Brandão• Alert about information

improperly passed on.• Jorge Dias Brandão• Any stumbling in the

informative scheme?• Jorge Dias Brandão

Alert on the transfer of assetsto avoid their "seizure" by theInquisition; concern for thehiding of documents.

Source: Lawsuit 11,752, Jorge Dias Brandão, pp. l to 7.

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These letters thus provide valuable details about the conversos' struggle inview of the methods used by the Holy Office. They reveal a little of the NewChristians' world without the embarrassments presented in the recordedinterrogations made in Court. This is a rare fact in the study of the complexphenomenon of the Inquisition. In the letters, especially the ones written byFrancisco Mendes, there is common resort to metaphors, which índicates that themerchants were aware of the limits that the Holy Office imposed on their actions. Inan unsigned letter, probably addressed to Jorge Dias Brandão or Duarte da Silva byFrancisco Mendes, this rhetorical figure is pushed to the extreme. In it we find theuse of allegories as a way to hide the delicate matter the author feared would fali intothe hands of the Court. This letter was probably one of the first written, perhapsbetween the end of February and the beginning of March 1646.

The correspondence coincided with the higher surveillance of the LisbonInquisition on the Duarte da Silva group but that did not prevent the letters fromgoing on. On 6 April 1646 the Lower Court of the Lisbon Court requested to thesuperior court-the General Council-to summon the Common Justice to arrest Duarteda Silva, but the request was denied.14 Twelve letters circulated until the Junedispatch. Only one was written afterwards. The change in the flow of letters Índicatesthat the correspondents kept themselves informed and knew of the order to arrestDuarte, João IV s banker.

PRISON NEWS

• Carta de Franscico Mendes"A vista de tantos piratas quantos cercam os mares do Brasil, tive por mais acertado não lançar onavio fora, [o texto é interrompido com o seguinte apontamento do notário à margem da página: "Queexplique o réu esta parábola ou metáfora"} e Deus lhe dará boa hora para que com gosto o faça, queem Deus espero vê-lo na carregação, conforme aos anúncios de esperanças de bom sucesso, e se sepoderá avisar a retenção, com bem fixa âncora do patacho para se não desviar do caminho certo, eera o essencial nisto, e tudo pende de uma mesma causa, e os que têm menos olhos sobre si podemfazer mais desvios para o necessário. E Deus proveja suas misericórdias em tudo, que estas esperolouvar eternamente. 'r l

Translation:Letter from Francisco Mendes" In view of the great number of pirates who covet our wealth, I thought it would be more appropriatenot to make a decision [the text is interrupted with the following sidenote from the notary}: and Godwill give you clarity to make the right decision, for I trust God to make you come out safe, as per thesuccess that was promised to you. And if, on the contrary, you have to stay, be it in safe conditions,because this is the key point in the negotiations. The accusations made come from the same point andthe ones that are being less watched may explain in more details what is going on. And may Godprovide His mercy in everything for I hope to praise them eternally".

• Carta de Francisco de 22.02.1646"Pelo cotado fiz a Vossa Mercê breve para desofuscar o cuidado de V.M., que me tem atormentado,afirmando a V.M. que me causa medo o vê-lo tão movediço, quando conhece da nossa gente suainocência nestas matérias, nem a levidão do que lhes acumulam pede vigores; [o texto é interrompidocom o seguinte apontamento do notário à margem da página: "Mostra que o Réu se receava da genteque prenderam em Viana" ] tudo bem trilhado por meus modos; e, se para o Correio que vem se vierfazer uma diligência, pretendo fazer próprio aliviar a V.M. de todo, e o ser avisado o de lá quefizemos, está já sabendo; era a diligência que convinha, que tudo afazendo vence, e ela sem honra éum pouco de esterco, com que V.M. me haja por entendido, [o texto é interrompido com o seguinte

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apontamento do notário à margem do processo: "Que explique o Réu estas palavras"] E de que nãopadecera detrimento o alcance de nossa quinta, que me fica para rever, porquanto não ando paralidar, e sobrevirá embarcação de Ruão com bacalhau e breu que fica descarregando, e como V.M.cuidou em princípio não há primeiros nem derradeiros, que a tudo vou dando satisfação para que seme ofereçam amigos, e nestes assuntos servem os verdadeiros que a vista é uma coisa e ao longeoutra. Enfim, só Deus é verdadeiro alívio em quem espero misericórdias efavoures, porque nunca elepermite os males para arruinar, senão para melhorar. E V.M. se se desviou do trigo de Bento deMelo, não andaria acertado, que cá estamos mais chegados, sem arredar uma palha, e não énecessário. Confia neste, senhor, que há de clarear a verdade e apurar a inocência, e fazendo-se ocontrário será ofendê-la. Se não há outra coisa que a V.M. dê mais cuidado, fazendo mais avisar se opadre António Vieira, da Companhia de Jesus, foi sobre abertas e publicadas na França, que seafirma, e quem for mau que o abrasem, e saibam estimar os que porão a vida por quem a deu contanto amor por nós pecadores, porquanto seja muito louvado" Francisco Mendes'.16

Translation:Letter from Francisco Mendes, dated 02.22.1646"As agreed I have written to you a short text to quieten down, who hás been worrying me a lot. I tellyou that seeing you só insecure soares me when you know the innocence of our people regarding suchmatters. Moreover, the light existing accusations against our people are no reason to tear só much.[the text is interrupted with the following sidenote from the notary; "It shows that the defendant fearedthe peopje arrested in the city of Viana]" . Everything hás been well prepared by me. And if in íhenext letter there is already information about the course of the ínvestigation I intend to be able toquieten you down. And regarding the secret contact that you needed us to make I inform you that ithás already been made. It was the right action to be taken because money buys everything, but it hásto be associated to honour. Please try to understand what I am trying to convey to you: [the text isinterrupted with the following sidenote from the notary: "May the defendant explain these words"]. Iinform you that there was no harm to the production that was awaited in our country, something that Ihave to confirm since I am not able to do it. And a ship from Ruão will arrive containing codfish andtar that will be unloaded. thou called my attention to the fact that ali negotiations have the same leveiof importance and I am following alll of them. In this matters only true friends are useful because nearus people are one thing and far from us they are something quite different. After ali only God is truerelief, in whom I expect mercy and favours because He nevers allows the evils to ruin us but toimprove thíngs for us. And thou hás decided not to negotiate directly with Bento de Melo, be awarethat this was not the right decision. I inform you that we have narrowed our business relationshipswithout having to make any concession in order to do só. Rest assure that the truth will be clarifiedand the innocence will be proven. If possible please inform if father António Vieira, from Companhiade Jesus, went to France about open and published [(to adhere to the international articulation againstthe secret style adopted in the course of the Inquisition processes)] as people are saying and may theguilty ones be punished with the bonfire and may people estimate who are the faithful Catholics."Franscisco Mendes

• Carta de Miguel Velho, de 27.02.1646"Desde que sucederam mais atalhos não tive outra coisa mais de alívio que ver a de V.M. por passarainda em contínuos agruras e suspiros, e não cessaram meus olhos de derramar lágrimas, nemcessarão até que não veja Joana Mendes, e chamando ao céu contra quem a ela há, mas a levantartão grande maldade, confio a Majestade divina há de ser castigado que quando meus clamores nãome hão de ser ouvidos, serão os de minhas filhas por inocentes, e por que o Francisco Mendes na suadará mais larga conta, cesso de fazer o Portador que esta der a V.M. e o filho de meu primo AntónioRoiz ele dará a V.M. o mais que me falta nesta" Miguel Velho17

Translation:Letter from Miguel Velho, dated 02.27.1646"Since more embarrassments occurred I only had the receipt of your letter as relief, for I am facinghardships and living in melancholy. And my eyes did not stop shedding tears and they will stop onlywhen I see Joana Mendes. And I am trying to find out who is your enemy that acted with só muchcruelty. I trust the power of God. This person will be punished for, if I cannot find out on my own who

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Family Drarnas/Prison Dramas

was the accuser, my daughters' clamors will be able to acquit them. And since Francisco Mendes willexplain in detail in his letters, I will not do só. And my cousin's son, António Ruiz, will complementwhat I say in this letter". Miguel Velho.

• Carta de Francisco Mendes, de 28.02.1646"Em todas as aflições que padecemos é grande mercê de Deus administrar saúde, que todos ficamosgozando em uma união e paz, Contudo, todos os anojados a quem dei a de V.M. em minha casa se têmnotado o nosso modo de proceder, que não encareço, e notado que estamos muito aliviados porquepor conjecturas alcançamos que já procedem informações de inimizjade e abonação. E assim que dagente de cá não há que ter cuidado, [o texto é interrompido com o seguinte apontamento do notário àmargem da página: "Segura os receios do réu com a gente de Viana"] que tem dado no alvo dosinimigos, que são os declarados, e foi tão desavergonhado Barnabé Veloso que, ontem ao sair deSanto António me perguntou como estava e que tivesse por certo que havia de ser alegre para aPáscoa. Mostrei-lhe muito bom rosto sem mais palavras, que Deus o ordenaria. E assim imospassando com dissimulação até mais rebentar a declaração desta causa, que não é negócio de levar aespada. E também me afirmaram de S. Domingos que três pessoas da nação foram ao testemunho, esei de certo ser o tesoureiro, seu irmão Matheus da Costa e outro primo, casado com a filha doFerraz, que todos na minha petição dei por inimigos, e o são mais depois de se tirar o tostão a suairmã, cuidando interviéssemos nisto, que muitas vezes o pavor tira muitos males. Eles dizem foramsobre outras coisas, e me parece disfarçam, e se danaram, bem nos avisemos no castigo destesvelhacos. E a senhora mãe de Thomas foi a Brasa que acendeu todas estas labaredas, seja Deuslouvado, que por pecados grandes a estou padecendo com estes alívios que refiro. E sobre queprometi no passado fazer próprio, mas como o deles é mais incerto, com a vigia de tantos inimigosofereceu-se Miguel Simões, filho de António Simões, digo, filho de António Roiz, homem de Britiandosque vai para casa do amigo Luis Lopes Franco, e lhe entregará esta, e dirá o mais do que o advertiu0 vigário, que leia as de V.M. com todas as mais que lhe foram pelo Correio. E já avisei em umabreve que importa muito ao melhoramento deste negócio não se apartar, ainda que seja por modolícito, que estão estes com os olhos nesta quietação, enquanto tormenta, nem há para que; com que seavise a esse moço, que não sabe de nada; [o texto é interrompido com o seguinte apontamento donotário à margem do processo: "Que se avise a um moço que devia ser Domingos de Medeiros, preso"1 e com isso espero nas chagas do divino Jesus nos há de amparar com a verdade e inocência destagente para que saiam com mais glória, que todo este povo está alvoroçado para a celebrar com muitafesta, que espero veja V.M., para que farei próprio ao final, que não seja demorado, e para istoimportava muito a carta do Inquisidor Geral que pedi. E conformação, até Deus prover seusfavourescom misericórdia, porquanto seja sempre louvado, concedendo-lhe a V.M. muito perfeita saúde commuitos gostos, a que espero assistir gostoso. E V.M. aos que o tempo der de si, que sem seu auxílio,mediante o divino, não poderei conseguir este bem, com tanta firmeza experimentado, que é o que mecativa em tanto rigor do tempo, contra a tensão que me move a estreita vida. Em Deus ponho o fimque chega a seu serviço". O primo d'alma Francisco Mendes18

Translation:Letter from Francisco Mendes, dated 02.28.1646"In view of the torments we are going through, it is a big favour from God to give us heaith, which areable to enjoy united and in peace. However ali the discontented [(the family members of the peoplewho were arrested)] to whom I have given thou letter in my house have noticed our way of acting andthat we are very relieved because we have concluded that the information about the existence ofenmity [(between the people arrested and their accusers)] are being confirmed [(by witnessesassigned by the arrested people to defend them)], who explained the untrue accusations made to theInquisition. In this sense there is no reason for thou to worry regarding the course of the processes [thetext is interrupted with the following sidenote from the notary: Assures the defendant's fear of Viana'speople"] because the people arrested are managing to defend themselves. And Barnabé Veloso was sóinsolent that yesterday, when I was coming out of a Santo António [church], he asked how I was andíold me to be sure that I would have a joy at Easter. I showed him a good face without sayinganything, that God would dispose. And só we went dissimulaíing until the arrests occurred, which isno reason to fight. And I learned at the São Domingos church that three converted were witnesses atthe Inquisition Court. I am sure they are the Treasurer, his brother Matheus da Costa and another

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cousin, who is married to Ferraz's daughter, who l already considered enemies and are more só aftertheir sister hás been arrested and confiscated, after which they expected us to intervene. Terror oftenremoves many eviis. They said they went to testify about other things, but I think they are disguisingand harmed themselves. Let us have very clear that we should prepare a punishment for these crooks.And Thomas' mother was the live coal that started ali these flames ( the woman who startedeverything). Praised is the Lord, for for big sins I am going through this difficult moment with therelief I have mentioned. And even though I have promised to forward the next letter myself, due to thesurveillance of só many enemies, Miguel Simões, son of António Simões, that is, son of AntónioRoiz, a man that lives in Britiandos that is going to the house of his friend Luis Lopes Franco. Miguelwill be the one delivering this letter to you and will convey thou a viçar's warning to read the lettersaddressed to though and ali the others that get in your hands. I want to stress that, in order to thesituation to improve, it is very important that you not distance yourself, even through a licit way,because the situation is only apparently calm and, furthermore, there is no reason to distance yourself.May the boy who was arrested without knowing anything be warned. [the text is interrupted with thefollowing sidenote from the notary: May the boy, who is probably Domingos de Medeiros, arrested, bewarned". And with this I await at Jesus' suffering, who will certainly assist with the truth andinnocence of this people in order for them to come out with even more glory, that ali this people isexcited to celebrate with a big party, which I hope thou will attend and I will let you knowbeforehand. I hope the outcome of the arrests will not take long and the fact that I requested a letterfrom the General Inquisitor hás been very important for this purpose. And we have to be patient untilOod provides His favours with mercy, be Him always praised, granting V.M. perfect heaith withmany satisfactions, which I hope to witness. And please be aware that without your help, through theLord, I will not be able to achieve this asset, which is being só firmly promised and is what gives mecourage to stand this moment of great tension in my Hfe. In God I put the end that gets at your service.Your spirítual cousin, Franscisco Mendes.

• Carta de Rafael de Burgos, de 28.02.1646"Como estou já no foro de cativo de V.M. recebendo as contínuas, não alcanço de presente o talentonecessário para lhe dar os agradecimentos de sua carta, e só o farei ao ânimo generoso com queV.M. se mostra nesta ocasião de que confio em Deus havemos de sair com vitória contra nossosinimigos, pois estes foram os que procuraram abater-nos, chegando ao mais perigo, para nosmeterem em tal confusão que aliviamos com boas esperanças pelas boas conjecturas que alcançamos,e só do [o texto é interrompido com o seguinte apontamento do notário à margem do processo: "Quetodas estas defesas pediam uma coisa"} Medeiros pode haver mais sentimentos, pois devia irignorante dos agressores, se bem inferimos que como é tudo uma coisa lhe servira a mesma defesaque dizem as outras, antepondo a tudo a vontade de Deus, pedindo-lhe aclare esta verdade. Rafael deBurgos""

Translation:Letter from Rafael de Burgos, dated 02.28.1646"As I am becoming part of your group of correspondents, I do not know how to thank you for yourletter, but I want to emphasize the great mood though displays at this moment. I trust God that we willdefeat our enemies because they were the ones that attempted to weaken us, putting us in great dangerinvolving us in such confusion, a situation from which we were relieved because we are hopeful dueto the assumptions we have on the progress of the arrest. And only from Medeiros should we fearmost, for he should ignore the aggressors, even though we infer that, since everything is the same, thesame defense the others would present should serve him [the text is interrupted with the followingsidenote from the notary: "that ali these defenses asked for one thing"], anticipating God's will, askingyou to clarify this truth". Rafael de Burgos.

« Carta de Francisco Mendes, de 01.03.1646"Por Miguel Simões, filho de António Roiz, que vai com o Recoveiro que partiu ontem para casa doamigo Luis Lopes Franco o fiz a V. M. com as contas largo de tudo o que se oferece do nosso negóciotambém assombrado, e hoje estive com o Prior de S. Domingos que me [o texto é interrompido com oseguinte apontamento do notário à margem do processo: "Dito Prior de S.Domingos, comissário,segurava o sucesso"} segurou todas estas esperanças, que Deus nos confirme como desejamos para

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Family Dramas/Prison Dramas Troubled Souls

confusão destes inimigos; mas soube de certo que os de Henrique Ferreira não foram a isto, comoavisei por dito, que no mesmo tempo foram a outro testemunho, tocante a Inquisição, para livrar umhomem de fora, seu conhecido; e assim esteja cuidado, que nós estamos muito [o texto é interrompidocom o seguinte apontamento do notário à margem do processo: "Réu vivia sem cuidado das ditasprisões de Viana"} alegres de termos um glorioso sucesso com maior pureza de honra, e com ela, com0 favour divino, gozar outras, à sombra das de V.M. em que espero ver-me com muito e dobradogosto. E cuidarei à obrigação do meu empenho com o juro, enquanto não satisfaça". Primo d' almaFrancisco Mendes20

Translation:Letter from Francisco Mendes, dated 03.01.1646"Through Miguel Simões, António Roiz's son, who is going with the merchandise conductor who leftyesterday ([ftom Viana]), to his friend's Luis Lopes Franco I am sending thou the accounts from ourbusiness, which is also obscure. And today I met with the São Domingos Superior who [the text isinterrupted with the following sidenote from the notary: said São Domingos Superior, commisioner,held the success"] held ali these hopes, that God coníirm us as we wish to confuse those enemies; but1 learned for sure that Hernirque Ferreira (relatives or family members?) did not go to the Inquisitionto harm us, that they went to give their testimony regarding the Inquisition with the purpose ofreleasing a foreigner friend of his. Therefore do not worry for we are very happy [the text isinterrupted with the following sidenote from the notary: The defendant was always unconcerned aboutthe said arrests in Vianna] to nave our honour strengthened and enjoy other [(glories)] with it at thyshadow in which I hope to include myself with greater satisfaction. Meanwhile I will be settling mydebt paying interests." Your spiritual cousin, Francisco Mendes.

• Carta de Francisco Mendes, de 22.03.1646"Acho-me com as de V.M. de 9 e 10 do corrente, estimando-as, como devo, ao bem de sua boa saúde,que Deus a V.M. conceda com felicidades de bem e gosto em que espero nele ver a V.M., e lograr dosque se vão encaminhando, em todas as impossibilidades de V.M., que sei acha nestas matérias querDeus mostrar [o texto é interrompido com o seguinte apontamento do notário à margem do processo:"Mostra que o réu achava impossível o não vir a ser preso"] seus poderes e misericórdias para alíviode aceitos, como V.M. verá do escrito que mando ao caro Primo Rodrigo Aires, que é de uma mulher,referida no testemunho do nomeado nele, para que V.M. veja o alvo das cousas, e a informação quese tira no Carmo dá mais alívio. E, assim, bom ânimo, que havemos de ter bom sucesso, que se Deusquer consolar-nos com revelar segredos tão ocultos, não temos mais que louvá-lo [o texto éinterrompido com o seguinte apontamento do notário à margem do processo: "Perguntar ao réu quemrevelava estes segredos da Inquisição"} eternamente, e a ele graças. Chegariam as contas que V.M.reveria e seria servido pôr de acordo. E, como tenho avisado, em todas não faltarei da satisfação doque devo, que espero em Deus logo extinguir o débito do que V.M. satisfez ao senhor Duarte da Silvade Leão, sem ser necessário mandar V.M. chegado a isto, que eu mesmo me escusara quando sentiraperigo na pessoa porque é ao que V.M. aí tira nestes males que hão de parar em bem." Primo d'almaFrancisco Mendes21

Translation:Letter from Francisco Mendes, dated 03.22.1646"I have thy letter from the 9*. and the 10'". of this month with me, hoping that you are in good health.May God give it to you together with happiness and satisfaction and allow you to get it for those whoawait a decision from the lawsuits in progress. What God wants to show with ali these impossibilitiesyou find [the text is interrupted with the following sidenote from the notary: "it shows that thedefendant finds it impossible not to be arrested"] is His powers and mercy for the relief of theaccepted ones, as thou may see in the letter I am sending to dear Cousin Rodrigo Aires, which hásbeen written by a woman who hás been mentioned in the testimony, in order to inform you of thetarget of the things. And the information obtained at Carmo's (Convent? Church?) makes me feelmore relieved. Therefore we are going to succeed in the sense that if God wants to console usrevealing such hidden secrets, we no longer have to praise him. [the text is interrupted with thefollowing sidenote from the notary: "ask the defendant who revealed the Inquisition secrets".] thouwill receive letters that need your review. And, as I have I been saying, I will be settling my debts in

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ali of them. I trust God to enable me to settle the debt that thou hás paid for Mr. Duarte da Silva deLeão, without the need of thou doing it directly for I would protect myself if I felt danger in the personfor this is what one may infer in view of evils that will end well." Your spiritual cousin, FranciscoMendes.

• Carta de Bento de Mello Pinto, de 27.03.1646"As senhoras suas sobrinhas estou confiadíssimo hão de sair mui honradas, por me constar não sópor meu conceito, senão por certas informações que ouço. E queira Deus não suceda verem VossasMercês aos que, dizem, originaram este seu mal em estado que se diga; vejam Vossas Mercês asvinganças cumpridas em tal testemunho, isto não são coisas em que homem se estenda, nem eu souprofeta. Permita Nosso Senhor desenganar aos que não dão acrescentar a virtude em quem amerece." Bento de Mello Pinto22

Translation:Letter from Bento de Mello Pinto, dated 03.27.1646"Your nieces, who I am sure are very honoured ladies, and this not only because what I think aboutthe matter but from information I hear. May God not allow there to be a direct conflict between thouwith the ones are said to have generated your evils. May thou see that vengence hás been achievedwith the testimony presented. These are things that cannot be explained and I neither am I a prophet.May Our Lord allow to disillusion those who are not willing to add virtue to those who deserve it."Bento de Mello Pinto.

• Carta de Francisco Mendes, de 05.04.1646"Recebi a de V.M. de 21 do passado solenizando a boa saúde de V.M., digo boa saúde que gozava,que Deus a V.M. conceda com muitos anos de gostos, que espero nele ver no negócio presente, e noestado de V.M., e aqui me fica sempre do serviço de V.M.. E toda a tarde estive com o Prior de SãoDomingos, por quem correram muitas diligências depois da prisão e me deu grandes alívios de bomfim, em que Deus proveja suas misericórdias. E no mais do escrito tenho dito o necessário, que háêmulos com olhos de lince a que se deve atentar e em que me não alargo". Primo d'alma FranciscoMendes23

Translation:Letter from Francisco Mendes, dated 04.05.1646"I have received thy letter dated the 21S1. of last month highlighting your good health. May God give itto you with many years of hapiness, which I hope to find in the present transaction and in thycondition. I am always here at your service. I have spent ali afternoon with São Domingos' superior,who hás been in charge of my investigations after the arrest and hás given me great reliefs insofar Godprovides His mercy. Besides that I only say what is necessary, that there are guards secretelyobserving the interior of the houses, something to which one hás to pay attention, and this is an issuethat will not discuss in greater details." Your spiritual cousin, Franciso Mendes.

« Carta de Francisco Mendes, de 30.04.1646"A de V.M. que recebi pelo correio satisfarei pelo mesmo com a estima de Vossas Mercês gozaremboa saúde, que Deus lhes acrescente com gostos desejados, e eu possuindo-a ao serviço de Vs.Ms. edo senhor Duarte da Silva a quem a ofereço, e a V.M. motivos que me fizeram de alegrias em razãodo nosso negócio pendente, de que espero em Deus grandes triunfos de glória sua e honra nossa eainda que me não eram lhes hei de manifestar que se meteu nisto a senhora Rainha, e vejam [o texto éinterrompido com o seguinte apontamento do notário à margem da página: "Que se meteu nisto asenhora Rainha"} em que pararam as esperanças que se deram de estarem sem culpa, por outra viamais funda, que mal podem desfazer culpas favoures grandes, mas para apadrinhar inocências, sãode muito efeito. Com estas tenham Vs.Ms. por sem dúvida serem mandadas por malvados ânimos, quepodem ser não fiquem sem castigo. Tudo está em Deus, fim de nossa quietação e ruína de inimigos; oauto da santa fé sem dúvida se faz antes da festa do Espírito Santo, e nele ou antes há de sair a nossagente vitoriosa, do que a Deus sempre renderemos as graças, e de que avisarei a toda pressa, que olevará assim a cargo quem for assistir" Primo d'alma Francisco Mendes24

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Transladem:Letter from Francisco Mendes, dated 04.30.1646"I will answer to the letter thou sent me hoping that Vossas Mercês are in good health. May God grantit to you together with the fulfillment of other wishes. And if I am in good health I offer myself to beat Vossas Mercês' and Mr. Duarte da Silva's service. And I tell thou that I have had reasons for joy,due to our pending transaction, from which, may God permit, I expect great triumph of His Glory andour honour. And even if there was not any connection to me, I inform that the Queen tried tointerverne and see [the text is interrupted with the following sidenote from the notary: "the Queen hásintervened"] in what resulted the hopes given of not being guilty through a more efficient way becausebig favour do not manage to eliminate guilt, but they are very effective to foster innocence [(that is: toavoid being arrested)]. Thou can be sure with this experience that accusations are produced by meanpeople, which will possibly not remain without punishment. Everything is in God, the goal of ourtranquility and our enemies' ruin. The auto-da-fé will be held before the Holy Spirit Celebration andour people will come out victorious at that time or before it, for which we will always praise God andI will let you know immediately. Those who will attend will be able to confirm it." Your Spiritual

Cousin, Francisco Mendes.

• Carta de Manoel Pinto Cardoso, de 12.05.1646"Prezada V. Sá. Um amigo me veio dizer um destes dias, dissera Faustino Pereira no adro de S.Domingos que o senhor Diogo Pinto faltava que assim lhe escrevera V.M., e que com sotaque disseranão podia ser outro que por ordem de seu pai, pois levou consigo um moco que V.M. tinha de estima.Escuse V.M. dar semelhantes contas a certas pessoas, que nem todos nos querem bem, nem estão ostempos para semelhantes relações." "Manoel Pinto Cardoso" 5

Translation:Letter from Manoel Pinto Cardoso, dated 05.12.1646"Dear Sir. A friend told me one of these days that Faustino Pereira had said around São DomingosChurch that Mr. Diogo Pinto [(Duarte da Silva's son)] was not in Lisbon, which thou had written him.And that emphatically said that such exit could not have occurred except through an order from hisfather for ([Diogo]) had taken with him a boy whom you estimated. Please avoid telling such things tocertain people because not everybody wishes us well and neither are the times good for this kind of

relationship". Manoel Pinto Cardoso.

• Carta de Francisco Mendes, de 17.05.1646"No passado fiz a V.M. aflito de novo mal que me apertou com excesso. E a Deus graças, fico muimelhorado ao serviço de V.M., estimando V.M. possua boa saúde com o senhor Duarte da Silva aquem a ofereço e à Sra. Prima com os pêsames que referi no passado. E no mais tudo deixo a Deus eao tempo breve, que saiu de limpo cano e poderoso, e por aliviar [o texto é interrompido com oseguinte apontamento do notário à margem do processo: "Que pessoa era esta a quem chama limpocano e poderoso e que notícias lhe deu"} não calo, e assim me tenha V.M. a bem". Primo d'alma

Francisco Mendes26

Translation:Letter from Francisco Mendes, dated 05.17.1646"In the past I have made thee anxious due to a problem that hás upset me. Thank God I am muchbetter at thy service, hoping that thou art in good health, as well as Mr. Duarte da Silva, to whom Ioffer it and to Mrs. Cousin with the sympathy I sent before. I leave everything else in God's hand andto a short period of time. In order to relieve myself I cannot forget to inform that [(the suspect)] hásmanaged to come out well and strengthened] {the text is interrupted with the following sidenote fromthe notary: "who is this person he says managed to come out clean, strong and powerful and whatnews hás he given him"]. Therefore please try to understand me". Your spiritual cousin, Francisco

Mendes.

• Carta de Álvaro Lobo Tavares, de 16.08.1646"Para mostrar a V.M. o sentimento que tenho de nosso grande amigo, [digo-lhe que] nem língua nem

entendimento me ficou. V.S.a., aqui peço a V.M. de Mercê que com Luiz Fernandes faça vir logo

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procuração, digo provisão dei Rei para se entregarem seus bens e sua casa toda ao dito LuizFernandes ou a quem Vossas Mercês ordenarem para tirar a justiça desta casa e se lhe não veremseus papéis, que bem sabe V.M. o que é", [o texto é interrompido com o seguinte apontamento donotário à margem do processo: "Papéis de que o réu sabe"]. "Porto, 16 de agosto de 1646. ÁlvaroLobo Tavares".

Translation:Letter from Álvaro Lobo Tavares, dated 08.16.1646"In order to show thou how much I care for our great friend, [I tell you] that I have lost the ability to

speak and think. I here ask thou to please make before Luiz Fernandes soon come a King's order tohand in your assests and your house to Luiz Fernandes or whoever you assign, to send justice awayfrom this house and prevent your papers from being seen, which thou know very well what they are[the text is interrupted with the following sidenote from the notary: "papers the defendant is awareof']. "Porto, August 16, 1646. Álvaro Lobo Tavares."

* * *

In the same letter from Álvaro Lobo there was another message written in Manoel

Pinto Cardoso's handwriting:

"Não me dá lugar a escrever a V.M. o muito que tenho que fazer. A V.M. lhe importa venha ordempara que senão vejam os papéis que estão no escritório e assim necessita que [o texto é interrompidocom o seguinte apontamento do notário à margem do processo: "Receio de que se vejam ditos papéis"}V.M., de sua parte, traga provisão de vistoria do senhor Francisco Pinto. Se estes papéis ainda queespere dois dias o poder trazer, o diga V.M. a Luís Fernandes e faça V.M. ofício de amigo que é dequem Deus tem"27

Translation:"I do not have time to write thee because I am very busy. It is important to thee that the order not tosee the papers that are in the office comes. Therefore there is the need of [the text is interrupted withthe following sidenote from the notary: "fear that some papers may be seen"] thou to bring aninspection order from Mr. Francisco Pinto [Duarte da Silva's son]. Even if necessary to wait two daysto be able to bring the said papers. Tell this to Mr. Luis Fernandes and do your job as a friend ofsomeone who believes in God".

TESTIMONIES OF THE DRAMA OF BEING A CONVERTED CHRISTIAN

It was a time of great tension. In the last letter there were anxious recommendationsto Jorge Dias Brandão for him to act as quickly as possible and to use his politicalprestige in Lisbon. The goal was to take actions to prevent Duarte da Silva's homefrom being confiscated by the Holy Office with his arrest. It is evident the greatconcern both from Álvaro and Manoel was to prevent the Court from becomirtgaware of "papers" that were inside that house. These recommendations indicatedthat Duarte da Silva's group followed, through informers, the discussions that took

place inside the Inquisition Court one year before Duarte was arrested. They alsoshow that, even considering the "apathy" of the General Council regarding thatrequest (and the letters?) from the lower sessions of the Lisbon court, the merchantsdid not bet on the existence of a political split regarding the group's future. They

went on being cautious.Every New Christian family knew that, with the Inquisition active, arrests

could occur suddenly. Duarte da Silva's family had the same perception. Themerchants—and rightly só—feared more for their safety than for their wealth, as wellas for their prestige, when they were exposed to the greed and mistrust of their

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opponents, the Inquisition being, of course, one of them. That is why the conversomerchant group discussed here previously developed an information-gatheringsystem whose goal was to allow, in the event of an arrest, the cross-examination notbe a surprise. The previous arrangement is evident in the following letter fromFrancisco Mendes dated February 28, 1646:

"£ assim que da gente de cá não há que ter cuidado que tem dado no alvo dos inimigos, que sãoos declarados"

Translation:"There is no reason for thee to worry regarding the course of the processes"

And it is also there in a letter from Rafael de Burgos dated similarly:

"... como é tudo uma coisa lhe servira a mesma defesa que dizem as outras ..."

Translation:" ...the same defense the others would present should serve him... "

The motivation to correspond and the creation of a system paralleling the HolyOffice Court's by that group apparently was constructed in two stages. The first onewas the sending of an appeal for help to someone inside the Inquisition Court, inview of the arrests. At a second stage, Francisco Mendes managed to establishnegotiations through payment in cash. He informed Jorge Dias Brandão of that butalso tried to safeguard himself, justifying the altitude by the fact that money withoutpreservation of honour was not enough.

Despite lhe Iwo-slage altempts in January 1646, the Holy Office arrestedseveral members of the group and their relalives, ali of whom resided in Viana.However, one of the prisioners was not aware of the scheme and how he shouldpresent his defense wilhout involving the others. These concerns were expressed byFrancisco Mendes and Rafael de Burgos and referred to Bernardo de Medeiros, aconverso, Domingos de Medeiros' brother and Jorge Dias Brandão. They arepresented in two letters of February 28, 1646. One of them is from Rafael de Burgos:

"... e só do Medeiros pode haver mais sentimentos, pois devia ir ignorante dos agressores..."

Translation:"It is just in relation to Medeiros who could have shown more concerneven if he were ignorant of who his accusers are."

The other one is from Francisco Mendes:

"... com que se avise a esse moço, que não sabe de nada".

Translation:"Then it is reported that that young man [Medeiros], who knows nothing."

Jorge Dias Brandão sent money to the informer for, according to Francisco Mendes,"without his help" it would impossible to obtain information. In the letler of 22February 1646, it is writlen that:

"... e o ser avisado o de lá que fizemos está já sabendo; era a diligência que convinha, que tudo afazenda vence, e ela sem honra é um pouco de esterco, com que V.M. me haja por entendido."

Translation:"... and regarding the secret contact that you needed us to make I inform you that it hás alreadybeen made. It was the right action to be taken because money buys everything, but it hás to beassociated to honour."

And on 28 February 1646:

"... que sem o seu auxílio, mediante o divino, não poderei conseguir este bem, com tanta firmezaexperimentado..."

Translation:"... that without your help, through the Lord, I will not be able to achieve this asset, which is beingsó firmly promised."

High Court officers began to inform Mendes of the progress of his relatives' trials,the denouncers and the release. This way Francisco knew which of his acquaintaceshad accused his relatives and which had not. He knew he should be wary regardinghis circle of acquaintances. He knew the date of the auto-de-fé in which his relativeswould be released. In Francisco Mendes' letter dated 28 Februaryl646, it is written:

"... me afirmaram de São Domingos que três pessoas da nação foram ao testemunho ...".

Translation:"...And I learned at the São Domingos church that three persons of the nation [i.e. Crypto-Jews]

were witnesses at the Inquisition Court."

And in his letter of 30 Aprill646:

"... o auto da santa fé sem dúvida se faz antes da festa do espírito santo e nele ou antes há de saira nossa gente...".

Translation:"... The auto-da-fé will be held before the Holy Spirit Celebration and our people will come outvictorious at that time or before it."

Among the informers, the name of the São Domingos Church Superior, who was aLisbon Inquisition commissioner, is mentioned-and, apparently, another Court high-officer. Therefore, in his letter of February 22, 1646, Francisco Mendes writes:

"... se Deus quer consolar-nos com revelar segredos tão ocultos, não temos mais que louvá-loeternamente e a ele graças..."

Translation:"... if God wants to console us revealing such hidden secrets, we no longer have to praise him."

The commissioner28 tried to weaken the accusations made to the Viana prisioners inregard to the matters he was in charge of. Confident of lhe results that his actionwould have in the progress of those defendants' legal actions, he assured lhem of a"happy ending" to the arrest. This can be seen in a letter dated I March 1646:

Family Dramas/Prison Dramas

"...e hoje estive com o Prior de S.Domingos que me segurou todas estas esperanças, que Deus nosconfirme como desejamos para confusão destes inimigos".

Translation:"... and today I met with the prior of São Domingos who held ali these hopes... "

Also in the letter dated 5 April 1646:

"E toda a tarde estive com o Prior de S.Domingos, por quem correram muitas diligênciasdepois da prisão e me deu grandes alívios de bom fim ...".

The afflictions of a New Christian provided the Court members an opportunity toenhance their personal wealth. The Inquisition's secret, in this sense, was beingtraded like a product; i.e., the promises made by the informers and the informationthey held were being sold. Besides this financially inspired cooperation, one of theletters (dated February 28, 1646) describes an amazing situation:

"... e foi tão desavergonhado Barnabé Veloso que, ontem ao sair de Santo António, me perguntoucomo estava e que tivesse por certo que havia de ser alegre para a Páscoa"

Translation:"...And Barnabé Veloso was só insolent that yesterday, when I was coming out of a Santo António[church], he asked how I was and told me to be sure that I would have a joy at Easter."

An officer of the Inquisition-probably a "familiar", or informer—had a casualencounter in Viana, at the church door, with Francisco Mendes. At that time, hespontaneously conveyed optimism, suggesting between the Unes the approximatedate his relatives would be realeased. It is amazing, in this case, to see thatInquisition secrets were, in practice being disclosed, even though, in the casedescribed, with the purpose of gaining the friendship of a converso.

This encounter described allows one to reflect on the problem of the socialinteraction between the "familiar" or "family member' and the converted Jew. Theexistence of such a position was crucial to feed the great heretic-production machine.Maintaining the "family member" position depended on who filled it, which wasmeasured by the efficiency in controlling people's lives. The Holy Office FamilyMember nomination (the so-called letter) was the "Minerva's Vote" that theInquisitor General granted to a person who presented qualities in keeping with thevalues imposed by the Inquisition as the only acceptable and desirable ones for thewho lê society. In this sense, the Family Member's and his biológica! family blood,attested as "clean", should accompany a life history where there were no problemswith the Court of Faith. Anointed by the Inquisition, this officer acted as society's"official" listener. Since he enjoyed total trust from the Inquisitors, he had severalsocial privileges, like a special citizen. His interest was obviously in preserving thepower structure the Inquisition was a part of.

Society at that time cannot be easily explained. New and Old Christians livedtogether, as did sincerity and hypocrisy. Using dissimulation in social relationshipsand the urge to vengeance were ingredients of everyday life in the Portuguese societyof that sixcteenth and seventeenth centuries. This became clearer when there was an

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arrest within a family. This situation is described in the letters like the one dated 28February 1646:

"... que muitas vezes o pavor tira muitos males..."

Translation:"...Terror often removes many evils...".

Therefore, in reprisal for the lack of solidarity before the arrest of a convertedwoman, her family went to the Lisbon Court to make accusations against Duarte daSilva's relatives. It is amazing to see that the arrest was considered "a learningexperience", in Francisco Mendes' opinion. Furthermore he warned Jorge DiasBrandão to prepare some kind of future vengence against those "crooks". This kindof reaction shows the levei of penetration the Inquisition methods reached in society,even among the converted. In Mendes' opinion, the converso's arrest was anecessary evil. Francisco used the word "terror" to express the atmosphere involvingthe aforementioned woman's family member after her arrest. But he implied that heconsidered it a healthy/rig/jr, a corrective warning for the defendanfs family.

In Mendes' description we can see the "method" used by the Holy Office ofsocially spreading "terror" which was often within reach of ordinary individuais totake revenge in their everyday life. Threats were freely made and carried out.However, the fact that ordinary social relations were delimited by the Holy Office'sactions did not mean that they had become their perfect reflection. Solidarity waspresent always among the converted Jews, functioning as a means of strongresistance to the Inquisition's methods. The mere existence of such letters, developedand put into circulation within an extremely adverse context for convertedbusinessmen, particularly for Duarte da Silva, is an obvious sign that this solidaritywas present. The solidary, which was obviously unequally shown in view of theHoly Office's opportunistic mechanism, had to rely on the use of particular methods.

In order to trick the Inquisition's surveillance, for example, a letter was ableto get to Jorge Dias Brandão's hands because a family friend of Duarte da Silva, aconverso, offered to take advantage of a trip to Lisbon on business. The letter wentfrom Viana to Lisbon "hidden" in his merchandise. This episode is described in theletter dated 28 Februrary 1646:

"... com a vigia de tantos inimigos ofereceu-se Miguel Simões ... filho de António Roiz ... que vaipara a casa do amigo Luís Lopes Franco e lhe entregará esta, e dirá o mais do que o advertiu ovigário...".

Translanon:"... due to the surveillance of só many enemies, Miguel Simões, son of António Simões, that is,son of António Roiz, a man that lives in Britiandos who is going to the house of his friend LuisLopes Franco. Miguel will be the one delivering this letter to you and will convey to thee a viçar'swarning."

Also in the letter dated l March 1646:

"for Miguel Simões ... que vai com o Recoveiro que partiu ontem ...".

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Family Dramas/Prison Dramas

Translation:"...Through Miguel Simões, António Roiz's son, who is going with the merchandise conductorwho left yesterday..."

Mendes' description of the delivery of this letter reveals an outstanding piece ofinformation. The letter's emissary should, besides deliverirtg the epistle to Jorge, alsoconvey to him a message. Jorge was supposed to becorne acquainted with ali theletters sent to Lisbon at this time. The advice had come from an old Christian whowas a member of the religious community, a "viçar", who may have lived in the cityof Viana.

Analyzing Jorge Dias Brandão's reaction, we can see that there was fear thatremaining in the Inquisition's prisons subject to torture would result in furtheraccusations and those secondary accusations would be used to justify making newarrests. Jorge himself was sure that he would be arrested by the Holy Office. Thisfear appears in the letter of 22 March 1646:

"... em todas as impossibilidades de V.M. que sei acha nestas matérias quer Deus mostrar seuspoderes e misericórdias para alívio de aceitos".

Translation:"...show with ali these impossibilities you find [the text is interrupted with the following sidenotefrom the notary: "it shows that the defendant fmds it impossible not to be arrested"] is His powersand mercy for the relief of the accepted ones."

He believed he would be arrested shortly. Therefore, he decided not to wait for the"success" assured by High Court Officers, that is, the release, within a short time, ofhis relatives. Jorge Dias Brandão then wrote the king, asking for permission to leavePortugal. Dom João IV, after Consulting his assistants, denied his request. The kingargued that it would be a great loss for the Portuguese crown if it could not count onthe presence of converted businessmen in Portugal.29 Before Jorge's decision, therewas a dialogue on this subject in one of the letters, in which he confessed toFrancisco Mendes his intent to make the request to the king. Mendes' discouragedhim, advising him not to leave Portugal because he considered his presence crucial tothe successful resolution of the arrests. After ali, it was Jorge who was sending, inFrancisco's care, the money with which the "services" rendered by the Court officialswere being paid.

Francisco Mendes disagreed with his cousin regarding the more correct actionto take in view of the seriousness of the situation. Mendes did not think of leavingPortugal. At that time, he was not reluctant to expose himself to the InquisitorGeneral. It is not clear whether Francisco sent a letter to D. Francisco de Castro oracted as an intermediary. It is clear, however, that he wanted to make himself heardby the General Inquisitor. He must have believed that, if D. Francisco de Castro usedhis prestige, the case of his arrested relatives would be solved faster. And why didFrancisco Mendes wish to speed the events? Only to free his reiatives fromsuffering? Or because he feared that, during the cross-examinations, other arrestsmight take place?

The arrests in Francisco Mendes's family seemed to torment him. His moodis evident in the way he expressed himself, in the eagerness to convey a positiveexpectation to Jorge Dias Brandão regarding the moment. Mendes said he was

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expecting "in the suffering of divine Jesus" that there would be a way to prove theinnocence of his arrested relatives. Francisco, using the repertoire of the CatholicChurch, believed that, after this long-suffering way, (the symbol of Jesus chagas),his relatives would return to a normal social life, but enjoying a better position thanthe one they had before being arrested by the Faith Court. That is what he writes inhis letter of 29 February 1646:

"... importa muito ao melhoramento deste negócio não se apartar, ainda que seja por modo lícito

Translation:" ...it is very important that you not distance yourself, even through a licit way...".

And further :

"... espero nas chagas do divino Jesus nos há de amparar com a verdade e inocência desta gentepara que saiam com mais glória, que todo este povo está alvoroçado para celebrar com muitafesta, que espero veja V.M., para que farei próprio ao final, que não seja demorado, e para istoimportava muito a carta do Inquisidor Geral que pedi".

Translation:"... And with this I await at Jesus' suffering, who will certainly assist with the truth and innocenceof this people in order for them to come out with even more glory, that ali this people is excited tocelebrate with a big party, which I hope thou will attend and I will let you know beforehand. Ihope the outcome of the arrests will not take long and the fact that I requested a letter from theInquisitor General hás been very important for this purpose".

The use of this repertoire of terms and images by a converted Jew does notnecessarily indicate that he had adhered to Christianity. The idea of a trial, and theresulting glory afterwards, recalls the village mentioned in a Talmudic legend:

"narrada por um rabino em resposta à pergunta; por que os judeus preparam um banquete nanoite de sexta-feira? É a história de uma princesa exilada, longe dos seus compatriotas, quedefinha numa aldeia cuja língua ela não compreende. Um dia ela recebe uma carta do seu noivo,anunciando que não a tinha esquecido e que estava a caminho para revê-la. O noivo, diz o rabino,é o Messias, a princesa a alma, e a aldeia o corpo. Ignorando a língua falada na aldeia, seu únicomeio para comunicar-lhe a alegria que sente é preparar para ela um festim",

Translation:"Narrated by a rabi to answer the following question: why do Jewish people prepare a feast Fridaynight? It is the story of an exiled princess who is far away from her compatriots and is dying in avillage where people speak a language she does not understand. One day she receives a letter fromher fiancé saying that he had not forgotten her and was on his way to see her again. The fiancé,says the Rabbi, is the Messiah, the princess the soul and the village the body. Since she did notunderstand the language spoken in the village, the only way the village had to show the joy it wasfeeling is to prepare a feast.

Francisco Mendes idealized the events, building on these images to make them morereal.

The idealized situation he pictured appears on several occasions. Thus, in aletter dated 2 Januaryl646, Mendes stated that his Viana group was very happy for,with the expected release of their arrested relatives, the family honour would berestored:

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"... nós estamos muito alegres de termos um glorioso sucesso com maior pureza de honra, e comela, com o favour divino, gozar outras, à sombra das de V.M. em que espero ver-me com muito edobrado gosto"

Translalion:"we are very happy to have our honour strengthened and enjoy other [(glories)] with it at thyshadow in which I hope to include myself with greater satisfaction."

Would Úiisjoy and concern with honour be referring to the merchant group? This isnot absurd, since the seventeenth. century represented a period in history in whichvalues inherent in the bourgeois class the conversos belonged to were beinggenerated, values that made it possible to distinguish them from ali the other sociallayers. It is worth noting that, besides the "heretic" and the " puré blood", "honour"was one the myths of the seventeenth-century Iberian society, marking even theSephardi Jewish culture.

Mendes expressed his view regarding the end of his relatives' arrest,characterizing this combination the same way. He already knew the approximatetime the group would be released. Francisco Mendes translated this ending as avictory. The news is presented in the letter dated 30 April 1646:

"... o auto da santa fé sem dúvida se faz antes da festa do Espírito Santo, e nele ou antes há de saira nossa gente vitoriosa ... avisarei a toda pressa, que o levará assim a cargo quem for assistir"

Translation:"...an auto-da-fé will be held before the Holy Spirit Celebration and our people will come out and Iwill let you know immediately.. Those who will attend will be able to confirm it."

In spite of the optimistic idealization of a happy ending, his words reveal somethingmore. The society that lived under the Inquisition lived under a constant death threat.The sense of victory was translated into the expectation of "reconciliation", a formalsentence that, after the terrible years spent in prison under torture, imposedpenitences on the defendants. Despite not being sentenced to death, the fact ofparticipating in an auto-de-fé was not a victory. Almost ali Inquisition defendantsattended the autos-de-fé wearing their "sambenitos"—convicted clothes—to listen totheir sentences. It was a losing situation. The defendant became socially stigmatized.

No matter how influenciai the person was in society, the Holy Office wouldnot spare him from going through ali the stages of the Inquisitorial process, once hisarrest was decreed. And it acted with absolute autonomy, not admitting anyinterference from the crown or civil governments with its prerrogative of arrestingand punishing for "crimes against the Catholic faith" or the established morais. TheInquisitor General, in charge of the arrests determined by the Inquisition, was aposition assigned directly by the king and confirmed by the Pope. Once observingthis formality, however, his actions were autonomous and defined by the Holy Officeitself. Under Don João IV, the autonomous nature of the Holy Office wasquestioned. The Queen, Luísa de Gusmão, made a personal attempt to grant theHouse of Bragança more prestige regarding the arrests made by the Holy Office.

These facts reinforce the idea of a power crisis. The Portuguese crown,through its request to the Inquisition, was interfering in an área that was not its

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responsibility. The Queen D. Luíza episode, related by Mendes, did not reach afavourable ending. The Inquisition refused to meet the queen's request, when shefought to prove the innocence of a defendant before the Holy Office and to have himreleased.

The report presented in that letter was included with the deliberate aim ofarousing Lisbon's converso merchants, especially those who belonged to Duarte daSilva's group. Because they were free at the time, they would be able to takeadvantage of being close to the king. They should count on the possibility of theCrown's intervention to preveni their arrest. The queen's intervention is described inthe letter dated 30 April 1646:

"... se meteu nisto a senhora Rainha, e vejam em que pararam as esperanças que se deram deestarem sem culpa, por outra via mais funda, que mal podem desfazer culpas favoures grandes,mas para apadrinhar inocências, são de muito efeito ..."

Translalion:"... that the Queen tried to interverne and see [the text is interrupted with the following sidenotefrom the notary: "the Queen hás intervened"] in what resulted the hopes given of not being guiltythrough a more efiicient way because big favour do not manage to eliminate guilt, but they arevery effective to foster innocence."

At a given moment the group learned the fate of its leading merchant, Duarte daSilva. That is why Jorge Dias Brandão was contacted by letter. It was written in ahurry and under great tension. Its authors were Álvaro Lobo Tavares and ManoelPinto Cardoso, two converted Jews from the city of Porto. Álvaro asked Jorge to gainthe king's permission to hand in the movable assets of a certain house to a certainLuiz Fernandes or another trusted person, showing that he feared that somedocuments would get in the Inquisition's hand. Manoel reiterated Álvaro's concernand suggested that Jorge try to get an inspection authorization and hand it inpersonally. He noted that if he did not manage to the get the permission soon, heshould let Luiz Fernandes know within two days.

There is another important fact. Álvaro suggested that Jorge meet King JoãoIV directly and then immediately preveni the Inquisition from performing its routineprocedure of entering into the person's house with the arrest order, In the letter dated16 August, it is written:

"... peço a V.M. de mercê que com Luiz Fernandes faça vir logo procuração, digo provisão dei Reipara se entregarem seus bens e sua casa toda ao dito Luiz Fernandes ou a quem Vossas Mercêsordenarem para tirar a justiça desta casa e se lhe não verem seus papéis, que bem sabe V.M. oque é".

Translation:"... I here ask thee to please act before Luiz Fernandes delivers a King's order to hand in thyassests and thy house to Luiz Fernandes or whoever thou assignest, to send justice away from thishouse and preveni your papers from being seen, which thou knowst very well what they are".

The closeness between the converso and the king indicates the divisions between theCrown and the Inquisition, as well as the alliance between the merchant group andthe king.

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PRISON NOTES

Conditions were very harsh at the Holy Office. Tortures, small and dark cells,mistrust, illness, fear. AU of those formed the punitive universe of those accused ofattempting to taint the established morais of the kingdom or by secretly practicingJewish rites and/or ceremonies. Even so,we can see resistance and solidarity amongthe accused. In the case studied here—Duarte da Silva and his relatives—we observethat, in prison, they tried to organize themselves to keep their spirits high and topreveni any one from harming the others. It is worth noting that many members ofthis family were arrested at the same time: a wife, a son and a daughter, besidesbrothers-in-law and the cousins Rodrigo Aires Brandão and Jorge Dias Brandão.31

At the Inquisition's prisons, the family exchanged notes with other prisoners.Such notes are part of the lawsuit filed by the Lisbon Holy Office Court againstDuarte da Silva. His file contains the following observation:

"Os quais escritos que foram traslados das próprias tiras contém o que em tudo disse respeito, eforam achados no cárcere de Duarte da Silva, que por serem em pedaços de papelinhos ficaramem poder do Promotor, em cuja presença os trasladei e concertei com o Notário, aqui comigoassinado. Lisboa, nos Estáos, em dezessete de julho de mil seiscentos e cinquenta e dois anos"íl.

Transíation:These notes contain everything and were found in Duarte da Silva's cell. Since they are pieces ofpaper they remained with the Prosecutor, before whom I transcribed and corrected them wth theNotary, who undersigned with me. Lisbon, 17 July 1652.

These notes circulated through Maria das Candeias and Beatriz Rodrigues, prisonersaccused of "judaizing". These women were allowed to move about in the prisonbecause they did kitchen work and served meais.33 The notes circulated between thecells hidden in food such as mutton and fried eggs. Sometimes they were placedbetween the meai bowl and a second dish placed under it.34 The writings in thesenotes were sometimes "unrecognizable" since they used "somekind of stick" as apen. It was difficult to hide notes in the dungeons. Rodrigo Aires Brandão, forexample, put his notes in a hole in the cell wall.

The defendants that corresponded through notes used codes, for securityreasons. As soon as the Inquisition discovered this correspondence, the defendantsinvolved were cross-examined and part of those codes was disclosed. We tried toenhance the disclosure of this coding. The notes are numbered l to 7, according tothe classification given by the inquisitors, but are undated:

THE SECRET NOTES

Numbergiven by theInquisition

23

Author

Manuel Fernandes Vila RealMaria das CandeiasJorge Dias Brandão?

Probable Addressee

Duarte da SilvaDuarte da SilvaDuarte da Silva ouRodrigo Aires Brandão

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456

7

Francisco Dias da SilvaFrancisco Dias da SilvaRodrigo Aires Brandão

Jorge Dias Brandão

Jorge Dias BrandãoDuarte da SilvaJorge Dias Brandão?Duarte da Silva?Duarte da Silva

Source: Lawsuit 8,132, Duarte da Silva, pp. 84 to 86.

• BILHETE N° 1. DE MANOEL FERNANDES VILA REAL

"Amigo e senhor meu, com a doença do Nosso anjo (porque Nesta casa até os anjos padecem) nãopude responder mais cedo, e sabe Deus o alívio que tive com o que V.M. me diz do estado de suacausa, que espero seja como V.M. dizia. Eu, senhor, estava despachado com cinquenta mil réis cadamês por ordem de S. Majestade, de quem era bem visto, e de todos os ministros, e além disto nomeadopor comissário dos Três Estados e o meu ofício estabelecido. Tudo pane com a liberdade, e queremparta também a vida: tenho dado contraditas, queira Deus aproveitem. Darei a V.M. novas de MariaFerraz, que com muitas lágrimas falávamos em V.M., e ia muitas vezes visitar a senhora DonaBranca. O companheiro, ainda que não conhece a V.M., agradece a Mercê que V.M. lhe faz, e queiraDeus dê a V.M. liberdade para que vá alegrar sua casa, de quem V.M. pode estar certo que lhe nãofalta mais que a vista de V.M. a quem Deus guarde. Amigo d'alma. V./?."35

Transíation:NOTE NO. l, FROM MANOEL FERNANDES VILA REAL"My Friend and Master, with the illness of Our angel (because in this house even the angels suffer) Iwas not able to answer sooner and God knows the relief I felt with what thou told me about the statusof your cause, which I hope is as thou saidst. I was assigned to my position with fifty thousand réiseach month by Your Majesty's order, who had me in high regard, and ali ministers, and besides thatnominated by commisioner of the Three States and my job established. Everything goes away withfreedom and they want life to go too. I nave presented my defense in my lawsuit. May God allowthem to benefit from it. I will give thee news from Maria Ferraz, who spoke about thee with a lot oftears and often went to visit Dona Branca. The partner, who still does not know thee, thanks íhefavour thou doest him and may God give thee freedom to bring joy to thy house, from a person whomthou mayst be sure always asks God to protect thee. Thy soul friend. V.R.

This note, written by Manuel Fernandes Vila Real, is even signed with the letters"V.R." This note also made reference to the temporary interruption in the circulationof correspondence among the prisoners. It was probably destined for Duarte da Silva.Vila Real excused himself for not answering before. He recalled that the delay wasdue to the "illness" of Maria das Candeias ("Our Angel"). He used allegories todescribe how the loss of freedom by a human being is the most serious thing thatcould happen to him. He also expressed fear that something more serious could resultfrom his arrest by the Holy Office ("they want life to go too"). He said he feltrelieved by Duarte da Silva's news about his lawsuit. He felt he was the victim of agreat injustice: after ali, how could a man the king and his direct assistants trusted,covered with privileges resulting from his performance of his duties in France bethrown in jail like that? Vila Real was insecure regarding the defense ("contraditas")he presented. He promised to pass on information that he was able to see and noticeduring the visits he paid to the Duarte family home in Lisbon before his arrest. Afriend, Maria Ferraz , visited Branca da Silva, Duarte da Silva's wife several times.He had news to tell about her. He participated with both in passionate conversationsabout his arrest. He did not miss anything in Duarte's house except the presence ofthe head of family. He hoped he would be able to regain this freedom to bring backjoy to his family. He thanked Duarte for apparently he did a certain favour to the

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prison companion. But he made it clear that they did not know each other. The issuesdiscussed in Manuel Vila Real's note indicate that his participation in thecorrespondence had probably begun only recently. He did not accept his arrest.Being a converso, he felt secure far from the Inquisition in France. There he had astable situation that had, however, been upset by the Holy Office's action. His wordsseern to indicate that, during his stay in Lisbon, he did not foresee that the he wouldsuffer the same fate Duarte da Silva had.

• BILHETE N° 2, DE MARIA DAS CANDEIAS

"Meu senhor Conde, não respondi até agora a V.M., porque estava com grande paixão, que o recadoque V. M. mandou não o que mandou para os senhores, senão o outro estava ocupada, veio acompanheira que o arrecadasse até o poder ler, e ela o deixou comer ao gato, assim que não fez oque vinha nele. Saberá V.M. como ao senhor Miranda já o mudaram; está em cima no cimo nono,aonde estão as mulheres, ele me mandou dizer que entrava agora em livramento. E hoje lhe escrevique mandasse dizer se teve novidade, e a resposta que vier logo avisarei a V.M.. Eu já estou boa,Deus louvado, mas muito enfadada que me cresceu uma testemunha, não posso saber quem é. Nossosenhor me acuda que tanto me perseguem trabalhos. A companheira manda muitos recados a V.M.,ela já está melhor, Deus louvado, a senhora Abadessa está de saúde, os recados dos senhores já osmandei, e adeus meu senhor"^.

Translation:NOTE No. 2, FROM MARIA DAS CANDEIAS:"My dear count: I did not answer thee up to now because I was very upset. Regarding the message

thou hast sent, not the one sent to the gentlemen, but the other one, I was busy. It was my companionwho held it until I was able to read it, but she let the note be damaged by a cat. That is why she did notdo what carne in it. Be informed that Mr. Miranda changed cell. He is now on the upper floor, wherethe women are. He asked to say that now he is free. And today I wrote him to asking to iet us knowwhether he had any news and as soon as the answer comes I will let thee know. I am already well,praised be the Lord, but very upset because one witness was added to the lawsuit. I cannot know whohe/she is. God help me, for they give me só much work to do. My companion sends many messages tothee. Thank God, the abbess is already better. I have already sent the gentlemen's messages. Farewell,my master".

The note was directed to Duarte da Silva (the "Count"). It said that only one ofDuarte's notes had been delivered because she was sick ("with greaí passion").Beatriz Rodrigues, who then took over, was not able to deliver it either. There hadbeen an accident: a cat had torn the note. Returning to her duties she was able toinform that Francisco Dias da Silva ('Miranda"), that Duarte da Silva's son had beenmoved to another cell on the upper floor in a corridor where only "women" were heldprisoner. Francisco asked to say that he would be freed from prison. Maria said thatshe had also tried, on that day, to hear news about Francisco. As soon as she had anynews, Duarte would be informed. About her case (that is, Maria's) she declaredherself to be upset ('enfadada") because a new witness had been added to the lawsuitwithout her knowing, for the time being, who he or she was. She also said thatBeatriz Rodrigues was already "better" and she would send many notes through her.She anticipated what she knew about one of them. Catarina da Silva ("Abbess") ,Duarte's daughter, was in good health. She also informed him that she had alreadysent Duarte's notes to the "gentlemen". Maria and Beatriz were the people who madethe correspondence between prisoners viable. We can see that the opportunity hadbeen created, without intention, by the inquisitors themselves: for they moved them

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daíly from the cells to work in the kitchen. In this respect, Maria announced that shewas being exploited ("they give me só much work to do").

• BILHETE N° 3, DE JORGE DIAS BRANDÃO

"Senhor, veja este que chega em dezesseis, e o que dele entender se puder mo diga, que cuidocoarctou. Eu fico advertido que em novembro, fim, até fevereiro de 1646 estivera em Falhava, como éverdade, e ainda alega mais, que não se pode ler. Eu mandei papel e V.M. manda-o ao Anjo, a R.adverti, e o senhor Sva. entendo que é fora, ou que vai nesta maré, em que vai o músico que foi o dostratos. E ontem mudaram ao doente N.R. para ele, que é sinal que o querem botar. Deus nos dê boahora. C. mandou recado a F., está com saúde, tem a companheira sangrado, eu me temia da Ma. peloque a tenho, agora será o que for, e a Deus senhor"37.

Translation:NOTE No. 5, FROM JORGE DIAS BRANDÃO

"Sir, look at thís note that is in your hands on the 16*. Tell me what you can understand from it, for Iunderstand that it tries to point out some detense allegations presented. It warns me that from the endof November to February 1646 he was in Falhava, which is true. There were other allegations but it isimpossible to read them. I sent paper and you sent it to Angel. I warned R. I understand that Mr. Sva.is [either] out or will [soon] be released with the next group, the one with the musician, the one withthe torturers. Yesterday they brought the ill N.R. to his cell, which is a sign that they want them tostay. May God grant us a good time. C. sení F. a message. He is in good health, his companion isbleeding. I fear for Ma., but now she is in God's hand".

The only clarifications about this note were given to the inquisitors by Rodrigo AiresBrandão, Jorge's brother. He said that the letter "R" seen in his text referred tohimself. The author of the note said that Rodrigo was aware of a certain fact. Thismean that this not was not destined for Rodrigo, but for Duarte da Silva. "Jorge Dias"asked Duarte to deliver this "piece of paper" that fell into his hands to Maria dasCandeias. He said that Rodrigo had already been informed about this. Jorge then re-passed a certain note to Duarte, asking him to help him decipher it. He said heunderstood only two points. First, he claimed that its author presented the"coarctada" defense in his lawsuit, that is, the one that aimed at showing that he hadnot committed the "crime" which had been imputed to him because he was atdifferent place from the one his accuser said he was. Second, he had to tell theinquisitors that he had been out of Lisbon at the end of the year of 1645 to February1646 and also that during the said period he had been at his estale in Benfica. Hetold Duarte that that was "true", but he was worried because he was not able to readthe sequence of the notes. Jorge aiso passed hirrt other information. He said thatprisoner Vasconcelos (the "musician") would go out in a short time to be exhibited—after going through another session of torture—in the next auto-de-fé. Regarding theother prisoner ("Sva"), he had either been released or would be só on the next auto.He revealed that António Lopes Savedra ("N.R.") was sick and had been transferredthe day before to the cell occupied by Vasconcelos. He implíed that the transfer had ameaning that he and Duarte understood. It did not seem a positive transfer, for heconcluded: "May God grant us a good time". Jorge informed about a message sent byanother prisoner ("C"). "C" told "F" that she was in good health, even though she hadbleeding problems. He confessed to Duarte that, due to what he thought of a prisoner("Ma."), he was worried about what she might tell the inquisitors. Since the trial wasover, the only thing they could do was wait for the verdict.

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This note showed that "Jorge", even in prison, received information whichwas kept in absolute secrecy, according to the Inquisition rules, regarding the finalresult of the legal processes. He knew of prisoners who had been released or wouldbe released with time to serve. He knew of a cross-examination to be held and sharedwith Duarte da Silva the tension on the consequence of "Ma."'s cross-examination.On the other hand, Jorge Dias Brandão tried to understand the meaning of ali thisbustle on the part of the inquisitors. He tried to figure out why António LopesSavedra had been transferred, when sick, to the same cell occupied by Vasconcelos,who would soon be released from the Inquisition.

It was vital to make the inquisitors attribute this note to Jorge Dias Brandão.Jorge had said that Duarte da Silva had been warned by a note to declare that he wasnot in Lisbon during that period. The said period was very close to the time his Vianarelatives were arrested. That explains the correspondence (thirteen letters) betweenthe cities of Viana, Porto and Lisbon. The addressee was Jorge Dias Brandão, whocentralized ali this communication. In February 1646, when the letters began tocirculate, Jorge received four messages. In one of these epistles there were twosidenotes made by the notaries (at the inquisitor's request), highlighting Jorge's fearin view of his relatives' arrest and the contact inside the Inquisition revealed byFrancisco Mendes. The inquisitors might then have concluded that Jorge was theperson most interested in being warned to say that he was not in Lisbon but inBenfica.

• BILHETE N° 4, DE FRANCISCO DIAS DA SILVA

"Meu querido Manoel Jorge, diga V.M. que haverá quatro anos e nove meses que estávamos demorada em Falhava com o Moraes por hóspede, porque me forma a publicação neste tempo, digo,porque me forma a publicação culpa neste tempo, que diz a primeira testemunha que a este tempo queme ouvira dizer que também eu era judeu e em Lisboa e é grande mentira, porque estávamos \naquinta, e esta testemunha é a pior que tenho, que a segunda não diz senão que eu queria fazer dano auma pessoa por ser bacharel, e não tenho mais nada contra mini. V.M. diga isto, e mande este aoConde para que também diga que estávamos neste tempo na quinta com o Moraes por hóspede, queimporta. Testemunhas: Corrêa, Francisca, Ama de Serafma e Penso. E ânimo, e valor, que eu hei demorrer pela verdade. Eu escrevi a Menina, e Vs. Ms. façam o mesmo e a Deus" .

Translation:NOTE No. 4.BY FRANCISCO DIAS DA SILVA"My dear Manoel Jorge, say that it hás been four years and nine months that we were living inFalhava with Moraes as a guest, because the accusation presented is at that time, that the first witnesssays that he heard me say that I was a Jew too and in Lisbon and it is a big lie because we were at theestate, and this witness is the worst I have, that the second only says that I wanted to harm a personbecause he hás bachelor's degree and there is nothing more against me. Say thou ali that and send thisto the Count só that he will also say that we were at the estate at that time with Moraes as a guest, thisis important. Witnesses: Corrêa, Francisca, Ama de Serafma and Penso. Courage and strength that Iwill die for the truth. I have written the Girl and thou do the same and good-bye."

Francisco, Duarte da Silva's son and Jorge and Rodrigo Brandão's nephew, wasdirecting one of his uncles ("Manoel Jorge") to say in his deposition that they hadbeen living in the Falhava estate four years and nine months, having with themManoel Fernandes de Moraes ("Moraes"). He explained that this was important to hisdefense because, after reading the accusation depositions he had against him("publication" of the evidence), he learned that the inquisitors were imputing to him

Troubled Souls

crimes during that period. He explained that he had two witnesses against him, thefirst one being the accusation he considered most serious. Such a witness haddeclared that he had heard him say, in Lisbon, that he was a Jew. Francisco informedhim that he had denied the fact, alleging that he was not in Lisbon at that time. Hewas not concerned about the second witness. The latter blamed him for trying toharm a person only because she had a "bachelor's" degree. In the note Franciscoasked for the message to be sent to Duarte da Silva ("Count") also, for he shouldrepeat the same words indicated in his testimony. He mentioned four people aswitnesses to defend him before the Inquisitors. Barbosa da Silva, who took care ofhis younger sister, Serafina, was one of them. The New Christian businessman,Fernão Rodrigues Penso, a correspondem in his father's businesses, was also trustedby the family. In the letter Francisco recommended to his uncle and his father thatthey send notes to his sister, Catarina da Silva ("girl"), as he had done. The note endswith a brief message in which Francisco tries to encourage the people who wouldread it. He used his courage and determination as an example ("/ will die for thetruth"). Francisco's statement indicates what his behavior was like before theinquisitors up to that moment. His goal was to prove that he was out of Lisbon duringa certain period of time, of which he had been informed-in a very superficialmanner—according to the inquisition process procedure; and through the reading ofthe accusations presented by the Inquisition Prosecutor. When they were in Falhava,they had received a friend ("Moraes"). Francisco was very concerned to coordinatethis argument. This same concern is apparently present in a previous note (cp. BilheteNo 3), in which Jorge agrees with Duarte da Silva that in a certain note received hewas only able to understand a few things. Among them was a warning to say that in acertain period of time he was out of Lisbon in the Palhavã estate, in view of thedefense arguments the author of the note had presented. Thus the note Jorge receivedmust have been this one by Francisco Dias da Silva. In this note (the fourth one),Francisco mobilized ali his attention to the development of his inquisition process,but in another note he used very different words.

• BILHETE N° 5, DE FRANCISCO DIAS DA SILVA

"Meu querido e amado Conde dos meus olhos, Miranda pede muito a V.M. que, para conservar avida, convém muito fazer por dormir, porque o sono é o que alenta, não botando o sentido a nada, eque descanse, porque a sua vida não é somente para restaurar assim, mas para aumento de muitospenhores, e que almoce sempre um pastel, porque os mais ataques cedo sararão com a vista daCondessa, que tinha grande valor em tudo. E Miranda tem sabido por três vezes de certoscompanheiros que tem 22 meses que ela estava no mundo. Ter ânimo, há de sarar, o que convém éque Henrique Greli não bote o humor por uma das duas feridas que entendo tem, suposto que lhasespremam, e ... mais feridas e as do Conde sararão. Miranda, além do que se lhe receitou, curou acutilada por bom trato, porquanto lho deu os amores de Catarina, a Lavandeira, e declarou aspróprias mesinhas a Manoel Jorge, para que ele e o Conde o articulassem também, que importa. NaCoarctada não quiseram tomar nada, porquanto era pouca distância, com ela encheu Miranda meiafolha, e com o mais uma até o cabo. E não queriam nada de Nação, eu me agastei e as fiz por comrazões que dei. E a Deus, ter ânimo"3 .

Translation:

NOTE No. S, FROM FRANSCISCO DIAS DA SILVA" My dear and Count, beloved of my eyes, Miranda ask thee very much to preserve thy life, beingadvisable to do a lot to sleep, because sleep is what cheers us up, making us forget everything, and to

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rest, because thy life will not be restored this way: but to make it safer, and to always eat because theindisposition will be cured soon with the Countess' ituention, who had great value in ali. And Mirandahás learned three times of certain companions that she hás been in the world for 22 months. Courage,thou wilt get better. The convenient thing is for Henrique Greli not to spoil everything for one of thetwo wounds I understand he hás, and the Count's wound will heal. Miranda, besides what wasprescribed to her, healed the wound with the good cares of Catarina, the washerwoman, and revealedhomemade and proper medication to the Count in order for him and the Count to arrange the same.They did not take anything in consideration from the defense I presented because the accusationpresented dealt with a fact that had occurred somewhere else. Miranda filled half a page about thisissue and a whole page on other issues. And they did not want anything from Nação, l got angry andhad the issue included. And good-bye. Courage".

Francisco, in this note, tries to show the affection he had for his father. One mayassume that Duarte da Silva informed him of the criticai situation he was goingthrough in the Inquisition. Francisco ("Miranda") told the father he was worriedabout his health and about the anxiety that was preventing him from sleeping. Duartehad been suffering sudden attacks in his cell that kept him from eating. Franciscoadvises him to eat, no matter how little, in order to overcome his health problems. Toencourage his father, Francisco also mentions his mother, Branca da Silva("Countess"), and her strength. He informs him that he had news that Branca wasfree ("in the world") for almost two years. He reminded that he himself had been sickdue to a wound ("cutilada"), but he hás managed to recover. He also remarks that hecured himself trying to sleep and eat. He also says that Catarina, who worked as awasherwoman in this Inquisition prison, had been very devoted to treating him. Headded that Catarina suggested homemade medicines ("mezinhas") for the uncle("Manoel Jorge") and the father ("the Count"). Francisco asked them to find a way toget them in their cells.

Regarding his lawsuit he ("Henrique Greli") hoped not to lose his serenity ifhe had to face the serious accusations in a cross-examination. He implied that hisfather had similar problems to face in the Inquisition, but he tried to encourage him,suggesting that they were close to overcoming them. Francisco explained that hisdefense ("coarctada" -alleging that he was not at the place he was accused of beingat the time) had not been accepted by the inquisitors. Due to his nervousness, hemade his lawyer include in the text forwarded arguments that were not even untilthen taken into consideration. His only explanation was the statement that thelocation he proved he was in at the time was very close to the place pointed out bythe prosecution witness. Francisco thus declares himself unreconciled because hisdefense was strongly based on this point. He ends the note urging his father to bestrong and courageous.

Among the many clarifications Francisco gave the inquisitors on this note,there is one about his mother Branca da Silva. He had learned, when arrested in theInquisition that his mother had been transferred to another prison at a place calledEscolas Gerais, which the church devoted to the indoctrination of former Holy Officedefendants, instructing them on the basics of Catholicism over a period that rangedfrom thirty to ninety days.

Arrested for two years, he managed to find the strength to encourage his father,who was depressed and in poor health, probably due to torture. U is worth notingFrancisco's maturity in the way he advised his father to cheer up, giving his ownrecovery as an example. Therefore, there was an alternate solidarity scheme opposing

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the prison's repressive system. Another example was the help of the woman whocured Francisco and who suggested medicines for his relatives. Francisco's noteshows that Inquisition prisoners were left on their own, in view of the disregard onthe part of the inquisitors.

• BILHETE N° 6, DE RODRIGO AIRES BRANDÃO

"Senhor, hoje, terça-feira, me chamaram e me disseram que as segundas contraditas com que vieranão eram de receber. E cuidando que nisso me davam grande susto me deram muito alívio, porque aodo Jacinto, como acharam que havia quatorze anos pouco mais ou menos que havia saído, e a culpaera de doze, e quatro meses e vendo que sabem de Guengue que foi do Calabar a Bahia houvera seisanos e meio, e a culpa lá é de seis e três meses, também viram não servia; e a volta disso meteram opano do libelo. E perguntando se servia algumas disseram que não eram de receber, veja V.M. paraque me pediram testemunhas. E me disse o letrado que, se eu tinha com que provar o que dizia, quenão havia mais, V.M. me diga se entende isto que eu digo. Ê assim, porque se me foram necessárias,qualquer coisa que eu alegara, me haviam de receber, e mais sendo estas tão instruídas, e eu estoumuito contente, porque me parece dei no chiste. E quem me trouxe aviso não podia ser senão dasduas, S. e D., porque no tempo da uma, elas não deviam lançar boas contas, porque a mentira não dálugar a nada e elas esta tinham para tudo, quando fui nomear, não quiseram D.S. por testemunhanem Domingues, e assim vieram com esta volta. E V.M. me diga seu parecer, e Deus me guarde aV.M. Eu estou ainda muito doente, como Deus me ajuda, e me guarde a V.M." .

Translation:NOTE No. 6, FROM RODRIGO AIRES BRANDÃO"Sir, today, Tuesday, I was called and told that the second defense I presented hás not been accepted.And they thought they were giving me a big scare with this Information, but in fact they gave merelief because Jacinto, since they thought he had left more or less fourteen years ago and his sentencewas of twelve years and four months, and seeing that they know that Ouenge went from Calabar toBahia six years and six months ago, his sentence there is of six years and three months, and after thedefense was refused, the attorney presented a new opening statement and when I asked if the newdefense I presented would be accepted they said no. They asked me to present witnesses. And thescholar told me that if I had means to prove what I said, I no longer had it. Tell me if you understandwhat I am saying. It is só because if there were a true chance of defense, they would accept anything Ialleged. I am happy for having realized that even though I prepared só well my defense, there is noreal chance of being acquitted. I suspect that the person responsible for my arrest is either S. or D.,because they frequently lied and when I assigned Domingues as a witness, it was not accepted. Pleasegive me your opinion and may God see to that everything is ali right with you. I am still very sick.May God see to that everything is ali right with you."

Jorge's brother, Rodrigo Aires Brandão, like his brother, experienced the frustrationof seeing his defense rejected, but he drew a different conclusion from the rejection.He wrote a note in which he commented that one of the defenses he presented ("thesecond defense) had not been accepted by the inquisitors. However, he declared hefelt very relieved with the answer received, because he was able to draw someconclusions from that. He comments that his lawyer had told him after the refusalthat if he was not able to prove what he had said, there was nothing else to do.Rodrigo found this answer strange ("tell me if you understand what í am saying");and adds that if there was a real chance of defense any point presented would havebeen taken into consideration. And in his case the evidence was substantial. Even sóhe was happy for having found out the irony (chiste") that was the defense scenarioset up by Inquisition for the defendants. In his note, Rodrigo points out two people-Jacinto and Guenge-he thought were his accusers. Regarding the alleged accuser

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Jacinto, he writes that his inquisitors did not accept his arguments becausesupposedly there was a difference between the period mentioned in the defense andthe time the "crime" occurred. The same happened with the defense thedenunciations made by the second alleged accuser, Guengue. In the course of thelawsuit, the attorney enrolled ali the witnesses that accused him of "Judaizing",ignoring everything he had argued in his defense. Rodrigo also suspected two womenof being his accusers ("S. and D."). In his opinion, these women were not veryreliable. Rodrigo ends the note asking the person to whom he had written it toexplain the meaning of the possibility of defending himself during the proceedingsthat had been suggested to him.

• BILHETE N° 7, DE JORGE DIAS BRANDÃO

"V.M. escreveu de tal modo que nem letra posso julgar, que sabe Deus que a tinta pela qual esperavapara saber o que pedia. E assim vai este socorro para me vir tudo o que continha com boa tinta: eufui a dar fim. Com pressa me chamaram com boa graça. O de Viana é que em maio de 1644, segundodiz que se quisera declarar comigo, e que lhe dissera que o não entendia, e que por tais modos usavade tal declaração, que bem me mostrava ser testemunha... e o primeiro, aqui em janeiro de 1646, queeu perguntara se fulano era homem de bem, e que, entendendo que eu perguntava pelo procedimento,me disse que sim, mas que estando certa companhia lhe dissera que eu não queria dissesse aquilo,senão ... tomara, e me dissera que sim, era homem de bem, e eu lhe não respondera e ficara quieto, enada mais. O segundo coarctei que é verdade que estava no mês em Braga e Porto com larga provade testemunhas e a testemunha primeira que dei que seria SVa. e disse era tal testemunha e nadamais, está em julho de 1643, estávamos na Cruz de Pedra, tudo falso, como Deus há de mostrar, euvinha no rol da Casa" .

Translation:NOTE No. 7-FROM JORGE DIAS BRANDÃO."Thou hast written me in such a way that little was I able to understand. God knows the ink was

waiting to know what was required. And só here goes this help for you to rewrite everything itcontained with good ink. That is why I am sending it. They called me in a hurry. The Viana one,which occurred in May 1644, said he wanted to talk to me, and I said I did not understand, and he mayhave used this statement as a witness... and the first one, when I asked if a certain person was a goodperson, and he understood I was asking about the procedure, said yes, but a witness to theconversation told the person who answered this was not the answer I was expecting; otherwise Iwould resume the conversation. Since he had answered me yes, he was a good man, I ended it. Irefuted the second accusation because the truth is that in that month I was in Braga and Porto, withmany witnesses to that, but the accusation in in July 1643, we were at Cruz da Pedra, according to theaccuser. Everything is false. God will show that I was also at that House."

In this note, Jorge asks the sender, who was arrested, to rewrite in a legible way acertain note that had been previously sent to him. He explains that he was anxious,waiting for material ("ink"), for this was the reason he was not able to read the note.Therefore he sent a little ink ("this help") with his note. Jorge writes that he thoughthe would be able to face the accusations made against him. He was apparently sureof himself when he was called for one of the cross-examinations sections. Hecomments that the inquisitors were nice to him at the said session. Regarding hislawsuit, Jorge refers to two prosecution depositions. He says he suspected that acertain conversation he had with a relative of his, in the city of Viana, had turnedagainst him. The fact that he remembered the conversation in question allowed himto know where he stood regarding his accuser. At the time, as a way of protectínghimself, he told the relative that he did not understand his relative's intent to talk to

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him. This was a code the New Christian used when they mutually found out that theywere Jews who secretly practice Jewish rites and/or ceremonies. Another code, withthe same meaning, had been mentioned in another prosecution testimony againstJorge. In this sense "a good man" actually meant that the person was "Judaizing".Jorge says in the note that he tried to escape from the last accusation proving that hewas not, at the time, in the city of Viana but in the cities of Braga and Porto. Hepresented many witnesses to reinforce this statement. However Jorge learned thatone of the witnesses he had nominated to defend him did not act as expected in thecross-examination. Apparently "SVa" had said that he could not clarify anythingabout what Jorge had alleged on his behalf or even that he did not know him. Jorgeends the note confused, which is due to the fact that his defense had not beenaccepted by the inquisitors, who alleged that the time and the place of the accusationdid not coincide with the time and place Jorge presented in his defense. They pointedout that the true accusation was occurred one year earlier ("July 1643") and atanother place ("Cruz da Pedra")42

The text of this seventh note, as we can see, leaves no doubt that is waswritten by Jorge Dias Brandão, but does not allow any certainty about who was theaddressee. In the inquisitors' opinion it was implicit that it was destined to a Duarteda Silva, and they alleged that they found it in his cell. The note revealed, on theother hand, two points in the Holy Office style. Jorge comments having noticed,during cross-examination, a kind behavior on the part of the inquisitors. This was oneof their routine strategies. They presented themselves as understanding personswhose only wish was to benefit the defendants with "mercy" in view of theaccusations. The other aspect refers to the false opportunity of defense. For when the"evidence" of the proceeding were read out, it was not possible to know where thecrime the defendant was being accused of had happened. Since the defendant did notknow where (and when) the accusations imputed to him had occurred, his defensedepended on great creative skill. It could even turn against him and others byrevealing new facts and names.

The whole of this secret correspondence between the prisoners reveals theNew Christians' courage in view of the Inquisition's repressive mechanism. Thecirculation of the notes only became possible because of the solidarity among theNew Christians arrested by the Lisbon Inquisition. There were women whoparticipated in this protection scheme. The conditions under which thecorrespondence circulated were most precarious. There was little material availablefor the secret recording of information. Furthermore, the correspondence was alwayssubject to interruptions, due either to female cooks' health problems or to accidents.There was no safe place to hide the letters and notes in the cells and kitchen. To writeand read them also was a challenge. The precariousness of the correspondencecontrasted with the Holy Office's calculated repressive measures. Some of thesenotes indicate that they were inscribed right after their authors' arrest, like the onewritten by Manoel Fernandes Vila Real. That is why he reported about a recent visitto Duarte da Silva's home.

Ali secret correspondence between the prisoners was already known to theInquisition when it was finally recorded in Duarte da Silva's lawsuit.43 It was ignoredfor a long time, even though denounced by a Lisbon Inquisition alcaide in 1648. Theexistence of this correspondence was only used as proof against the defendants five

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years after Duarte's arrest. Anyway, the existence of this communication between thecells violated the secrecy supposed to involve everything that went on in the Court.

In the correspondence, the defendants used code to make the Communicationssafer. The inquisitors tried to decipher them and decided on the authorship of «achnote during cross-examinations. However, only part of the codes was broken. Due tothe solidarity that existed between the defendants, when questioned on the issue, theytried to confuse the inquisitors, often giving them contradictory answers. Theanalysis of their answers makes it possible to construct the following table:

Codeused in the correspondence between the prisons

AbbessAngelCount

CountessDas Fonles

Henrique OreliGirl

MirandaV.R.

Referring to:

Catarina da SilvaMaria das CandeiasDuarte da SilvaBranca da SilvaJorge Dias BrandãoFrancisco Dias da Sih'aCatarina da SilvaFrancisco Dias da Sih aManuel Fernandes VilaReal

A vast range of issues was discussed in the correspondence of this group of NewChristian defendants. They tried to find out about life in prison and the cross-examination they were subject to. Not ali of them acted objectively when they wrotetheir notes. The decisive altitude of some contrasted with the discouragement anddepression of others. The supporting words that got to some prisons did not hide thefeeling of being unable to subvert the situation that involved everybody.

One of defendants' main concerns was with the progress of their lawsuits.The way they provided information on this regard varied greatly. They often knewthat new witnesses had appeared to add evidence against them. Maria das Candeias,the intermediary, also participated in the correspondence and, in her case, she wasonly concerned with finding out her new prosecution witness. But Duarte da Silva'sson, Francisco Dias da Silva, was not worried about that. He wrote a note saying thathe had two more prosecution witnesses, but was not concerned with finding out whothey were, but with evaluating the content of the presentations made to the "HolyOffice". He suggested to his father and his uncle that they use the same argument hehad presented in his defense, that is: that he was not in Lisbon at the time he wouldhave allegedly said to be a Jew.

Preparing the defense consumed much of the defendant's attention. We cansee in the correspondence that one of them became involved with the issue of theargument to be presented. In general, there was a belief in a true defense opportunityduring the proceedings, and they simply became confused when they learned thattheir defenses had been rejected out of hand by the Court of the "Holy Office". Oneexample is Jorge Dias Brandão's reaction, unreconciled with the inquisitor's evasiveanswer regarding the arguments he registered.

The imminence of the cross-examination generated uneasiness because thedefendant did not know the exact accusations against him. Since the defendant wasnot aware of the time and place where the "faults" imputed to him had occurred, his

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defense depended on his imagination and luck. But his depositions could causefurther damage: to turn things against him and against others by revealing new factsand names. Francisco Dias da Silva hoped not to lose his tranquility in view of thecross-examination in a near future and the seriousness of the accusations ("wounds")he assumed there were against him.

In a certain way, what made this group of Inquisition prisoners unique wastheir access to information on Court matters, even though they were imprisoned.They knew when one defendant was moved from one cell to another and the time theprisoners would be released with time to do in the autos-de-fé. They knew the resultsof the cross-examinations and tried to build a defense based on some of these facts.44

The labyrinth of the inquisitorial process brought confusion and difficulties tofthe progress of the defense. The opportunity to do it was not a certain one. Amongali the correspondents, only Rodrigo Aires Brandão came to this conclusion, afterlearning one of his defences had been refused. His lawyer told him that if he had noway to prove what he had said, there was nothing else to do. He was puzzledbecause, if defense were a true opportunity, anything presented would have to betaken into consideration. Thus he was satisfied to find out the irony in the defensescenario assembled by the Inquisition.45

Another great concern of the correspondents was Duarte da Silva. To calm himdown, they sent a lot of information on his family to his cell. He was able to read thathis son had been transferred to another cell and that his daughter was not in goodhealth. 46 There was nothing missing in his home, except his presence ("the onlything missing is to see thee"), as the warm note sent by Manuel Fernandes Vila Reapoints out.47 The prison's repressive scheme was confronted with an alternativesolidarity scheme. In order to encourage the depressed Duarte da Silva, his son triedto cheer him up with his own example and told him that his mother, "countess"Branca da-Silva,48 had been released.

Another very importam issue one may extrapolate from this situation is theprecariousness in which the New Christians, even the successful ones, lived. Animportant example is Manoel Fernandes Vila Real. Being of Jewish origin, he feltrelatively safe in France, where he worked for the king. He had had a stable positionwhich, due to the Holy Office's, was totally reversed. For influential people, likeManuel Fernandes Vila Real and Duarte da Silva, being arrested meant a greatpsychological shock, besides the financial blow, loss of social prestige and-as in thecase of Vila Real-loss of life itself.

However, these were social dramas lived in prison and experienced byfamilies. They were a reflection of a society that lived by the rules of the Inquisition,which stained Portugal's history for almost three hundred years. A power structurewas imposed above human dignity, friendship, and family ties.

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Troubled SoulsNotes

1 Ericeira Conde, História de Portugal Restaurado, (Porto, Civilization, 1946), Volume I, pp. 299-300. Also:António Baião, "King Dom João IV and the Inquisition", Annals of the Portuguese Acaàemy of History 6(1942), pp 26-28.2 Crístão-novos (New Christian) was a term created to differentiate the Portuguese Jews forced to convert atthe Catholic baptismal font in 1497. They were distinguished from the cristãos-velhos (Old Christians), andthus signaled in legislation to be excluded from civil and ecclesiastical positions and forbidden to exercise orhold any of its functions or offices.3 Father António Vieira, Letters of Father Antonia Vieira (Coimbra University Press, 1925) I. Letter to theMarques de Niza 23 December 1647, p. 107.4 Denise H. M. B. Carollo, Inquisitional Policy during the Ponuguese Restoration and the New Christians,Dissertation (University of São Paulo, 1995).5 Institute of the National Archives. Tombo Tower (IAN/TT), The Lisbon Inquisition, Judgement 8132,Duarte da Silva, Genealogy session of 19/02/1648. The original copies of this and other Inquisitional trialscited in this text were provided graciously by Prof. Anita Waingort Novinsky, University of São Paulo,Brazil. Duarte da Silva díed at age 83 in Antwerp. According to his clerk's affidavit, his body was later takento Holland. Meyer Kayserling, History ofthe Jews in Portugal (São Paulo, Pioneira, 1971) note 9 (by AnitaW. Novinsky), p. 279, Duarte da Silva lived to age 67 in Portugal. On 13/02/1662 he moved to England(IAN/TT, Decrees of Kingdom, Book 4, leaf 352 reverse). He remained there until 1672, when he left forAntwerp. David Grant Smith, The Mercantile Class of Portugal and Brazil in the Seventeenth Century: ASocio-Economic Study of the Merchants of Lisbon and Bahia, 1620-1690, (Unpublished thesis, Austin,University of Texas, 1975).6 Royal Letter given by Leopold of Áustria in 1682 to Francisco da Silva, son of Duarte da Silva and grandsonof Diogo da Silva, narning him Marques de Monfort. The document was printed for private circulation andlater published by the editorial committee of Oxford University. The document was sent to us by EdgarSamuel, of the Jewish Historical Society of England, whom we kindly thank.7 IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial of Duarte da Silva, cit., Inventory session of Bens. Denise Carollo, TheTribunal ofthe Inquisition in the Portuguese Restoration. Anti-Semitism and Corruption in the J T"1 Century.(Rio de Janeiro: Expression and Culture, in press).8 Ibíd.9 IAN/TT, The Inquisition of Lisbon, Trial 4107, Rodrigo Aires Brandão, pp. 26, 29 and 31; Trial 11752,Jorge Dias Brandão, pp. 44-47, Ibid..10 Regarding living condition in prisons, I examined: Pedro de Lupina Freire, "Obscure Information of theInquisition's manner of Proceeding with its Prisoners". Padre António Vieira, Selected Works, vol IV,Various Works (ii), The Jews and the Inquisition, (Lisbon: , Sá da Costa, 1951) pp.150-151. This text, whichconsists in its entirety of a hundred pages was written circa 1673 to document the dossier of the PortugueseNew Christians when mey rejected the Pope's reform in the manner of the Portuguese Inquisition. Thedocument was published in London in 1708. See Anita W. Novinsky, "Father António Vieire, "TheInquisition, and the Jews" Cadernos Cebrap, (29 March 1991) pp.172-181.11 IAN/TT São Vicente Collection, Volume 12, 435 pages. António Baião, Dramatic Episodes of thePortuguese Inquisition. Men of Letters and Science Condemned by It. (Lisbon, Seara Nova, 1972) vol. II,pp. 382-83.12 IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial of Jorge Dias Brandão, cit., pp. 1-7.13 IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial of Rodrigo Aires Brandão, cit., pp.49-50.14 Office of the First Instance of the Lisbon Inquisition Tribunal mentioned in António Baião, op. cit., vol. II,p. 275.15 IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial of Jorge Dias Brandão, cit, pp.5-6.16 Ibid., pp. 2-3.17 Ibid., pp. 6-7.18 Ibid., p. 7."Ibid., p. 1.20 Ibid., p. 4.21 Ibid., pp. 3-422 Ibid., p. 1.23 Ibid., p. 4.

24 Ibid., p. 5.25 Ibid., p. 2.26 Ibid., p. 5.27 Ibid., p 5.

28 Commissars were members of the Inquisitional bureaucracy. They acted at tribunais of the "Holy Office"performing tasks with the prisoners. The interrogators who presided must have had a "defined direction", thatis, it was their duty to ensure that depositions were completed só as to reinforce the findings of the samecommissar. Cf. Regiment ofthe Holy Office ofthe Kings and Queens of Portugal (1640). Lisbon, Office ofManoel da Silva, p. 283, Book I, title XI, II.29 IAN/TT, Inquisition of Lisbon, Trial of Jorge Dias Brandão, cit. p.8. The King's auxiliary council, towhich Brandão's solicitation was submitted, gathered on 10 March 1646, which appears to be contrary to hishaving fled: it noted that "greatly to the harm to the Your Majesty's service and to the Kingdom as well, themerchants have absented themselves from it [the kingdom]."30 Walter Benjamin, "A propôs the Tenth Anniversary of his Death (Kafka)" in Magíc and Technique, AnandPolitics. Essays on Literature and the History of Culture. Selected Works, vol. l (São Paulo: Brasiliense,1985)p.l51.

31 The wife of Duarte da Silva was named Branca da Silva. She was arrested on 23 December 1647 in orderto clarify the whereabouts of her daughter Catarina da Silva. IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial 13101,Branca da Silva. Branca was detained only until 10.03.1648. Catarina da Silva was detained at 16 years ofage, on 29.01.1648. IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial 8133, Catarina da Silva, Genealogy Session. Anotherof Duarte da Silva's children, Francisco Dias da Silva, was arrested on i December 1648, at fifteen years ofage. IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial 5407, Francisco da Silva, Genealogy Session, As with the father, thesiblings were accused as "Judaizers". Duarte da Silva and his children were forced to march in the auto-da-feof l December 1652 as penitents. In addition to them, there were family members Diogo Pinto da Silva (19years old), Simão Henriques (12 years old), Serafima (4 years old), Joana (3 years old) and João da Silva (lyear old), according to the declaration of 1648 (Trial of Duarte da Silva, cit., Genealogy Session).32 IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial of Duarte da Silva, cit., p.86.33 IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial of Jorge Dias Brandão, cit., p.54.34 IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial of Rodrigo Aires Brandão, cit., pp. 45-48. Vigilance was derided as wellin the following manner: "A very tame black and white cat". It is said that messages were tied to the neck ofthat animal which roamed freely between the cells.35 IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial of Duarte da Silva, cit.,p.84. Manoel Fernandes Vila Real was a merchant and Portuguese New-Chrístian. He had remained inFrance for eleven years, acting and as cônsul to King João IV. En route to Portugal, to report his activities tothe King, he was arrested on 19 October 1649 accused as a Judaizer. Vila Real, taken to trial, was garrottedand burnt in the same auto-da-fe in which Duarte da Silva was present (l December 1652). He became privyto a great secret of the Inquisition: the "sentinel prisons". These were special dungeons thal contained secretopenings, through which spies watched over the prisoners twenty-fours hours a day to detect Jewish practices.The trial of Vila Real is numbered 2157 (Lisbon Inquisition). See: Charles Amiel, "Sentinel Prisons of thePortuguese Inquisition" in A. W. Novinsky and D. Kuperman, eds., Jewish Ibéria: Routes of Memory (Rio deJaneiro/São Paulo, Expression and Culture/EDUSP, 1996) pp. 141-150.36 Ibid., Interrogated according to her written statement, Candeias was the one who revealed the codes sheemployed. Cf. IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial of Jorge Dias Brandão, cit., and p.65.37 IAN/TT. Lisbon Inquisition, from Duarte da Silva, p. 85. The codes present on this note were partiallydeciphered. See the Trial of Rodrigo Aires Brandão, cit,, p. 177.38 IAN/TT, Lisbon Inquisition, Trial of Duarte da Silva, p.85. In regards to Manoel Fernandes de Moraes,resident of Porto, in the year 1644 he had housed Jorge Dias Brandão and the eldest son of Duarte da Silva.Cf, Ibid., Trial of Jorge Dias Brandão, cit., pp.139 and 143. Regarding the "little girl", Duarte da Silva'sdaughter, see the Trial of Francisco Dias da Silva. Apud Baião, António, op. cit. 366-671.39 Ibid. Francisco Dias da Silva revealed the meaning of the codes "Miranda", "Henrique Greli" and"Condessa" at his Inquisitional trial. Baião, Ibid., p. 367.40 Ibid., p. 86.41 Ibid.

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Troubled Souls

Family Dramas/Prison Dramas

42 Duarte da Silva lived in a rented estate in Cruz da Pedra for three years. The estate was owned by born-again Duarte Gomes da Mata. Later the estate was donated to the Church and was called Convento de SantoAntónio da Cruz da Pedra. BAIÃO, António, op. Cit., volume II, pp. 357 and 358.43IAN/TT Trial of Duarte da Silva, cit., p.86. The notes were forwarded to trial on 17.07.165A44 Jorge Dias Brandão, for example, knew that a prisoner, or "musician" Vasconcelos, would be "reconciled ,declared penitent after being submitted to torture. He knew of the prison transfer of another P™oner--Antonio Lopes Savedra-and of his compromised health after torture. He was cons.dered to have hadproblems with one of the witnesses indicated by him ("Sva"), as she stated more agamst hrm than ta bisfavour. She had information regarding an accusation of Judaism, resulting from the interrogation of Ma.IAN/TT, Trial of Duarte da Silva, cit., p.84.45 IAN/TT, Trial of Duarte da Silva, cit., p.85.46 Ibid., p. 8447 Ibid., p. 84.

8 Ibid., p. 84.

(Notes translated by Jay Corwin)

Dr. Hector Nunes, A Converso in Elizabethan London:Dedicated Patriot and Despised Alien

Charles Meyers

IntroductionDr. Hector Nunes was originally discussed by the late Lucien Wolf, a journalist andForeign Editor of the London Daily Graphic. In his pioneering article, "Jews inElizabethan England", Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England, XI,1928, Wolf described Nunes in the context of the Crypto-Jewish community. Hisother pertinent article is entitled, "Jews in Tudor England", in Essays in JewishHistory, edited by Cecil Roth in 1934. C. J. Sisson also mentions Nunes and hisimmediate family in an article entitled, "A Colony of Jews in Shakespeare's London",Essays and Studies, 23, 1938. The late Dr. Cecil Roth, an excellent historian, studiedNunes and the community in a book and article: A History of the Jews in England, 3rd

ed. 1964 and "The Middle Period of Anglo-Jewish History (1290-1655)Reconsidered", found in Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England,volume 19, 1960. Dr. David Katz of the University of Tel Aviv hás recently turned toNunes and the Crypto-Jewish community in his book entitled, The Jews in the Historyof England 1485-1850, published in 1994. Finally, Professor James Shapiro ofColumbia University wrote and published, Shakespeare and the Jews, in 1996. Hediscussed Nunes in the context of the existing Crypto-Jewish community. Shapiro aswell as Katz depend on the pioneering work of Lucien Wolf: "Jews in TudorEngland"and "Jews in Elizabethan England" Both contemporary scholars fail,however, to make any significant new contribution to our knowledge of Dr. HectorNunes, his immediate family and the existing Crypto-Jewish community.

This chapter is a product of over twenty-five years of personal research in thearchives of the Public Record Office in London. I have examined the survivingfragmented fólios of commercial court case records in Admiralty, Chancery, andRequests, 1560-1600. In addition, I have worked at the British Museum. I have notdepended upon the late Lucien Wolf for the basis of this paper, although I have usednames cited in his pioneering work to begin searching in the existing court records in1970. My approach hás been and continues to be commercial in nature.

Therefore, I have been interested in obtaining additional informationconcerning Dr. Hector Nunes' commercial colleagues ín England, Antwerp, the LowCountries (especially Antwerp) and the Iberian Península. Based on the records ofongoing lawsuits in English courts of law, I have only begun to gain insight intoNunes' extensive commercial operations. Yet I have been limited and will continueto be restricted in my quest due to the fragmentary and incomplete data of thesurviving court case documents. I strongly feel that the city of Antwerp during theperiod 1560-1600 must remain a strong focus of research efforts in terms ofcommerce, íntelligence, and religion. According to Lucien Wolf, Antwerp had asecret synagogue. I have already located Wolf s notes that indicate Mrs ElinorNunes' contribution to the synagogue in 1594.' Since my primary interest remainsfocused on the Crypto-Jewish merchant community which had direct commercialcontact with Dr. Hector Nunes, I have been able to identify three merchants with closeties to Nunes: Simon (Simao) Swero (Soiero, Suero), Salvador Nunez, and LuisFernandes. Official records indicate that the ties existed at least until 1594. LuisFernandes and Mrs Nunes were involved in the Antwerp secret synagogue in 1590.

111

ISBN 0908571-74-7

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73.

Conversos, Crypto-Jews, andOther Confused Jewish

Intellectuals from theFourteenth through the

Eighteenth Century

a

3

Edited by

Charles Meyers and Norman Simms

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Troubled Souls:Conversos, Crypto-Jews, and other ConfusedJewish Intellectuals from the Fourteenth throughthe Eighteenth CenturyEdited by

Charles Meyers and Norman Simms

Copyright © 2001 by Outrigger Publishers

Outrigger PublishersP. O. Box 1198HamiltonNew Zealand

ISBN 0908571-74-7

This is a first Limited Edition of 100 copies.

AU rights reserved. Except in the case of genuinescholarship and book-reviewing, there may be noreproduction of the material from any part of thisbook without the permission of the author and thepublisher.

Manufactured in New Zealand.

PrefaceDavidM. Gitlitz .....................................................................................................

IntroductionCharles Meyers and Norman Simms ....................................................................................... l

The Accepted Othen Tolerance Towards the Jews in Medieval GaliciaCarlos Barras ....................................................................................................... 8

The Role of Converts in Cultural Exchanges in Europe in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth CenturiesYona Dureau .................................................................................................................... 32

From New Christian to New Jew in Seventeenth-Century Amsterdam: Corning Full Circle in theEternity of IsraelNisso Acher ........................................................................................................... 42

The Judaism of Abraham Pereyra, a Crypto-Jew who Returned to Judaism in Amsterdam During theSeventeenth CenturyHenry Méchoulan ................................................................................................... 57

On the Boundaries of Our Understanding: The Case of Manoel Bocarro Francês-Jacob Rosales'Intellectual LifeFrancisco Moreno Carvalho ....................................................................................... 65

Family Dramas/Prison Dramas: Correspondence between Portuguese Businessmen in the SeventeenthCenturyDenise Helena Monteiro de Barros Carollo ..................................................................... 76

Hector Nunes: A Converso in Elizabethan London — Dedicated Patriot and Despised AlienCharles Meyer ............................................................................ . ......................... 111

Montaigne and the Jewish ReligionElizabeth Mendes da 'Costa ....................................................................................... 129

The Jewish Identity of Michel de MontaigneSophie Jama ......................................................................................................... 142

The Deunme: From Catholicism to Judaism to IslamYitchakKerem ...................................................................................................... 150

Troubled Souls: Why Conversos and Crypto-Jews Came to England After the Expulsions at the End ofthe Thirteenth CenturyNorman Simms ....................................................................................................... 164

EpilogueRichard Zimler. ...................................................................................................................................... 190

Notes on the Authors ................................................................................................. 192

List of Benefactors ................................................................................................ 194