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Introduction to stress Handout 1: Overview of stress patterns 1

“Why is language the way it is [and not otherwise]?” (adapted from O’Grady 2003)

1. What is stress? 1. a. Stress is contrast in syllable prominence b. The correlates of greater prominence: loudness, perceptual clarity, non-

reduction of vowels, etc 2. Sensitivity to syllable structure (e.g. English nouns, Latin) - Stress the penultimate (2nd to last) syllable if heavy; otherwise, stress the antepenult. a. English (i) ópera [O!p´r´], cínema [si!n´m´] (ii) aróma [´ro!wm´], agénda [´dZE!nd´] b. Latin (i) t[á]bula, agr[í]cola (ii) leg[ú:]men, mag[ís]ter 3. Sensitivity to lexical features a. English (i) Verb stress - stress the final syllable, if heavy; otherwise, stress the penult (e.g. convíct, transfér) (ii) Noun stress (primary stress on non-final syllable; see (2) above): cónvict,

tránsfer c. Russian (lexical accent) i. múk-a 'torture' (root lexically specified for stress) ii. muk-á 'flour' (root lexically unspecified for stress) 2. Patterns of word stress 4. One stress per word:

a. Initial syllable (Latvian, Czech, Lardil) b. Final syllable (Turkish, Farsi, French) c. Penultimate: Polish, Swahili, Malagasy and other Austronesian languages) 5. Multiple word stress: - One stress is primary or main (MS); others are secondary (SS) e.g. English: orìginálity, ònamatólogy

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6. Some patterns of multiple word stress: a. Maranungku (MS: initial syllable; SS: every other syllable after MS) tíralk 'saliva' mérepèt 'beard' jángarmàta 'the Pleiades' lángkaràtetì 'prawn' wélepènemànta 'kind of duck' b. Warao (MS: penultimate syllable; SS: every other syllable before MS) jiwàranáe 'he finished it' jàpurùkitànekáse 'verily to climb' enàhoròahàkutái 'the one who caused him to eat' c. Auracanian (MS: second syllable; SS: every other syllable after MS) wulé 'tomorrow' tipánto 'year' elúmujù 'give us' elúaènew 'he will give me' kimúbalùwulàj 'he pretended not to know' d. Suruhawa (MS: final syllable; SS: every other syllable before MS) mosá 'owl' bàhotá 'to fight' dakùhurú 'to put in the fire' bìhawùhurá 'to fly' e. Weri (MS: final syllable; SS: every other syllable before MS) Nintíp 'bee' kùlipú 'hair of arm' ulùamít 'mist' àkunètepál 'times' 3. Stress Theory 7. Two requirements of stress theory a. Defining the domain within which difference in syllable prominence is

defined. b. Identifying the syllable that has the greater prominence. 8. The domain: The domain is determined by parsing sequences of syllables into feet.

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9. Capturing contrast in prominence - One syllable in a foot is designated as its head - The head of every foot is prominent (i.e. stressed) 10. Parameters of foot form a. Left-headed foot = trochee b. Right-headed foot = Iamb 11. The grid-theoretic representation of prominence: a. Syllables are represented as positions on a (metrical) grid. b. The head syllable of every foot projects an additional position on the grid. 12. a. Left-headed b. Right-headed x x [σ σ σ σ (σ σ)] [σ σ σ σ (σ σ)] 13. Multiple footing illustrated: a. Left-headed b. Right-headed x x x x x x [(σ σ)(σ σ)(σ σ)] [(σ σ)(σ σ)(σ σ)] 14. Determining the primary or main stress: The leftmost/rightmost head in a word projects an additional grid position 15. a. Leftmost b. Rightmost x x x x x x x x [(σ σ)(σ σ)(σ σ)] [(σ σ)(σ σ)(σ σ)] 3.1 The parameters of alternating stress (e.g., Maranungku) 16. Maranungku (revisited): (MS: initial syllable; SS: every other syllable after MS) tíralk 'saliva' mérepèt 'beard' jáNgarmàta 'the Pleiades' láNkaràtetì 'prawn' wélepènemànta 'kind of duck' 17. The parameters of stress in Maranungku a. Left-headed (i.e. trochee)

b. Iterative foot construction d. Direction of foot construction: left-to-right (L-R) e. Main stress: Leftmost

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18. a. x b. x x x x x x x [(σ σ) (σ σ) (σ σ)] [(σ σ) (σ σ) (σ)] wé le pè ne màn ta láN ka rà te tì 3.2 The status of the degenerate foot 19. FOOT BINARITY (FTBIN) The best or optimal foot contains binary at some level. 20. a. Monosyllabic feet that satisfy FTBIN i. x ii. x iii. x (σ) (σ) (σ) CVV CVG CVCµ b. Monosyllabic feet that do not satisfy FTBIN i. x ii. x (σ) (σ) CV CVC 21. Tolerating the sub-optimal (degenerate) foot. a. Maranungku b. Ojibwa x x x x x x x [(σ σ) (σ σ) (σ)] [(σ σ) (σ)] láN ka rà te tì na gá mò 22. Banning the sub-optimal foot: the Auracanian case a. Auracanian (MS: second syllable; SS: every other syllable after main stress) wulé 'tomorrow' tipánto 'year' elúmujù 'give us' elúaènew 'he will give me' kimúbalùwulàj 'he pretended not to know' b. The parameters of stress in Auracanian i. Iambic foot ii. FTBIN iii. Iterative foot construction iv. Direction: left-to-right (L-R) v. Main stress: Leftmost 24. a. x b. x *c. x x x x x x [(σ σ) (σ σ) [(σ σ) σ] [(σ σ) (σ)] e lú mujù ti pán to ti pán tò

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Introduction to stress Handout 2: Overview of stress patterns 2 1. Extrametricality 1. Observation:

In English nouns and in Latin final syllables must be invisible to foot parsing. 2. Rendering a syllable invisible. The Extrametricality Parameter: A syllable at the right/left edge of a word is extrametrical. 3. The Peripherality Condition: Extrametrical constituents are restricted to the right

or left edge of a word. 4. The parameters of stress for English nouns

a. Left-headed (i.e. trochee) b. Iterative foot construction c. Direction: Right-to-left (R-L) d. Extrametrical final syllables

f. FTBIN g. Main stress: Rigtmost 5. a. x b. x x x [(σ σ) <σ> [σ (σ σ) <σ>] cí ne ma a mé ri ca 2. Stress and syllable weight 6. The stressing of heavy penults in English nouns and in Latin a. English aróma, agénda, Àrizóna b. Latin leg[u:]men, mag[ís]ter 7. Weight contrast in English and Latin a. Heavy syllables: CoVV, CoVC b. Light syllables: CoV 8. The Weight-to-Stress Constraint: a heavy syllable is assigned to the head position

of a foot.

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9. a. English i. x ii. x x x x [σ (σ) <σ> [(σ σ) (σ) <σ>] a [rów] ma à ri [zów] na b. Latin i. x ii. x x x [σ (σ) <σ> [σ (σ) <σ>] le [gu:] men ma [gis] ter 2.1 Stress and syllable weight in Ojibwa 10. a. mindídò 'he is big' manídò: 'spirit, deity' ninámadàbimìn 'we sit' b. wí:sinì 'he eats' nigì:namádabìmìn 'we sat' c. ó:dè:tò: 'he goes to town' gí:wì:sinì 'he ate' nigì:wí:sinìmìn 'we ate' 13. a. Weight contrast in Ojibwa: i. Heavy syllables: CoVV ii. Light syllables: CoV and CoVC b. Weight contrast in English/Latin: i. Heavy syllables: CoVV and CoVC ii. Light syllables: CoV 3. More on extrametricality 14. Morpheme extrametricality (e.g. English adjectival suffixes) a. i. illícit, èxplícit ii. ròbúst, òvért b. i. oríginal, márginal, nátural ii. fratérnal, hòrmónal c. i. Weightless final consonant (i.e. final consonant as appendix) ii. Adjectival suffixes are extrametrical

(NB: -ic an exception to suffix extrametricality, hence democrátic (no extrametricality) but demócracy (with extrametrical final syllable))

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15. Extrametricality of a final suffix entails extrametricality of a final syllable: x x σ σ σ <σ> σ (σ σ) <σ> - origin-<al> → o ri gi nal → o ri gi nal 16. a. Adjective without suffix b. Adjective with suffix x x x x σ (σ σ) (σ σ) <σ> il li!cit na! tu r<-al> 4. Stress assignment by constraint interaction: the English case (Pater 2000) 4.1 Main stress 17. a. Cánada, cínema, América b. aróma, horízon, agénda, uténsil 18. The constraints: a. FTBIN: Feet are binary b. TROCHEE: Feet are left-headed c. NONFINALITY: The final syllable of a word is unparsed d. ALIGNHD-R: The head foot is at the right edge of the word 19. Constraint ranking for main stress: FTBIN, TROCHEE, NONFINALITY » ALIGNHD-R 4.2 Secondary stress 20. a. Tàtamagóuchi, Kàlamazóo, Àppalàchicóla b. América, *Ámerica c. ònamatólogy, *onàmatólogy 21. ALIGN-L: Every foot is aligned with the left edge of a prosodic word. 22. a. ALIGN-HD » ALIGN-L (América, *Ámerica) b. PARSE-σ » ALIGN-L (Àppalàchicóla,, *Àppalachicóla) c. FTBIN » PARSE-σ (América, *Àmérica) (Tàtamagóuchi, *Tàtamàgóuchi) d. FTBIN » PARSE-σ » ALIGN-L (Hàlicàrnássus, *Hàlicarnàssus) (àrgumèntátion, *àrgumentátion) e. FTBIN » ALIGN-HD » PARSE-σ » ALIGN-L (Tàtamagóuchi, *Tatàmagóuchi) 23. a. sèrendípity, *serèndípity b. dèprivátion, *deprìvátion (cf. depríve)

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24. a. prìvátion, *privátion b. Tìcònderóga, *Tìconderóga 25. *CLASH-HEAD: No stressed syllable adjacent to main stress syllable 26. a. PARSE-σ » *CLASH-HEAD (prìvátion, *privátion) (Fràncíscan, *Francíscan) b. PARSE-σ » *CLASH-HEAD (dèprivátion, *deprìvátion, (sèrendípity, *serèndípity) (Sàn Francísco, *Sàn Fràncísco) 27. Exceptions to ALIGN-L: Stress preservation in English a. STRESS PRESERVATION: If a syllable is stressed in a base word, the corresponding syllable in a derived word is also stressed. b. Non-preservation: - órigin oríginal, *òríginal, *óriginal c. Preservation - oríginal, orìginálity, *òriginálity 28. a. Explaining non-preservation: ALIGN-HD » ALIGN-L b. Explaining preservation: STRESS PRESERVATION » ALIGN-L

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Introduction to stress Handout 3: Identifying weightless syllables in stress systems 1. Canonical stress in Tondano, An Austronesian language 1. Final or penult stress a. kO!Ü 'arm' mawE!Ü 'is giving' m´NaÜNa!Ün 'is continually eating' lumO!Ü/ 'will drink' b. wE!Ünu 'will be given by you' tikO!Üku 'my throat' kina!ÜNku 'has been eaten by me' wanua!Üsa 'one village' kapaja!Üs´m 'sour papaw' c. wále 'house' wu!ter 'heavy' Vo!r´m 'inside' wanúa 'village' karima!Nka/ 'spider' 2. Non-canonical stress in Tondano: avoid stressed schwa a. Antepenultimate stress wiNkO!t´na 'will be asked by him' ka!Ün´na 'will be eaten by him' ik´tO!r´na 'will be used by him to cut with' k´tO!r´na will be cut by him' b. Final stress s´ra!/ 'fish' ´dO! day' ´ri!s 'sand' 3. The standard OT approach to schwa unstressable schwa: *Stressed ´ >> ALIGNHD-R 4. The representational alternative: a. Unstressable vowels are weightless (i.e. non-moraic) (Hyman 1985; Michelson 1989). b. Foot parsing avoids placing weightless syllables in a head position. c. The representation hypothesis together with the satisfaction of certain principles and parameters of wellformedness yields the best explanation of the unstressability of schwa.

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2. Foot parsing and syllable weightlessness 2.1 Theoretical Preliminaries 5. The Typology of Syllable Weight a. The light (L) or monomoraic syllable (σµ) b. The heavy (H) or bimoraic syllable (σµµ) c. The superheavy (H+) or trimoraic syllable (σµµµ) (see Hayes 1995; Broselow, etal. 1997) d. The weightless (L-) or non-moraic syllable (σ) (see Hyman 1985; Piggott 1994, 1995) 6. a. The Prominence Hierarchy H+ > H > L > L- b. Peak Prominence Principle (PkProm) (Prince & Smolensky 1993:39) Peak x > Peak y, if |x| > |y| (i.e. the head of a stress domain D must be occupied by the heaviest syllable.) 7. The Distribution of the Weightless (Ø) syllable within Stress Feet. (Heads underlined and Ø = L-) a. Uneven Iambs: i. ØH ii. ØL (*HØ, *LØ) b. Uneven Trochees: i. HØ ii. LØ (*ØH, *ØL) 2.2 Explaining schwa unstressability in Tondano 8. Regulating Tondano foot form a. Trochaic footing favoured b. Foot Binarity enforced c. Iambic footing emerges only when unmarked foot type is impossible. 9. Final and Penultimate Stress in Tondano a. (H): ti.(kó:.) b. (LL): ma.ka.(/ú.ma.) 10. a. Antepenultimate stress by the uneven trochee i. (LØ): wiN.(kO!.t´.)na ii. *(ØL): *wiN.kO.(t !́.na) b. Final stress by iambic footing of disyllabics i. (ØL): (´.dO!) ii. *(ØL): *( !́.dO.)

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11. Peak Prominence and Foot Wellformedness in Tondano i. PkProm Trochee Iamb a. wiN.kO.(t !́.na) *! * b. wiN.kO.(t´.na!) *! ☞ c. wiN.(kO!.t´.)na * ii. PkProm Trochee Iamb a. ( !́.dO.) *! * ☞ b. (´.dO!) * 12. Accounting for stressed schwa in closed syllables a. kaÜn !́Nku 'will be eaten by me' *ka!Ün´Nku n !́ndO 'day' *n´ndO! b. Weight-by-Position Coda consonants are moraic d. The closed monomoraic syllable in Tondano (σ σ) | | µ µ | \ | n !́ n d O 2.3 Stressing weightless vowels in Tondano 13. Sequences of Weightless syllables Tondano r !́p´t 'fast' r !́b´t 'tight' p !́r´N 'blind' !́l´w 'lid' 14. Input: r´p´t PkProm Trochee Iamb a. (r´.p !́.) t *! ☞ b. (r !́.p´.) t *

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Introduction to stress Handout 4: The interaction of stress and epenthesis - the Mohawk example 1. a. Canonical penultimate stress in Mohawk wakashé:tu 'I have counted it' sató:rat 'hunt (imp.)' katirútha/ 'I pull it' kerúnyus 'I sketch' b. Non-canonical antepenultimate stress in Mohawk te-k-rik-s [tékeriks] 'I put them together' (epenthetic) w-akera-s [wákeras] 'it smells' wak-atteru [wakátteru] 'I'm dangerous' s-riht [íseriht] 'Cook!' 2. Regulating Tondano foot form a. Trochaic footing favoured b. Foot Binarity enforced c. Epenthetic vowel is weightless d. Iambic footing banned 3. Penultimate Stress in Mohawk a. wa.kas.(hé:.tu.) b. ka.ti.(rút.ha/.) 4. Foot form and weightless syllables in Mohawk: Antepenultimate stress by the uneven trochee (LØ): (wá.ke.)ras. *(ØL): *wa.(ké.ras) 5. Peak Prominence and Foot Wellformedness in Mohawk w-akera-s PkProm Trochee Iamb ☞ a. (wá.ke.)ras. * b. (wa.(ké.ras.) *! c. wa.(ke.rás.) *! 6. Tonic Lengthening in Mohawk a. V-lengthening in open syllables: e.g. satorat [sató:rat] 'hunt (imp.)' b. No V-lengthening in closed syllables: k-runyu-s [kerúnyus] 'I sketch' c. Generalization: Tonic Lengthening produces a bimoraic (CVV or CVC) syllable.

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7. Commanding tonic lengthening Head Prominence (HdProm): The head of a foot is prominent. a. Input: satorat HdProm PkProm Trochee ☞ a. sa.(to:.rat.) b. sa.(to.rat.) *! b. Input: k-runyu-s HdProm PkProm Trochee ☞ ke.(ruµnµ.yus.) ke.(run.yus.) *! 8. 'Surprising' absence of tonic lengthening. a te-k-rik-s [tékeriks], *[té:keriks] 'I put them together' a. w-akera-s [wákeras], *[wá:keras] 'it smells' 9. a. Input: w-akera-s i. HdProm PkProm Trochee ✓ a. (wá.ke.)ras. ✓ b. (wá:.ke.)ras. ii. HdProm DEP MORA ☞ a. (wá.ke.)ras. b. (wá:.ke.)ras. *! b. The LØ foot satisfies Head Prominence. Therefore, tonic lengthening is functionally unjustifed.

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Introduction to stress Handout 5: Leftward displacement of main stress and categorical constraints 1. Introducing the issues (1) Categorical constraint satisfaction: the Locus hypothesis (McCarthy 2002, 2003)

- One violation mark is assigned for each instance or locus of violation in a candidate output.

(2) HEAD FINAL-WORD (HDFIN-WD) (= RIGHTMOST)

- The head foot is at the right edge of a prosodic word (i.e. the main stressed syllable is either the final or penultimate syllable in the word).

(3) Unviolated HDFIN-WD (stressed syllables underlined; head foot in boldface) [(σ σ) (σ σ) (σ σ)] (4) Leftward stress displacement by an orphaned (i.e. unparsed) syllable a. [σ (σ σ) (σ σ) σ] (e.g. extrametrical syllable) b. Antepenultimate stress in Classical Latin a(gríco)<la> 'farmer' *[agri(cóla)] (tábu)<la> 'table' *[ta(búla)] (5) Maximally one violation of HDFIN-WD in a single-foot system a. Penultimate stress: [σ σ σ (σ σ) σ] - 1 violation of HDFIN-WD b. Initial stress: [(σ σ) σ σ σ σ] - 1 violation of HDFIN-WD (6) HEAD INITIAL-WORD (HDINIT-WD) (= LEFTMOST) - The head foot is at the left edge of a prosodic word (7) Favouring initial stress in a single-foot system Input: [σ σ σ σ σ σ] HDFIN-WD HDINIT-WD a. [σ σ σ (σ σ) σ] * *! ☞ b. [(σ σ) σ σ σ σ] * (8) Implication of categorical constraint satisfaction: - In a single-foot system, if the foot cannot be at the right edge of a word, there

would be a preference for it to be at the left edge.

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(9) Counterfactual prediction - hypothetical alternating (trochaic) system: - Stress the final syllable, if heavy; otherwise stress the penult. If the final

syllable cannot be parsed, stress the initial syllable.

(10) Attested trochaic system: - Stress the penult (or final) syllable. If the final syllable cannot be parsed,

stress the antepenult (or penult). (11) Goals of this talk: a. To reconcile the occurrence of a single-foot system like (10) with the theory

that adopts the categorical constraint hypothesis. b. To explain why a hypothetical system like (9) is grammatically impossible. 1.1 Alternating stress in single-foot systems (12) Tondano (Sneddon 1975) a. Final/penultimate stress lumO!Ü/ 'will drink' m´NaÜNa!Ün 'is continually eating' maka/u!ma 'owner of the field' kina!ÜNku 'has been eaten by me' b. Antepenultimate stress wiNkO!t´na 'will be asked by him' ka!Ün´na 'will be eaten by him' ik´tO!r´na 'will be used by him to cut with' k´tO!r´na 'will be cut by him' (13) Mohawk (Michelson 1989; Piggott 1995, 1998) a. Penultimate stress wakashé:tu 'I have counted it' katiru!tha/ 'I pull it' sató:rat 'hunt (imp.)' b. Antepenultimate stress (penult containing epenthetic e) tékeriks 'I put them together' wákeras 'it smells' tøkahsu!terø/ 'I will splice it' (14) Selayarese (Mithun & Basri 1986) a. Penultimate stress kalihá:ra 'ant' hallá:si 'make suffer' sahalá:ku 'my sea cucumber'

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b. Antepenultimate stress kasíssili 'mosquito' pó:tolo 'pencil' lámbere 'long' 2. Orphaned syllables and prosodic structure 2.1 The significance of foot extrametricality in SE Cree (15) Descriptive generalization about stress in Southern East Cree (Brittain 2000):

- In SE Cree, the last syllable of a word generally bears secondary stress and main stress is usually assigned to the penultimate stressed syllable.

(16) Foot extrametricality in SE Cree a. [(iskwàa)(síi)<(kanùu)>] 'burned' [(wèe)(pináa)<(kanùu)>] 'thrown' [(ùu)(tàam)(híi)<(kanùu)] 'hit' b. [(miskáa)<(kanùu)>] 'found' [ma(nisíi)<(kanùu)>] 'cut off' [(wáa)pu<(suyàan)>] 'rabbit skin' c. [(namée)<(pìi)>] 'sucker fish' *[(namèe)(píi)] [(ahtSa!a)<(pìi)>] 'bow' *[(ahtSaŸa)(píi)] [(tSistée)<(màaw)>] 'tobaccco' *[(tSistèe)(máaw)] (17) Patterns of exemption from foot extrametricality a. Disyllabic words [(nàa)(péew)] 'man' *[(náa)<(pèew)>] [(wìi)(yáas)] 'meat' *[(wíi)<(yàas)>] [(tSìi)(máan)] 'canoe' *[(tSíi)<(màan)>] b. Trisyllabic words [(mèes)(kanúu)] 'road' *[(mées)<(kanùu)>] [(màa)(nitéew)] 'stranger' *[(máa)<(nitèew)>] [(mùus)(kamíi)] 'moose broth' *[(múus)<(kamìi)>] (18) Minimal disyllabicity condition on foot extrametricality: - The non-extrametrical component of a word must contain at least two

syllables - Compare the two sets of trisyllabic words in (16c) and (17b). Foot

extrametricality holds in the former but not in the latter.

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(19) Minimal disyllabicity condition on words: a. The smallest word in SE Cree contains two syllables b. Minimal syllable sequences in SE Cree nisít 'my foot' LL wáapus 'rabbit' HL pimíi 'fat' LH nàapéew 'man' HH c. Impossible word shapes - *CV/CVC L *CVC/CVV H (20) The unity of the two disyllabicity conditions - WORD MINIMALITY (WDMIN) - A prosodic word contains at least two syllables (21) Licensing the extrametrical foot as an adjunct (cf. Selkirk 1995, Peperkamp 1997) a. PWd b. * PWd ƒ ¥ ƒ ¥ PWd ¥ PWd ¥ g ¥ g ¥ g ¥ g ¥ Ft Ft Ft Ft | | | | (namée) pìi (mées) (kanùu) - (21a) satisfies WORD MINIMALITY (21b) violates WORD MINIMALITY (22) A universal condition on head location - The Edgemost Principle: - The head of a word is a foot at the left/right of a prosodic word 2.2 The licensing of orphaned syllables (23) Standard representation of an orphaned syllable PWd t g ¥ t g ¥ Ft Ft σ

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(24) An alternative: the orphaned syllable as an adjunct PWd ƒy PWd y t g y t g y Ft Ft σ (25) a. *[σ σ σ (σ σ) σ] - violates The Edgemost Principle b. [[σ σ σ (σ σ)] σ] - satisfies The Edgemost Principle (26) Providing for multiple orphans - pre-antepenultimate stress in Mohawk: a. o!nerahte/ 'leaf' b. tø!kerike/ 'I will put together side by side' c. wa/tkata!tenake/ 'I scratched myself' (27) Stray Adjunction - a condition on the GEN function

- When the head foot is at the right edge of a prosodic word, any prosodic constituent to its right is in an adjunct position.

(28) Multiple adjunction PWd f ¥ PWd ¥ ƒ ¥ ¥ PWd ¥ ¥ t g ¥ ¥ ¥ t g ¥ ¥ ¥ Ft Ft Ft σ σ 3. Explaining stress alternation in Tondano (29) Satisfying a right-aligned trochaic foot: a. Final stress - [m´NaÜ(Na!Ün)] b. Penult stress - [maka(/u!ma)] (30) Generating orphaned syllables in Tondano a. Schwa is inherently less prominent than any full vowel b. PEAK PROMINENCE (PK-PROM) (cf. Prince & Smolensky 1993:39) Peak x > Peak y, if |x| > |y| c. FOOT BINARITY (FTBIN): Feet are binary

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(31) Deriving antepenultimate stress Input: [wiNkOt´na] PK-PROM HDFIN-WD FTBIN a. [wiNkO(t !́na)] *! b. [(wi!NkO)t´na] *! c. [wiNkOt´(na!)] *! ☞ d. [[wiN(kO!t´)]na] (32) Favouring antepenultimate over initial stress Input: [σ σ σ σ σ σ] HDFIN-WD HDINIT-WD ☞ a. [[σ σ σ (σ σ)] σ] * c. [(σ σ) σ σ σ σ] *! 4. Constraining the theory of constraint interaction 4.1 A problem of overgeneration (33) Counterfactually deriving optimal initial stress in Tondano Input: [wiNkOt´na] PK-PROM HDFIN-WD HDINIT-WD a. [wiNkO(t !́na)] *! * b. [(wi!NkO)t´na] *! c. [[wiN(kO!t´)]na] *! ☞ d. [[[(wi!NkO)]t´]na] (34) Diagnosis and remedy a. The counterfactual claim (diagnosis): HDFIN-WD and HDINIT-WD are in competition in every language. If one

loses, the other must win. b. Elimination of the competition (remedy): Hypothesis: Prosodic words in a given grammar are uniformly head-initial

or head-final. (35) Departing from standard Optimality Theory: a. Parameterizing the choice of HDFIN-WD and HDINIT-WD b. HEAD LOCATION PARAMETER Prosodic words are head-final (HDFIN-WD)/head-initial (HDINIT-WD)

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(36) Producing potential co-winners in Tondano, a head-final language Input: [wiNkOt´na] PK-PROM HDFIN-WD ☞ a. [[wiN(kO!t´)]na] ☞ b. [[[(wi!NkO)]t´]na] (37) Breaking a tie: a role for Occam's Razor - *STRUCTURE

- If two or more outputs are assigned the same number of violation marks by a given constraint A and there is a difference in complexity among the competitors, the least complex candidate X is favoured, unless X violates some other constraint B that is not subordinate to A.

- *STRUCTURE is part of the EVAL component (38) a. [[wiN(kO!t´)]na] (=36a) PWd ƒ ¥ PWd ¥ f g ¥ f g ¥ f Ft σ f | | wiN (kO!t´) na] b. [[[(wi!NkO)]t´]na] (=36b) PWd f ¥ PWd ¥ ƒ ¥ ¥ PWd ¥ ¥ g ¥ ¥ g ¥ ¥ Ft σ σ | | | (wi!NkO) t´ na c. [[wiN(kO!t´)]na] » [[[(wi!NkO)]t´]na] 4. 2 Constraints as principles or parameters of variation (Chomsky 1981) (39) Candidate outputs: a. [[σ σ σ (σ σ)]σ] b. [σ σ σ σ (σ σ)] (40) Commanding a final orphan - SYLLABLE EXTRAMETRICALITY (SYLEX)

- The final syllable of a lexical word is unparsed.

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(41) Constraint interaction in standard OT a. SYLEX » HDFIN-WD b. HDFIN-WD » SYLEX (42) SYLEX » HDFIN-WD Input: [σ σ σ σ σ σ] SYLEX HDFIN-WD ☞ a. [[σ σ σ (σ σ)] σ] b. [σ σ σ σ (σ σ)] *! (43) HDFIN-WD » SYLEX Input: [σ σ σ σ σ σ] HD-FIN/WD SYLEX ☞ a. [[σ σ σ (σ σ)] σ] b. [σ σ σ σ (σ σ)] *! (44) Counterfactual claim by logical possibilities in (42) and (43):

- The head foot is never at the right edge of a word. (45) Solving the problem: - SYLEX is a parameter, subject to language-particular activation (46) Deriving an absolutely right-aligned head foot.

Input: [σ σ σ σ σ σ] HDFIN-WD

a. [[σ σ σ (σ σ)]σ] ☞ b. [σ σ σ σ (σ σ)] - Candidate (b) wins by *STRUCTURE 5. Conclusions (48) a. Single-foot systems with orphaned final syllables are compatible with the

categorical constrain hypothesis, if orphans are adjuncts to prosodic words. b. Contrary to popular belief, representation plays a crucial role in explaining

phonological phenomena. c. Contrary to popular belief, genuine explanation emerge in a theory where

constraints have the status of either principles or parameters.

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