1

Independent Research Project

Impact of PRI on tribal women: Case of two gram

panchayats in Orissa

Name of the Researcher: K M Pooja

Student of PGDM (RM)

Batch of 2007-2009

Under the guidance of

Prof. S.S Singh

Xavier Institute of Management, Bhubaneswar

2

Sl No. Contents

1. Executive Summary

2. Acknowledgement

3. Introduction

4. Nature of the Problem

3

INDEX

5 Scope of the study

6. Objectives of the study

7. Conceptualization

8. Methodology

9. Description of study area

10. Presentation of facts

11. Findings of the study

12. Recommendations

13. Conclusion

14. Annexure

15. References

4

Executive Summary

This research study is to understand the impact of panchayati raj institutions on tribal women.

The research is based on the interviews and discussion with the tribal women of Koraput district

to assess their levels of participation, autonomy, accountability and social capital. Despite the

fact that the 73rd constititutional amendment was implemented more than a decade ago, the

previously marginalized segments of the society still finds it a struggle to participate effectively

in governance process. The study attempts to explore few reasons for the same. The low rate of

literacy, dominance of male members and higher cast groups, lack of adequate support

mechanisms are few factors that handicap the involvement of tribal women in the local

governance. Strong political will and transformation of existing attitudes of bureaucracy and

individuals can only bring about the desired results.

5

Acknowledgment

I thank Xavier Institute of Management, Bhubaneswar for allowing me to be a part of IRP and I

acknowledge my heartiest thanks to Prof. S.S Singh for his valuable guidance as the faculty

guide and the SRC committee members.

I also thank Mr. Manmohan and Mr. Rajanikant Behra of SORC, Cenderet for their co-operation

and time during my field visit to Koraput. I also thank the other field staffs who accompanied me

and effectively communicated my needs to the village people.

I also offer my sincerest gratitude to all the women in the two gram panchayats who warmly

welcomed me and opened up their thoughts to make this study fruitful.

6

1. INTRODUCTION

Decentralization has assumed a central role in matters of governance in the developing world

over the last few years. In their efforts to democratize the governing structure and involve people

in the process of governance and decision making, most of the developing countries around the

world are carrying out measures to decentralize governance. The major promise of democratic

decentralization is that it brings popular participation and accountability to local governance, and

therefore, makes local governance more responsive to citizens’ desires and more effective in

delivering services. Measures of affirmative action following the enactment of the 73rd

Constitutional Amendment Act, 1993 opened a new chapter in the history of democratic

decentralization in India by devolving power to the people and giving constitutional status to

panchayati raj institutions. The reservation of seats for the marginalized sections of the society

has necessarily increased the number of SCs, STs and women in the rural political institutions.

The scheduled tribes or adivasis include around 573 aboriginal communities1. mainly inhabiting

remote and forested areas of India and constitute about 8.0% of the population. This study

attempts to study the impact of panchayat system on a specific section, the tribal women in two

gram panchayats in Koraput district, Orissa.

Evolution of panchayati raj system in India

The term ‘panchayat raj’ is relatively new, having originated during the British administration.

'Raj' literally means governance or government. Mahatma Gandhi advocated Panchayati Raj, a

decentralized form of Government where each village is responsible for its own affairs, as the

foundation of India's political system. His term for such a vision was "Gram Swaraj" (Village

Self-governance). Traditionally, an assembly (yat) of five (panch) wise and respected elders

chosen and accepted by the village community settled disputes between individuals and villages.

It was adopted by state governments during the1 1950s and 60s as laws were passed to establish

Panchayats in various states. It also found backing in the Indian Constitution, with the 73rd

amendment in 1992 to accommodate the idea. The Amendment Act of 1992 contains provision

1 As per 1991 Census

7

for devolution of powers and responsibilities to the panchayats to both for preparation of plans

for economic development and social justice and for implementation in relation to twenty-nine

subjects listed in the eleventh schedule of the constitution. In the history of Panchayati Raj in

India, on April 24, 1993, the Constitutional (73rd Amendment) Act, 1992 came into force to

provide constitutional status to the Panchayati Raj institutions. This Act was extended to

Panchayats in the tribal areas of eight States, namely Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Gujarat, Himachal

Pradesh, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Rajasthan from December 24, 1996. The

extension act is one of the potent legislative measures of recent times which recognize the tribal

peoples mode of living, aspirations, their cultures and traditions.

The Act aims to provide 3-tier system of Panchayati Raj; namely at the village, block and district

levels for all States having population of over 2 million, to hold Panchayat elections regularly

every 5 years, to provide reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and

Women, to appoint State Finance Commission to make recommendations as regards the financial

powers of the Panchayats and to constitute District Planning Committee to prepare draft

development plan for the district. At the village level, it is called a Panchayat. It is a local body

working for the good of the village. The block-level institution is called the Panchayat Samiti.

The district-level institution is called the Zilla Parishad

TIME LINE: Milestones in the Evolution of Local Government since Independence

Towards first generation panchayats

1948-49 Constituent Assembly debates on the role of Panchayati Raj in Indian polity 1950 The Constitution of India comes into force on 26 January; Directive Principles of State

Policy mention village panchayats as ‘units of self-government’ (Art.40) 1952 Community Development Programme starts of on 2 October 1957 Balvantray Mehta Committee, appointed in January, submits its report on 24

November 1958-60 Several state governments enact new Panchayat Acts bringing in three-tier panchayat

system 1959 Jawaharlal Nehru inaugurates the first generation panchayat at Nagpur in Rajasthan on

2 October Kerala District Council Bill is introduced in Kerala Assembly; lapses after Assembly is

dissolved

8

1964-77 Decline of first generation Panchayati Raj Institutions

Growth and decline of second generation panchayats

1978 Panchayat elections are held in West Bengal on party basis on 4 June — marking the beginning of second generation of Panchayati Raj Asoka Mehta Committee on working of panchayats, appointed on 12 December 1977, submits its report on 21 August

1983 Karnataka government enacts new PR Act 1984 Hanumantha Rao Committee on district level planning, appointed by Planning

Commission in September 1982, submits its report in May 1985 Karnataka PR Act receives President’s assent in July; comes into force on 14 August G.V.K. Rao Committee on administrative aspects of rural development, appointed by

Planning Commission on 25 March, submits its report in December 1986 Andhra Pradesh follows West Bengal and Karnataka Panchayati Raj model 1990-92 Panchayats are dissolved and brought under administrators in Karnataka

Constitutionalisation of Panchayati Raj

1986 L.M. Singhvi Committee submits its report on 27 November; recommends constitutional status for panchayats

1988 Parliament Consultative Committee appoints a sub-committee under chairpersonship of P.K. Thungan to consider Constitution Amendment

1989 64th Constitution Amendment Bill is introduced in Parliament on 15 May; is defeated in Rajya Sabha on 15 October

1990 74th Constitution Amendment Bill is introduced in Parliament on 7 September; lapses on dissolution of Lok Sabha

1991 72nd (Panchayats) and 73rd (Municipalities) Amendment Bills are introduced in Parliament; referred to the Parliament’s Joint Select Committee in September

1992 Lok Sabha passes both the Bills on 22 December; Rajya Sabha passes them on 23 December

1993 73rd Amendment Act, 1992 comes into force on 24 April 74th Amendment Act, 1992 comes into force on 1 June

1993-94 All state governments pass conformity Acts between 30 May 1993 and 23 April 1994 Madhya Pradesh holds panchayat elections under the 73rd Amendment dispensation on

30 May 1996 Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, extending

73rd Amendment Act to Scheduled Areas, comes into force on 24 December Kerala launches People’s Plan Campaign on 16 August 2001 Bihar holds panchayat elections after 23 years (11-30 April) 2001 83rd Constitution Amendment Act, 2000 amends Art. 243-M to dispense with

9

reservations for Scheduled Castes in Arunachal Pradesh — paving way for panchayat elections in the only state yet to hold them under the new dispensation

Gram Panchayats in Orissa

The Grama Panchayat in Orissa constitutes the basis of rural local government. 86.6% of people

in Orissa live in rural areas. The Grama Panchayat was started in Orissa as per the Orissa Grama

Panchayat Act, 1948. According to the recommendation of the Balwant Rai Mehta Committee,

the Grama Panchayats in Orissa were re-designed and Orissa Gram Panchayat Act was passed in

1964. Then followed a period of decline in the panchayati raj institutions and the Zilla Parishad

was eventually abolished. The elections to the PRIs were next held in 1983. However, the Janata

Government in 1991 brought a sea change in the working of Panchayati Raj in Orissa. The 73rd

Amendment Act 1992 of the Indian Constitution empowered the State Legislature to make law

for the organization of village Panchayats in compliance with the central act.

Structure

Normally a village is composed of one or more than one ward. The total number of wards of a

Grama Panchayat cannot be less than 11 and more than 25. Each Panchayat area is to be divided

into different territorial constituencies (wards). It should be divided in such a manner that the

ratio between the population of each constituency and the number of seats allotted to it shall be

same throughout the Panchayat area. Grama Panchayat is constituted with one Sarpanch, one

Naib- Sarpanch and Ward Members. Sarpanch is elected by the electors of whole Gram

Panchayat. If the post of Sarpanch of the Grama Panchayat is not reserved for woman than the

post of Naib-Sarpanch shall be reserved for woman of that particular Panchayat. One-third seats

(including the number of seats reserved from S.C. and S.T. Women) shall be reserved for

woman. This reservation of seats shall be allotted by rotation of different wards of a Gram

Panchayat. Besides these elected members, one Secretary is being appointed by the State

Government for maintaining the records.

10

2. NATURE OF THE PROBLEM

The 73rd amendment to the constitution of India has brought about positive gender discrimination

by reserving not less than one-third of the Panchayat seats to women. Panchayat elections across

the country have brought over 1 million panchayati raj institutions across all three levels of the

PRIs. The women elected to the Panchayats are from various backgrounds: rich and poor,

dominant and oppressed social classes, educated and illiterate, working and not-working. The

central aim was to bring them to participate in the process of local governance and development

and enable them voice their concerns. But quota system alone may be the necessary condition

but not the sufficient condition for inclusive development. Adequate representation may not

imply that they are able to articulate themselves or that it brings about a gendered analysis of the

issues facing local governance. This is because in the existing condition of social structure,

women may often be pressurized to become proxies for men to comply with the reserved seats.

The tenth plan (2002-2007), recognizes that despite the move towards decentralization through

the PRIs, there is marginalization, exclusion of people on account of social caste and gender

affiliations. This is mainly due to the lack of political will and corruption persisting in the

system. For example Rajasthan did not amend their acts even after the stipulated time. Just like

the scheduled caste, the tribals also are not treated with dignity. Elected tribal women members

face violence and rape if they dare to challenge the authority of the officials or the powerful. A

tribal woman sarpanch was stripped naked while unfurling the national flag on August 15, 1998

(Independence day) in a district of Rajasthan. In another case a tribal woman sarpanch in

Madhya Pradesh was stripped naked in a gram sabha meeting because she was not consulting the

leader of the dominant caste. The effectiveness of panchayati raj in bringing about good

governance to the people, in this case tribal women is still to be understood clearly. Good

governance is in terms of the autonomy given to the tribal women, with respect to increased

rights and laws that secure their lives, providing a platform to empower them and enable them

voice their concerns. Good governance will also include the accountability or the responsiveness

of the panchayats in addressing the issues of tribal women.

11

3. SCOPE OF THE STUDY

The tribal population in general is the most side-lined segment in our society and the social status

of their women is often deplorable. This study tries to bring out their perspectives of PRIs

directly from tribal women and their women representatives. After considerable literature

review, it was understood that there have not been many attempts to understand PRIs through the

eyes of a tribal woman herself. This study tries to bring out the apprehensions and hopes of a

tribal woman regarding panchayati raj institutions. The study aims to bring out qualitative

aspects of their perception. The approach taken in this study is therefore radically different from

the official documents and other related studies. Two gram panchayats in Koraput are covered in

this study. Koraput was selected as it is one of the most backward districts of the country and

more than 50% of its population belongs to ST. The situation in the district is so stark that the

level of literacy is only about 36%. In such a scenario, the dent made by PRI in the social system

offers an interesting area for research. Moreover the two selected panchayats of Kebidi and

Tankua had women sarpanches who belonged to ST community.

4. OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY

The main objective of the study is to understand the impact the PRIs have made on the lives of

tribal women. The specific objectives are to study:

(a)The autonomy enjoyed by elected women representatives in executing their roles, and non-

members in voicing their concerns,

(b)The accountability offered by the local governance system with respect to the demand of the

tribal women,

(c) The social capital or social cohesion brought in by the PRI in their lives, and

(d) The levels of participation and among tribal women of Koraput in local governance.

12

5. CONCEPTUALISATION

The impact study is done with respect to four conditions, namely autonomy, accountability,

social capital and participation. The pre-requisites for an effective decentralization system

include autonomy, accountability, social capital and participation and empowerment (Kurien,

1998).

The term participation is camouflaged in a myriad of self-serving interpretations and it

eventually determines the other aspects of autonomy, accountability and participation. Generally

participation is regarded as a process of incorporating the people into development

implementation. Participation and empowerment are considered tools for enabling the poor who

are in normal circumstances subject to vulnerability and powerlessness... In present day

development thinking, participation is seen as developmental strategies and they tend to be given

a similar connotation. According to Anisur Rehman (1993) participation is equated to power.

So, participation is gaining control over resources, decision making processes and institutions,

development of critical consciousness and ability among the actors to transform their present life

situations, to negotiate for their own benefits and question the status quo.

Autonomy can be both at the individual and institutional level. Autonomy is to set one’s own

goals and realize them as far as possible through one’s own effort, using own forces including

economic (Galtung 1980). Another definition states that it is the development of the poor’s

bargaining power to an extent that interveners cannot unilaterally impose their conditions and

regulations upon the poor as passive recipients, but that the terms and conditions of collaboration

are the outcome of a process in which both parties are respectful of each other’s priorities and

specific interests. Autonomy includes the freedom in political, organizational and economic

sphere. In this paper autonomy exists if one is open to participation, can accurately represent

ones interest and be especially capable of responding to varied local needs.

.

Accountability involves a relationship between a bearer of a right or legitimate claim and the

agents or agencies responsible for fulfilling those rights [Glopen et al 2003]. Moncrieffe (2001)

13

identifies two broad dimensions of accountability: first, “ex-post” accountability, which refers to

holding public officials responsible to the elections, law and other monitoring mechanisms;

second, “ex-ante” accountability, which suggests that representatives must know what the

interests of citizens are, allow for deliberation and consultation about policies and keep the

public informed about the policy choices. The expost accountability ensures effective

performance and proper representation, in principle, through the electioneering process, where

the citizens participate to replace unsatisfactory government with favourable alternatives [Manin

1997]. This form of accountability may be a derivative of the democratic system of governance,

where elections serve as a check to hold the representatives accountable to people. The working

definition of accountability refers to holding individuals and organizations responsible for

performance measured as objectively as possible in accordance with public policy, social goal,

public action and optimal use of public resources for common good. The meaning of

accountability in good governance encompasses attributes such as legitimacy of political system,

financial adherence, easy access to information, popular participation indecision making and

implementation, responsiveness, efficient delivery system of services and goods, enforcement of

the rule of law supplanting the rule of whims and caprices of rulers whether stipendiary or

elected, citizen satisfaction and an overall caring and humane ambience promoting an egalitarian

and equitous social and economic order(Bandyopadhyay,1996).

Putnam (1993) identifies social capital with “those features of social organizations such as trust,

norms, networks that can improve the efficiency of society by facilitating coordinated actions.”

The role of social capital is defined in the literature as emerging from the existing networks and

relationships that both encourage trust and reciprocity and shape the quantity and quality os

societies social interactions (Chopra 2002).So, the extent to which tribal women are acting as

pressure groups for the collective articulation of their interest and the gain in self confidence due

to PRI intervention has to be understood. Putnam also examines social capital in terms of the

degree of civic involvement as measured by the voter turnout, newspaper readership,

membership in societies and clubs and confidence in public institutions.

14

6. METHODOLOGY

The study was exploratory and qualitative in nature and used a combination of secondary data

and primary data. The literature review helped formulate the framework for analysis and gave

better understanding of the concepts. Primary data was qualitative in nature and included semi-

structured interviews, as well as focus group discussions (FGDs) to cover both opinions as well

as experiences. The empirical data for the paper have been collected from two gram panchayats,

from Jeypore block of Koraput district of Orissa, based on the following criteria that these

panchayats should have: (a) a sarpanch who is a scheduled tribe female from a ST reserved

constituency, (b) a sarpanch who is a woman from a constituency reserved for women, and (c) a

constituency having considerable representation of ST women as ward members.. These two

gram panchayats are Kebidi (reserved for ST female), and Tankua (reserved for woman).

Including the president and vice-president, these two gram panchayats comprise 15and 18,

elected representatives, respectively. In total, 6 elected representatives have been interviewed.

And FGD was conducted on 8 and 10 tribal women of both the panchayats respectively.

7. DESCRIPTION OF THE STUDY AREA

Orissa is the ninth largest state by area and the eleventh largest by population. The population

density is 236 per km² and 85.01% of the people live in rural areas. The literacy rate is 63.61%

with 75.95% of males and 50.97 of females being literate. The proportion of people living below

the poverty line in 1999–2000 was 47.15% which is nearly double the all India average of

26.10%. Scheduled Castes and Tribes form 16.53% and 22.13% of the state population.

Koraput is one of the 30 districts in Orissa having 14 blocks, 226 gram panchayats covering

1997 villages. It is one of the most backward districts in the country. This district is a part of the

15

tribal belt in southern Orissa. Most of the area was under thick forest cover until a few years ago,

which is now threatened due to industrialization, deforestation and urbanization.

Demography of the district2

Total Male Population : 589,438 Total Female Population : 588,516 Percentage Of Literacy : 36.20% Percentage Of Male Literacy : 47.58% Percentage Of Male Literacy : 24.81% Total Literates : 356,421 ST Population(Percentage) : 50.66% SC Population(Percentage) : 13.41% Demography of the villages3.:

Village Name

No of House hold

No of population

ST SC OBC General APL BPL Antyodaya

Maliguda 70 220 30 0 62 5 4 66 0 Mandikota 32 150 132 8 0 0 2 23 7 Total 102 370 162 8 62 5 6 89 7 Sanaujei Village – Tankua GP Sanaujei 37 193 100 47 21 25 9 28 0

8. LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

As such the study is centered primarily on the social dimension. Although economic and political

dimensions are important aspects in ascertaining conditions necessary for successful functioning

of the PRI, the study does not cover them in great detail.

9. PRESENTATION OF FACTS

2 Courtesy: orissagov.nic.in 3 Courtesy: Panchayat Report,SORC, Cendret

16

From the focus group discussion conducted on the non-members of the panchayat it was

understood that all the women were aware of panchayats functioning in their area and the ward

member was from their own village. The common idea of panchayat was one that facilitates the

provision of roads, water, school and certain government schemes in the area. They attend

village nodal meeting frequently and so far they have requested for village road, tube well,

schemes for BPL, anapurna yojana and mid-day meal programme.

They were also of the unanimous opinion that the influence of the patriarchal system is reducing

under the PRI system. They recalled that before the establishment of PRI system, the chief of the

village, nayak and his information disseminator, chellan had the authority over the people. The

women were hesitant to approach the nayak for their concerns. Now, the role of nayak is very

limited except in case of some village disputes, which the nayak presides and the action taken

would be mainly fine ranging from Rs 5- Rs.25. They now have increased awareness about their

rights such as education for the girl child, minimum permissible age for marriage, right to vote

and family planning. But they were of the opinion that the awareness is mainly brought about by

the interventions of the NGO, rather than the presence of the panchayat system.

They were happy with the reservation of seats for women which acknowledges their importance

in societal development and facilitates a space to voice their gender issues. They were more

confident to interact with the society now because of systems like nodal meeting in place.

But they were not very happy in terms of the timeliness of the delivery system. In Sanujai

village in Tankua GP, the village road was sanctioned after 2 years, but sanction was for 300m

which is just half the village. Site for the new tube well has not been decided even after 3 years,

but the old tube well was repaired instead. They understood that the PRI is accountable to them

and they can access information whenever they want. But, they are a long way from actually

exercising the power of right to information. They have also come to realize the potential of a

group of women to act as a pressure group.

Most of the women were not regular in attending the village nodal meetings. Their knowledge

and understanding of the various government schemes are very limited. For instance, the women

were aware that Indira Awas Yojana is a housing scheme, but were unaware about the amount

allocated for each house or what the selection criteria are. They admitted that the interactions

17

among the women are mostly non-political in nature. The women’s informal gatherings near

river banks and at neighborhoods’ focus on family issues. But it is not always that political issues

are ignored and not talked about in the village public space.

The women were of the opinion that the social cohesion is brought about by the self help groups

(SHGs) than the PRI. They view SHGs as the first step for women empowerment. SHG is the

first place where most of the women start speaking in public and take decision by herself or as a

group. Participation in the SHG process is said to give the women sufficient confidence to act as

a peer group and be representatives in panchayats.

They believe that JFM, land ceiling and provision of canal water and borewells have greatly

impacted their lives. They used to practice shifting agriculture earlier, but now due to increased

availability of irrigation water, they have stopped practicing shifting agriculture. They were

grateful for systems like PDS which is in existence for the past 8 years in their area, ensuring

their food security.

They believed that if allowed to function properly, PRIs could prove to be an effective tool for

development. But the monopoly in the system disheartens them. Most of the PRI members are

believed to promote their own self interests. But the pace of development is seen to be higher

with PRIs than in the traditional system. They did have the curiosity to understand the system

and its functioning better and to know how to utilize the various schemes effectively.

Interviews with the elected representatives gave insight into their experiences and hurdles.

Seven of the 22 gram panchayats in Jeypore block have ST women sarpanch, in compliance with

the reservation of seats for women. There is a higher representation of STs in the block. In

Tankua GP 8, of the 18 seats in the panchayat is occupied by women which includes the seat of

Sarpanch and Naib Samaranch and in Kebidi GP, the corresponding number is six of the 15

panchayat seats. Of those 2 seats in Kebidi is occupied by an ST woman and 4 seats in Tankua.

Percentage seats with a tribal woman sarpanch in Jeypore block

18

GP

seats

Kebidi Tankua

Total No: of seats in GP 15 18

Women representative 6 8

Tribal Representative 7 10

Woman tribal representative 2 4

The women representatives’ voices are often suppressed as the meetings are mainly male

dominated. They are therefore hesitant to put forth their views and perspectives. Autonomy for

women was seen to be higher in Kebidi, as the Sarpanch herself presides the meetings, unlike

that of Tankua where the lady sarpanch never attends the meeting and it is her husband who

presides over the meeting. The women representatives in Kebidi were therefore more

enthusiastic in the panchayat process as they could directly voice their opinion to the Sarpanch.

But the situation remains that the autonomy enjoyed by a lady sarpanch or women representative

largely depends on the support of her husband and other family members.

In order to understand the interests of the citizens, the representatives were asked to state the

expectations that people have from them and how they were able to perceive those expectations.

In a response to such a question, the representatives spelled out needs like constructing village

roads and connectivity of the village to the main road, putting up tube-wells, sanitation, building

19

schools, providing electricity to the villages. The representatives further observed that being a

member of the same locality they could easily identify with the interests of the constituency. The

representatives belonging to disadvantaged groups like tribal women have the dual responsibility

of fulfilling the general interests of all the members of the constituency and second to those

belonging to the groups from which they come. Accountability can be strengthened only by

increased interactions between the citizens and representatives and public deliberations. In

Sanujai village, most adult members have an NREGA card, but they have not been provided any

work under the scheme yet. When enquired about the situation, the ward member herself

revealed that she had never thought about it and nor the people have pushed for it.

The participation of the representatives was assessed by examining the way they act in regular

panchayat activities. The activities included attendance in regular gram panchayat meetings;

participation in setting the agenda, which involves identifying issues and problems of the

constituencies; raising them in panchayat meetings and participating in the discussions; and

finally their involvement in the decision-making process, such as taking decisions in planning,

budgeting, location of developmental projects, and selection of beneficiaries in the panchayats.

Attendance: Even though the majority of the respondents stated that they were irregular in

attending panchayat meetings, the panchayat records, however, showed substantial attendance of

elected representatives. On further enquiry, it was found that participation in the panchayats has

been reduced to signing the registers, which the panchayat office bearers carried to the houses of

representatives to collect their signatures. A striking fact about the panchayat meetings is that the

meetings are overwhelmingly a male-dominated event, in spite of policies targeted towards

empowering women by giving them one-third representation. The limited attendance of elected

representatives was found to be juxtaposed with the ambiguous nature of the meetings

themselves. In most occasions panchayat meetings were formalities to be completed and marked

only in records without their actual occurrence. Such an observation can be substantiated by the

fact that most meetings were called without prior and adequate notice. Often, proxy meetings

were held and the proceedings were recorded even without the knowledge of those who attended

them. However, such proceedings bore the signature of all the members, including those who

were absent from the meetings.

20

Participation in setting the agenda: Only two of the women respondents chose to raise problems

of their locality frequently in the meetings. Elected women members would rather take the help

of other members than do it themselves. In most cases, the women representatives preferred to

tell the president or any other member in advance about the problem of their locality, expecting

that they will speak on their behalf. The salary of PRI members to the tune of Rs. 600 per month

for a sarpanch and Rs.60 per month for a ward member is considered too low for people to come

forward for active participation.

Most of the women members acknowledged that there was an increase in their status within their

communities. They are happy that they are able to make contributions in their own small ways.

One of the ward members of Kebidi GP is also the president of the village SHG group. This

makes her accessible to a large section of the women and enable them voice their concerns both

as SHG members and citizens of the constituency she represents. The women ward members is

slowly but steadily gaining a foothold on the male dominated governance systems.

10. FINDINGS OF THE STUDY

There was adequate representation of the tribal women in the area. One of the criteria for

contesting election for Gram Panchayat is that the candidate must be able to read and write

Oriya. But of the 6 panchayat members interviewed, only one of them, the Sarpanch from Kebidi

was a matriculate. The rest were illiterate, but knew how to sign their names. The literacy level

of the women is an impediment to their effective participation. They displayed willingness to

participate, but the ability to participate was lacking in terms of knowledge and information they

possessed. This leads to lack of proper role perception which hampers their performance of

duties. The panchayat members are not able to comprehend the funding allocations for various

schemes nor are they aware of the tax systems and fund sources for their panchayats. This in turn

affects the economic autonomy. They could not even list out a few panchayat duties and in the

case of source of tax, they were totally ignorant. This is substantiated by a study in two districts

of Kerala4; Thrissur and Kollam showed that autonomy increases with increase in education for

both officials and non-officials. The scores on autonomy revealed that non-officials in the

4 Courtesy: Yogananda Sastry , NIRD

21

younger age group feel more restrictions for which devolution of powers in the true sense may

provide satisfaction of this need. It could be further understood that the women were more

comfortable to express themselves in the existing governance systems than in the rigid traditional

system of nayaks.

Since the reservation of seats for women, the majority are just coming to terms in realizing that

they have effective roles to play in the process of community development. The generations of

patriarchal system will take time to wane off inhibiting the women to be active participants. The

dominant role of the husband in the household is such that the husband of the Sarpanch is

perceived to have the same authority as his wife in position. So, it is understood to be very

natural that he would chair the panchayat meetings. It is only by making the women

representatives informed about their rights and duties, would them become assertive. This will

then lead to a reduction in female representatives remaining as proxies in the panchayat

processes. It will also result in them holding the concerned authorities responsible for the

inactions and delayed responses. Education and sensitization can make women more confident

and improve their communication levels with panchayat members. This would result in the much

needed reciprocity thereby raising the social capital. In the case of independent thinking

Sarpanch like Jema Kadraka, it is the lack of infrastructures in addition to the lackadaisical

attitude of her ward members that handicaps her performance. The household chores and the

distance to the gram panchayat office is another reason for absenteeism among women members.

Another criterion of an elected member having not more than 2 children is also seen to be

violated.

11. RECOMMENDATIONS

Based on the findings of the study and perceptions gathered, the study comes out with the

following suggestions for improving the effectiveness of PRI and participation:

1.) Strengthening the PRIs at the ‘village-level by capacity building and awareness’ of

tribal womens’ rights,

2.) Improving the literacy rate among the tribal women,

3.) Proper orientation to the elected representatives regarding their duties and

responsibilities before assuming their posts.

22

4.) Sensitization of the male members of the panchayat with respect to the rights and

dignity of their female colleagues.

5.) Adequate transportation facilities for the panchayat members especially the women,

as the villages are spread far and wide from the panchayat office.

6.) Creating an environment/platform and preparing leaders of PRIs and other pressure

groups to negotiate for full implementation of the 73rd constitutional amendment in

the state, i.e., facilitating them to participate in the policy-making processes.

7.) The salary of panchayat members have to be revised to motivate them for better

performance.

12. CONCLUSIONS

The levels of participation, autonomy, accountability and social capital generated by the

implementation of PRIs though not significant, still cannot be ignored. The democratic process

has brought people closer in the villages, and they could now take part in the local election every

five years and assert their right to vote. Ideals of social justice based on gender equality and

liberty are now being pursued at the local level. The reservation system is definitely the right

step to overcome the social exclusion of various groups, like tribal women, in the participation of

community development. Reservation along with handholding from civil society, proper

orientation programmes and independence and autonomy from the bureaucracy at the top can

bring gram swaraj as envisioned by Mahatma Gandhi to the Indian villages. Political will thus

plays a crucial role in the strengthening of grass root democracy.

23

Annexure 1: Questionnaire

Independent Research Project, XIMB

A) GENERAL DETAILS

Name: Age: Name of the village: Marital status: M / U Educational Qualification: Occupation: Monthly income: Details on family members: Sl.No. Names Educational

Background Occupation

24

Total Monthly Income

B) AWARENESS ABOUT PANCHAYATI RAJ INSTITUTION

Are you aware about the functioning of PRI in your area: Yes / No

Is any of your acquaintance an active member of PRI: Yes/ No

What do you think are the functions/ roles of PRI?

1.

2.

3.

C) PARAMETERS OF ANALYSIS C.1 Autonomy Has PRI (Please Tick one or more) a) Increased the participation of tribal women in decision making process b) Increased the funds allocated for welfare activities c) Decreased the role of dominant groups / Narrowing Power equations d) Increased awareness about laws and rights among tribal women If a), then how? - as a part of the system itself - Increase in the number of acquaintance within the system - The system heeds more to the concerns of tribal women

If b), then

List the recent welfare activities initiated

25

---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Approximate fund allocation for the same

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

If d), then list the rights and laws exposed to

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------

C.2 Accountability Has PRI (Please Tick one or more) a) Increased the responsiveness to the concerns of tribal women, b) Increased the access to information, c) Increased the efficiency of delivery system of goods and services, d) increased the openness in policy decisions C.3 Social Capital Has PRI (Please Tick one or more) a) minimized the prevalence of paternalistic attitude among

bureaucratic officials b) influenced the role of traditional leaders

If b), then Mention the name/ designation of traditional leader ----------------------------------------------------------------- List his previous role in society 1.

26

2. 3. List the felt improvements of PRI over traditional leaders or vice versa 1. 2. 3.

C.4 Participation and empowerment Has PRI (Please Tick one or more) a) helped to increase the control over resources and capacities b) promoted internal strength and confidence c) increased the ability to influence the social processes that affect one’s

life

If a), then cite the changes brought about wrt to control over resources and capacities

If c), then cite the instance(s)

D) VIEWPOINT

List the felt shortcomings with the current system

1.

2.

3.

27

What are your expectations or suggestions for improvement?

1.

2.

3.

Annexure-2

Panchayat Samiti

No. of

GPs

Name of the Grama

Panchayats/Samiti Constituencies

Reservation Status

Name of the elected Sarpanch Sarbashree /

Kumari / Srimati

Jaypur 1 Ekamba ST Sri Lalita Challan 2 Badajeuna ST(W) Smt Dhanai Nayak 3 Dhanpur ST(W) Smt Tulasa Bhumia 4 Dangarchinchi ST(W) Smt Lalita Gadaba 5 Tankua ST Sri Sadhaba Chapadi 6 Jayantagiri ST Sri Subash Ch. Nayak 7 Ranigada ST(W) Smt Jamuna Pradhani 8 Gadapadar ST Sri Budu Pujari 9 Pujariput ST Sri Narasingha Nayak 10 Kebidi ST(W) Smt Jema Kadraka

28

11 Umuri ST Sri Laxana Mangaria

12 Kanga ST Sri Domburudhara Bhotra

13 Kaliagaon ST Sri Bhima Karlia 14 Bariniput ST Sri Kumari Rita Jani 15 Balia ST Sri Domburu Bhumia 16 Hadia ST Sri Purusotti Majhi

17 Phampuni ST Sri Bhima Bhumia

18 Randapalli ST Sri Ananda Halwa

19 Anta ST(W) Smt Parbati Disari

20 Ambaguda ST Sri Dinu Hikaka

21 Jamunda ST(W) Smt Radha Gadaba

22 Kumuliput ST Sri Trinath Muduli

Annexure 3

PRI MEMBERS PROFILE OF KEBIDI GP

SL NO

Name Designation Ward No

Village Sex Age Category

1 Radha Nayak Ward member 1 Kenduguda Female 40 SC

2 Suku Muduli Ward member 2 Kebidi Male 35 ST

3 Dasu Khara Ward member 3 Kebidi Male 34 SC

4 Tila Bisoi Ward member 4 Sundikebidi Male 42 OBC

5 Jiru Harijan Ward member 5 Doraguda Male 55 SC

6 Raita Khosla Ward member 6 Katakebidi Female 31 OBC

7 Sunita Kadraka Ward member 7 Mandikota Female 28 SC

8 Sonu Jani Naib Sarpanch 8 Batjagannathput Male 33 ST

9 Shyama Ward Member 9 Kumbharput Male 55 OBC

29

Kumbhar

10 Dahana Mali Ward member 10 Malikarich Female 50 ST

11 Rama Paraja Ward member 11 Malikarich Male 45 ST

12 Moti Nayak Ward member 12 Bindhaniguda Female 55 SC

13 Udhaba Muduli Ward member 13 Banabati Male 52 ST

14 Jema Kadraka Sarapancha 14 Mandikota Female 25 ST

15 Purna Pujari Samiti member 15 Banabati Male 24 ST

PRI MEMBERS PROFILE OF TANKUA GP

SL NO

Name Designation Ward No

Village Sex Age Category

1 U Shyamala Chaudhury

Naib Sarapancha

1 Bamunigam Female 42 General

2 Saraswati Raut Ward member 2 Jannathpur Female 48 General

3 Maricha Harijan Ward member 3 Jagannathpur Male 42 SC

4 Gauri Naria Ward member 4 Jhinkarguda Female 36 ST

5 Mana Harijan Ward member 5 Kusumput Male 42 SC

6 Rama Chandra Palam

Ward member 6 Tankua Male 40 ST

7 Dukhu Saura Ward member 7 Tankua-1 Male 36 ST

8 Madhu Paraja Ward Member 8 Dimla Male 50 ST

9 Mukta Gadba Ward Member 9 P. Bagra Female 42 ST

10 Nilakantha Muduli Ward member 10 Padapadar Male 49 ST

11 Mira Paraja Ward member 11 Mahalia Put Female 28 OBC

12 Punai Mali Ward member 12 Maliguda Female 38 ST

13 Sukri Pujari Ward member 13 Padampur Female 30 OBC

30

14 Jagannath Mali Ward Member 14 Dhepaguda Male 28 OBC

15 Bisu Gadaba Ward member 15 Badaliguda Male 32 ST

16 Dasamanta Khara Ward member 16 Sukhiaguda Male 41 SC

17 Narayan Kambhar Samiti Member 17 P. Bagra Male 30 ST

18 Usharani Galari Sarapancha 3 Tanua Female 26 ST

REFERENCES:

1) Bandyopadhyay D, K Ghosh Saila, Ghosh Buddhadeb (2003): ‘Dependency versus

Autonomy: Identity Crisis of India’s Panchayats’, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol

38,No:38

2) Delen Broederlijk (2005): ‘Grass Root Democracy- The only way to empower the poor

and neglected’,SORC, Jeypore.

3) Dr. Bhuyan Dasarathi (2008) : ‘New Panchayati Raj System in Orissa’, Orissa Review,

Feb-Mar

4) Dr. Xaxa Johana (2008): ‘Grama Panchayat in Orissa’, Orissa Review, Feb-Mar

5) Kurien George (1998): ‘Empowering conditions in the decentralization process’,Sri Guru

Gouranga Press, Bhubaneswar

6) Mathew George (2003): ‘Panchayati Raj Institutions and Human Rights in India’,

Economic and Political Weekly, Vol 38

31

7) Narayana, E A (1998): ‘Panchayati Raj and Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and

Other Backward Classes’ in R P Joshi (ed), Constitutionalisation of Panchayati Raj: An

Assessment, Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 99-109.

8) Panda, S (1999): ‘Political Empowerment of Women: Case of Orissa PRIs’, Indian

Journal of Public Administration, Vol 45 (1), 86-93.

9) Patnayak Pratyansu (2005): Affirmative Action and Representation of Weaker Sections: Participation and Accountability in Orissa’s Panchayats’. Economic and Political Weekly,

Vol 40

10) Vyasulu Vinod (2002): ‘Development and Participation: What is missing?’, Economic

and Political Weekly, Vol 37