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OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES TEST IN AYOUNG DEMOCRACY SETTING
AKHMED AKHMEDOV AND EKATERINA ZHURAVSKAYA
This paper tests the theory of opportunistic cycles in a decade-old democracymdashRussiamdashfinds strong evidence of cycles and provides an explanation for whyprevious literature often found weaker evidence Using regional monthly paneldata we find that (1) the budget cycle is sizable and short-lived public spendingshifts toward direct monetary transfers to voters (2) the magnitude of the cycledecreases with democracy government transparency media freedom voterawareness and over time and (3) preelectoral manipulation increases incum-bentsrsquo chances for reelection The short length of the cycle explains underestima-tion of its size by previous literature because of low frequency data used inprevious studies
You can fool some of the people all of the timeand all of the people some of the time but you
cannot fool all of the people all of the time[Attributed to Abraham Lincoln 1809ndash1865]
I INTRODUCTION
Despite the fact that theoretical research on opportunisticpolitical cycles is very intuitive and well developed empiricalliterature produced mixed results in attempts to find convincingevidence of opportunistic cycles for almost a quarter of a centuryafter the pioneering work of Nordhaus [1975] The evidence fromdeveloped countries is particularly weak1 The apparent contra-diction between the theory and evidence created an intellectualpuzzle Why did many tests fail Should the theory or the empir-ics be held responsible Motivated by this gap several recenttheoretical works argued that opportunistic cycles should be most
We thank Alberto Alesina Alessandra Casella Sergei Guriev Eric MaskinViktor Polterovich Gerard Roland Thomas Romer Paul Seabright ClaudiaSenik Andrei Shleifer two anonymous referees seminar participants at theInstitute for Advanced Study in Princeton New Jersey New Economic SchoolCEFIR Ohio State University and the participants of the CEPR-WDI 2002Transition Conference and the EEA 2002 Meetings for useful comments Wethank Alexander Andriakov Yury Andrienko and Konstantin Kozlov for helpwith data collection We are grateful to the New Economic School for financialsupport and Alexei Ravitchev for excellent research assistance in the early stagesof this project A part of the work on this paper took place when EkaterinaZhuravskaya was on leave at the Institute for Advanced Study The hospitalityand congenial environment of the Institute are gratefully acknowledged
1 Little empirical support for opportunistic cycles in developed countries wasfound in Klein [1996] Berger and Woitek [1997] Reid [1998] and Alesina andRoubini [1992] Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] Drazen [2000] and Franzese[2002] provide detailed surveys of theoretical and empirical literatures
copy 2004 by the President and Fellows of Harvard College and the Massachusetts Institute ofTechnologyThe Quarterly Journal of Economics November 2004
1301
sizable in countries with immature democratic regimes [Gonzalez2000 Shi and Svensson 2002a] The evidence has been stronglysupportive of this view studies of country-level panels with alarge presence of young democracies and within-country studiesof imperfect democracies have shown robust significant fiscalcycles almost exclusively2 Many of these tests however sufferfrom severe data limitations in particular insufficient frequencyand often too high a level of aggregation of fiscal spending Thispaper sheds further light on the puzzle we provide strong evi-dence of opportunistic cycles using a regional monthly panel froma decade-old democracymdashRussiamdashdemonstrate that use of lowerfrequency data leads to underestimation of cycles explaining theweakness of results in previous studies and document the linkbetween cycles on the one hand and democracy and transpar-ency on the other
Russiarsquos regional elections of executives provide an ideal casefor an empirical test of opportunistic political cycle theory FirstRussia is a typical immature democracy it is characterized bydependent media nontransparent government and a large frac-tion of an uninformed and myopic electorate Since the theorypredicts sizable cycles in immature democracies one should ex-pect to find evidence of cycles on Russian data Simple plots ofactual series of regional spending in many cases suggest vividincreases in spending prior to elections (examples are given inFigure I) Second high uniformity in electoral rules and scope forpolicy-making among regions combined with high variation in thelevel of democracy and government transparency help to identifythe effect of the latter on the magnitude of political cycles Thirddetailed monthly regional panel data allow more powerful tests ofthe theory than the ones done so far
We find sizable and short-lived cycles in public expenditureand its composition and no cycles in growth or inflation control-ling for region-specific characteristics federal trend seasonalityand ideology Monthly panel data allow us careful measurementof even very short cycles This turned out to be important becausemost sizable shifts in spending happen within a month or two ofelections We show that use of quarterly data leads to severeunderestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shifts in pub-
2 See evidence and discussion in Brender and Drazen [2003] as well asevidence produced by Ames [1987] Gonzalez [2002] Krueger and Turan [1993]Drazen and Eslava [2003] Block [2001 2002] Block Ferree and Singh [2003]Shi and Svensson [2002a 2002b] and Schuknecht [2000]
1302 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EI
Ele
ctio
ns
and
Act
ual
Ser
ies
ofR
egio
nal
per
Cap
ita
Soc
ial
Exp
endi
ture
s(S
moo
thed
bya
Mov
ing
Ave
rage
)
1303OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
lic expenditure around elections cancel out in low frequency dataPrevious empirical studies of cycles in developing countries usedquarterly or lower frequency data3 Short length of the cyclehowever does not undermine its economic significance First thecycle is primarily targeted at poor voters who have the worstpossibilities for consumption smoothing the largest fluctuationsare observed in repayment of wage arrears to public workers andspending on welfare and other public assistance programs Sec-ond irrespective of the driving force of the cyclemdashasymmetricinformation or voter myopiamdashit indicates the absence of checksand balances on politicians that make politicians accountable inmature democracies (ie separation of powers free press activeNGOs etc) These institutions should provide voters with fullerinformation and longer-term control over politicians and there-fore limit possibilities for misuse of public office for private gainLarge and short-lived cycles therefore provide evidence of poorlong-term accountability of politicians
In line with recent theoretical results we find that proxies forinformational symmetry voter awareness and the level of regionaldemocracy significantly reduce cycles In addition cycles get smallerover time The latter could be an indication of a general phenome-non as democracy matures voters learn and independent mediaand civil society develop or of a Russia-specific effect of an informalchange in federal control over regional budgets from one Russianpresident to the other (data are insufficient to distinguish betweenthese two explanations of the time effect) Finally we find thatcycles in fiscal policy instruments significantly increase the popu-larity of incumbents and help them win
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows In thenext section we formulate testable hypotheses motivated bytheoretical literature Section III describes the data Section IVpresents results Conclusions follow in Section V
II HYPOTHESES
First we test predictions of the classic opportunistic politicalcycle models Nordhaus [1975] built the first formal model ofopportunistic political cycles based on the Phillips curve withadaptive expectations of voters In the model naıve voters get
3 To the best of our knowledge the only paper that uses monthly data isBerger and Woitek [1997] it rejects hypothesis of opportunistic cycles for theGerman developed democracy
1304 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
consistently fooled by a preelectoral inflationary boom despite therecession following election The model predicts political cycles ingrowth unemployment and inflation Rogoff and Sibert [1988]Rogoff [1990] and Persson and Tabellini [1990] reconciled ratio-nal expectations with opportunistic political cycles in dynamicsignaling models with asymmetric information about politiciansrsquocompetence In particular Rogoff and Sibert [1988] and Rogoff[1990] focus on a political budget cycle in which voters rewardpreelectoral distortion in public spending because it signals aboutan incumbentrsquos ability to provide public goods Rogoff and Sibertrsquosmodel predicts a preelectoral fall in tax collection along withincreases in deficit and inflation Rogoffrsquos model focuses on thepreelectoral shift in composition of government spending awayfrom investment observed with a lag toward more visible publicconsumption We look at the dynamics of a wide range of publicexpenditure items composition of the budget growth and infla-tion to test predictions of these theories
Second we study determinants of the magnitude of the bud-get cycle Asymmetry of information about politiciansrsquo compe-tence plays a central role in rational opportunistic cycles Recentliterature extends the basic setup of Rogoffrsquos model to illustratethat transparency modeled as the probability that voters get acorrect exogenous signal about an incumbentrsquos competence[Gonzalez 2000] and awareness of voters defined as a share ofperfectly informed voters [Shi and Svensson 2002a] reduce themagnitude of the cycle Furthermore Gonzalez [2000] introducesthe level of democracy directly into the model Democracy has anonmonotone effect on the cycle first if the cost of enforcingpolitical turnover is prohibitively high for voters (as is the case indictatorships) then politicians do not have an incentive to engagein costly signaling and therefore there are no cycles Secondwhen change in office can be enforced the cycle decreases withdemocracy because it ensures institutional checks and balanceson government that allow voters to observe politiciansrsquo compe-tence directly with higher probability (ie free media) We testwhether these theoretical predictions are consistent with the databy looking at how cross-sectional variation in voter awareness(measured by education and urbanization) transparency (mea-sured by indices of government transparency and media free-dom) and democracy influence the cycles
In young democracies like Russia emerging NGOs and inde-pendent media accumulate experience in collecting packaging and
1305OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
disseminating information about politicians and their policies whilevoters learn how to process this information Thus cycles should getsmaller over time as learning proceeds and civil society develops[Brender and Drazen 2003] We test for the effect of time on thecycle Apart from learning however the time effect may also beattributed to the difference in scope for fiscal manipulation by re-gional governments under Yeltsin and Putinrsquos administrations (Ro-goff [1990] discusses the effects of restraining fiscal policies on po-litical cycles) We attempt to separate these hypotheses
All opportunistic cycle theories predict that preelectoral ma-nipulations are rewarded by voters In rational signaling modelsa cycle has costs (policy distortions) and benefits (transmittinginformation about politiciansrsquo competence) If voters learn politi-ciansrsquo type directly for instance through well-functioning inde-pendent media signaling has no value to voters In fact in de-veloped democracies voters reward politicians for restrained fis-cal policies [Alesina Perotti and Tavares 1998 Brender 2003]As a last step of our analysis we investigate whether it pays topursue preelectoral fiscal expansion in a maturing democracy
III THE DATA
The comprehensive list of regional governor elections that tookplace in Russia between August 1995 and December 2003 consists of194 electoral events4 Data on most policy instruments and out-comes are available for 159 elections between September 1996 andJuly 2003 Four regions had three rounds of elections 65 regionshad two rounds of elections and 17 regions had just one round ofelections during this period The source of the data on elections isTsentrizbirkom the Central Elections Committee of the RussianFederation
Regional monthly series of fiscal instruments and outcomescome from two sources Goskomstat the State Committee of Statis-tics provided data on wages and income wage arrears from theregional budgets price level and industrial output between 1995and 2003 the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation pro-vided detailed data on the execution of regional budgets for theperiod between 1996 and 2003
4 This list covers all the regions but Dagestan the only region where therehave not been any governor elections We excluded Chechnya and Ingushetia fromthe sample because fluctuations in fiscal policies of these regions have been drivenby war rather than elections
1306 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
To test for the determinants of cycle magnitude we use cross-section data Data on urbanization and education come from Gos-komstat The data on freedom of media in the regions were providedby the Institute of Free Media (wwwfreepressru) Data on trans-parency of the regional government come from ldquoMedia-Soyuzrdquo anindependent professional association of Russian journalists Data onthe scope of regional democracy are from the Carnegie MoscowCenter Carnegie Endowment for International Peace [Petrov 2001]The Appendix presents descriptive statistics of the data
IV RESULTS
IVA Test for Opportunistic Cycles
Three groups of policy instruments and outcomes are consid-ered budgetary expenditures (total spending as well as levels andshares of expenditures on social programs education culturehealth care mass media and industrial subsidies) budget reve-nues and deficit (total revenues tax revenues deficit and federaltransfers) and such outcomes as growth inflation regional bud-getary wage arrears wage level and income We test for politicalcycles in these variables treating election time as exogenous5 Thefollowing equation is estimated on regional monthly panel data
(1) yit j1212
jmjit Lyit1
1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
where i identifies regions t is real time in months and y stands fora logarithm of instrument or outcome of regional policy (all mone-tary variables are expressed in real terms per capita) To control forthe federal trend and macroeconomic shocks we include the com-plete set of time fixed effects t one for each month t To control forregion-specific fixed effects and region-specific seasonality we in-clude fixed effects fis for each of the twelve calendar months s(t) in
5 Ito [1990] Reid [1998] and Heckelman and Berument [1998] amongothers pointed out that opportunistic cycles can occur as a result of setting anelection date at the time of a boom Although almost 19 percent of Russiarsquosregional elections happened a month or more from their expected date in the vastmajority of these cases the time was shifted for exogenous reasons There were afew cases however when there was no exogenous reason for the shift of electiontime even though it is illegal to shift the date of regional elections To make surethat our results are not driven by the presence of endogenous elections werepeated all tests on the subsample of elections that had exogenously predeter-mined timing and got virtually identical results
1307OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TS
PE
ND
ING
AN
DIT
SC
OM
PO
SIT
ION
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
12
003
4
001
8
000
10
007
0
013
001
90
003
004
50
070
(00
26)
(00
43)
(00
26)
(00
32)
(00
28)
(00
59)
(01
11)
(00
40)
(00
56)
mon
th
110
000
000
3
003
8
005
1
001
30
013
008
1
000
7
000
2(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
057
)(0
106
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
10
0
013
002
80
011
0
011
001
90
033
001
20
029
002
6(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
105
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
9
004
70
053
002
70
037
001
70
077
018
80
004
001
1(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
107
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
8
001
50
041
000
10
005
002
70
036
012
20
064
001
3(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
104
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
7
002
0
004
4
001
5
003
30
003
0
034
0
028
0
020
0
047
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(00
98)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
60
007
0
026
003
10
028
002
20
002
012
5
001
10
008
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(01
00)
(00
38)
(00
51)
mon
th
50
025
007
40
033
000
60
003
006
2
011
40
016
001
1(0
025
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
055
)(0
099
)(0
038
)(0
051
)
1308 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
40
009
005
9
004
6
002
0
004
10
081
0
122
003
80
088
(00
26)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
57)
(01
05)
(00
40)
(00
54)
mon
th
30
024
003
80
001
0
001
001
00
032
0
096
0
001
001
8(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
056
)(0
105
)(0
038
)(0
052
)m
onth
2
0
001
003
00
031
002
00
045
017
0
001
70
049
015
9
(00
25)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
55)
(01
05)
(00
38)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
117
0
226
0
121
0
140
0
130
0
106
020
00
103
004
9(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
054
)(0
105
)(0
037
)(0
051
)m
onth
0el
ecti
ons
0
053
0
030
0
077
006
1
0
081
012
7
0
008
008
0
0
091
(00
26)
(00
41)
(00
25)
(00
31)
(00
27)
(00
57)
(01
07)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
1
004
6
009
2
0
039
0
116
003
1
016
4
0
147
0
042
0
122
(0
024
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
053
)(0
099
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
2
0
043
0
062
0
016
0
034
0
019
0
170
009
5
003
1
014
0
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
98)
(00
35)
(00
49)
mon
th
30
004
001
6
000
5
003
70
006
000
40
029
002
8
001
4(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
097
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
4
0
005
0
006
002
2
000
70
038
006
00
108
0
011
005
0(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
096
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
5
001
10
019
002
20
013
001
20
046
0
039
000
90
038
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
92)
(00
35)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
000
70
061
003
3
000
5
001
9
000
20
211
0
067
0
016
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
94)
(00
35)
(00
49)
1309OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
70
039
0
012
001
30
014
002
00
086
0
147
0
053
003
3(0
023
)(0
037
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
024
)(0
052
)(0
095
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
8
001
90
014
0
007
002
60
002
001
5
002
20
007
0
006
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
22)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
9
001
8
000
50
031
0
010
001
20
047
0
056
002
30
065
(00
23)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
10
000
9
000
20
007
004
0
000
4
003
60
017
000
8
001
3(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
098
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
11
004
20
016
002
30
075
0
031
000
4
001
8
000
7
001
5(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
051
)(0
100
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
12
0
004
0
016
001
50
004
0
019
002
40
059
0
003
005
0(0
024
)(0
039
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
054
)(0
102
)(0
036
)(0
050
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
012
0
006
0
010
0
017
0
001
0
026
0
037
0
002
0
028
(00
10)
(00
16)
(00
10)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
22)
(00
41)
(00
15)
(00
21)
Lef
t0
030
0
003
002
8
000
10
005
0
073
0
011
0
009
0
101
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
28)
(00
36)
(00
31)
(00
77)
(01
22)
(00
52)
(00
70)
Obs
67
6770
0469
8969
2169
6666
0058
2563
8862
41R
20
574
056
10
548
048
10
511
023
50
611
034
90
131
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
gres
sion
for
fede
ralt
ran
sfer
sis
run
onth
esu
bsam
ple
wh
ere
regi
ons
rece
ived
stri
ctly
posi
tive
fede
ral
aid
1310 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sizable in countries with immature democratic regimes [Gonzalez2000 Shi and Svensson 2002a] The evidence has been stronglysupportive of this view studies of country-level panels with alarge presence of young democracies and within-country studiesof imperfect democracies have shown robust significant fiscalcycles almost exclusively2 Many of these tests however sufferfrom severe data limitations in particular insufficient frequencyand often too high a level of aggregation of fiscal spending Thispaper sheds further light on the puzzle we provide strong evi-dence of opportunistic cycles using a regional monthly panel froma decade-old democracymdashRussiamdashdemonstrate that use of lowerfrequency data leads to underestimation of cycles explaining theweakness of results in previous studies and document the linkbetween cycles on the one hand and democracy and transpar-ency on the other
Russiarsquos regional elections of executives provide an ideal casefor an empirical test of opportunistic political cycle theory FirstRussia is a typical immature democracy it is characterized bydependent media nontransparent government and a large frac-tion of an uninformed and myopic electorate Since the theorypredicts sizable cycles in immature democracies one should ex-pect to find evidence of cycles on Russian data Simple plots ofactual series of regional spending in many cases suggest vividincreases in spending prior to elections (examples are given inFigure I) Second high uniformity in electoral rules and scope forpolicy-making among regions combined with high variation in thelevel of democracy and government transparency help to identifythe effect of the latter on the magnitude of political cycles Thirddetailed monthly regional panel data allow more powerful tests ofthe theory than the ones done so far
We find sizable and short-lived cycles in public expenditureand its composition and no cycles in growth or inflation control-ling for region-specific characteristics federal trend seasonalityand ideology Monthly panel data allow us careful measurementof even very short cycles This turned out to be important becausemost sizable shifts in spending happen within a month or two ofelections We show that use of quarterly data leads to severeunderestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shifts in pub-
2 See evidence and discussion in Brender and Drazen [2003] as well asevidence produced by Ames [1987] Gonzalez [2002] Krueger and Turan [1993]Drazen and Eslava [2003] Block [2001 2002] Block Ferree and Singh [2003]Shi and Svensson [2002a 2002b] and Schuknecht [2000]
1302 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EI
Ele
ctio
ns
and
Act
ual
Ser
ies
ofR
egio
nal
per
Cap
ita
Soc
ial
Exp
endi
ture
s(S
moo
thed
bya
Mov
ing
Ave
rage
)
1303OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
lic expenditure around elections cancel out in low frequency dataPrevious empirical studies of cycles in developing countries usedquarterly or lower frequency data3 Short length of the cyclehowever does not undermine its economic significance First thecycle is primarily targeted at poor voters who have the worstpossibilities for consumption smoothing the largest fluctuationsare observed in repayment of wage arrears to public workers andspending on welfare and other public assistance programs Sec-ond irrespective of the driving force of the cyclemdashasymmetricinformation or voter myopiamdashit indicates the absence of checksand balances on politicians that make politicians accountable inmature democracies (ie separation of powers free press activeNGOs etc) These institutions should provide voters with fullerinformation and longer-term control over politicians and there-fore limit possibilities for misuse of public office for private gainLarge and short-lived cycles therefore provide evidence of poorlong-term accountability of politicians
In line with recent theoretical results we find that proxies forinformational symmetry voter awareness and the level of regionaldemocracy significantly reduce cycles In addition cycles get smallerover time The latter could be an indication of a general phenome-non as democracy matures voters learn and independent mediaand civil society develop or of a Russia-specific effect of an informalchange in federal control over regional budgets from one Russianpresident to the other (data are insufficient to distinguish betweenthese two explanations of the time effect) Finally we find thatcycles in fiscal policy instruments significantly increase the popu-larity of incumbents and help them win
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows In thenext section we formulate testable hypotheses motivated bytheoretical literature Section III describes the data Section IVpresents results Conclusions follow in Section V
II HYPOTHESES
First we test predictions of the classic opportunistic politicalcycle models Nordhaus [1975] built the first formal model ofopportunistic political cycles based on the Phillips curve withadaptive expectations of voters In the model naıve voters get
3 To the best of our knowledge the only paper that uses monthly data isBerger and Woitek [1997] it rejects hypothesis of opportunistic cycles for theGerman developed democracy
1304 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
consistently fooled by a preelectoral inflationary boom despite therecession following election The model predicts political cycles ingrowth unemployment and inflation Rogoff and Sibert [1988]Rogoff [1990] and Persson and Tabellini [1990] reconciled ratio-nal expectations with opportunistic political cycles in dynamicsignaling models with asymmetric information about politiciansrsquocompetence In particular Rogoff and Sibert [1988] and Rogoff[1990] focus on a political budget cycle in which voters rewardpreelectoral distortion in public spending because it signals aboutan incumbentrsquos ability to provide public goods Rogoff and Sibertrsquosmodel predicts a preelectoral fall in tax collection along withincreases in deficit and inflation Rogoffrsquos model focuses on thepreelectoral shift in composition of government spending awayfrom investment observed with a lag toward more visible publicconsumption We look at the dynamics of a wide range of publicexpenditure items composition of the budget growth and infla-tion to test predictions of these theories
Second we study determinants of the magnitude of the bud-get cycle Asymmetry of information about politiciansrsquo compe-tence plays a central role in rational opportunistic cycles Recentliterature extends the basic setup of Rogoffrsquos model to illustratethat transparency modeled as the probability that voters get acorrect exogenous signal about an incumbentrsquos competence[Gonzalez 2000] and awareness of voters defined as a share ofperfectly informed voters [Shi and Svensson 2002a] reduce themagnitude of the cycle Furthermore Gonzalez [2000] introducesthe level of democracy directly into the model Democracy has anonmonotone effect on the cycle first if the cost of enforcingpolitical turnover is prohibitively high for voters (as is the case indictatorships) then politicians do not have an incentive to engagein costly signaling and therefore there are no cycles Secondwhen change in office can be enforced the cycle decreases withdemocracy because it ensures institutional checks and balanceson government that allow voters to observe politiciansrsquo compe-tence directly with higher probability (ie free media) We testwhether these theoretical predictions are consistent with the databy looking at how cross-sectional variation in voter awareness(measured by education and urbanization) transparency (mea-sured by indices of government transparency and media free-dom) and democracy influence the cycles
In young democracies like Russia emerging NGOs and inde-pendent media accumulate experience in collecting packaging and
1305OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
disseminating information about politicians and their policies whilevoters learn how to process this information Thus cycles should getsmaller over time as learning proceeds and civil society develops[Brender and Drazen 2003] We test for the effect of time on thecycle Apart from learning however the time effect may also beattributed to the difference in scope for fiscal manipulation by re-gional governments under Yeltsin and Putinrsquos administrations (Ro-goff [1990] discusses the effects of restraining fiscal policies on po-litical cycles) We attempt to separate these hypotheses
All opportunistic cycle theories predict that preelectoral ma-nipulations are rewarded by voters In rational signaling modelsa cycle has costs (policy distortions) and benefits (transmittinginformation about politiciansrsquo competence) If voters learn politi-ciansrsquo type directly for instance through well-functioning inde-pendent media signaling has no value to voters In fact in de-veloped democracies voters reward politicians for restrained fis-cal policies [Alesina Perotti and Tavares 1998 Brender 2003]As a last step of our analysis we investigate whether it pays topursue preelectoral fiscal expansion in a maturing democracy
III THE DATA
The comprehensive list of regional governor elections that tookplace in Russia between August 1995 and December 2003 consists of194 electoral events4 Data on most policy instruments and out-comes are available for 159 elections between September 1996 andJuly 2003 Four regions had three rounds of elections 65 regionshad two rounds of elections and 17 regions had just one round ofelections during this period The source of the data on elections isTsentrizbirkom the Central Elections Committee of the RussianFederation
Regional monthly series of fiscal instruments and outcomescome from two sources Goskomstat the State Committee of Statis-tics provided data on wages and income wage arrears from theregional budgets price level and industrial output between 1995and 2003 the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation pro-vided detailed data on the execution of regional budgets for theperiod between 1996 and 2003
4 This list covers all the regions but Dagestan the only region where therehave not been any governor elections We excluded Chechnya and Ingushetia fromthe sample because fluctuations in fiscal policies of these regions have been drivenby war rather than elections
1306 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
To test for the determinants of cycle magnitude we use cross-section data Data on urbanization and education come from Gos-komstat The data on freedom of media in the regions were providedby the Institute of Free Media (wwwfreepressru) Data on trans-parency of the regional government come from ldquoMedia-Soyuzrdquo anindependent professional association of Russian journalists Data onthe scope of regional democracy are from the Carnegie MoscowCenter Carnegie Endowment for International Peace [Petrov 2001]The Appendix presents descriptive statistics of the data
IV RESULTS
IVA Test for Opportunistic Cycles
Three groups of policy instruments and outcomes are consid-ered budgetary expenditures (total spending as well as levels andshares of expenditures on social programs education culturehealth care mass media and industrial subsidies) budget reve-nues and deficit (total revenues tax revenues deficit and federaltransfers) and such outcomes as growth inflation regional bud-getary wage arrears wage level and income We test for politicalcycles in these variables treating election time as exogenous5 Thefollowing equation is estimated on regional monthly panel data
(1) yit j1212
jmjit Lyit1
1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
where i identifies regions t is real time in months and y stands fora logarithm of instrument or outcome of regional policy (all mone-tary variables are expressed in real terms per capita) To control forthe federal trend and macroeconomic shocks we include the com-plete set of time fixed effects t one for each month t To control forregion-specific fixed effects and region-specific seasonality we in-clude fixed effects fis for each of the twelve calendar months s(t) in
5 Ito [1990] Reid [1998] and Heckelman and Berument [1998] amongothers pointed out that opportunistic cycles can occur as a result of setting anelection date at the time of a boom Although almost 19 percent of Russiarsquosregional elections happened a month or more from their expected date in the vastmajority of these cases the time was shifted for exogenous reasons There were afew cases however when there was no exogenous reason for the shift of electiontime even though it is illegal to shift the date of regional elections To make surethat our results are not driven by the presence of endogenous elections werepeated all tests on the subsample of elections that had exogenously predeter-mined timing and got virtually identical results
1307OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TS
PE
ND
ING
AN
DIT
SC
OM
PO
SIT
ION
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
12
003
4
001
8
000
10
007
0
013
001
90
003
004
50
070
(00
26)
(00
43)
(00
26)
(00
32)
(00
28)
(00
59)
(01
11)
(00
40)
(00
56)
mon
th
110
000
000
3
003
8
005
1
001
30
013
008
1
000
7
000
2(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
057
)(0
106
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
10
0
013
002
80
011
0
011
001
90
033
001
20
029
002
6(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
105
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
9
004
70
053
002
70
037
001
70
077
018
80
004
001
1(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
107
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
8
001
50
041
000
10
005
002
70
036
012
20
064
001
3(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
104
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
7
002
0
004
4
001
5
003
30
003
0
034
0
028
0
020
0
047
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(00
98)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
60
007
0
026
003
10
028
002
20
002
012
5
001
10
008
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(01
00)
(00
38)
(00
51)
mon
th
50
025
007
40
033
000
60
003
006
2
011
40
016
001
1(0
025
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
055
)(0
099
)(0
038
)(0
051
)
1308 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
40
009
005
9
004
6
002
0
004
10
081
0
122
003
80
088
(00
26)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
57)
(01
05)
(00
40)
(00
54)
mon
th
30
024
003
80
001
0
001
001
00
032
0
096
0
001
001
8(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
056
)(0
105
)(0
038
)(0
052
)m
onth
2
0
001
003
00
031
002
00
045
017
0
001
70
049
015
9
(00
25)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
55)
(01
05)
(00
38)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
117
0
226
0
121
0
140
0
130
0
106
020
00
103
004
9(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
054
)(0
105
)(0
037
)(0
051
)m
onth
0el
ecti
ons
0
053
0
030
0
077
006
1
0
081
012
7
0
008
008
0
0
091
(00
26)
(00
41)
(00
25)
(00
31)
(00
27)
(00
57)
(01
07)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
1
004
6
009
2
0
039
0
116
003
1
016
4
0
147
0
042
0
122
(0
024
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
053
)(0
099
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
2
0
043
0
062
0
016
0
034
0
019
0
170
009
5
003
1
014
0
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
98)
(00
35)
(00
49)
mon
th
30
004
001
6
000
5
003
70
006
000
40
029
002
8
001
4(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
097
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
4
0
005
0
006
002
2
000
70
038
006
00
108
0
011
005
0(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
096
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
5
001
10
019
002
20
013
001
20
046
0
039
000
90
038
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
92)
(00
35)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
000
70
061
003
3
000
5
001
9
000
20
211
0
067
0
016
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
94)
(00
35)
(00
49)
1309OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
70
039
0
012
001
30
014
002
00
086
0
147
0
053
003
3(0
023
)(0
037
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
024
)(0
052
)(0
095
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
8
001
90
014
0
007
002
60
002
001
5
002
20
007
0
006
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
22)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
9
001
8
000
50
031
0
010
001
20
047
0
056
002
30
065
(00
23)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
10
000
9
000
20
007
004
0
000
4
003
60
017
000
8
001
3(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
098
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
11
004
20
016
002
30
075
0
031
000
4
001
8
000
7
001
5(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
051
)(0
100
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
12
0
004
0
016
001
50
004
0
019
002
40
059
0
003
005
0(0
024
)(0
039
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
054
)(0
102
)(0
036
)(0
050
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
012
0
006
0
010
0
017
0
001
0
026
0
037
0
002
0
028
(00
10)
(00
16)
(00
10)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
22)
(00
41)
(00
15)
(00
21)
Lef
t0
030
0
003
002
8
000
10
005
0
073
0
011
0
009
0
101
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
28)
(00
36)
(00
31)
(00
77)
(01
22)
(00
52)
(00
70)
Obs
67
6770
0469
8969
2169
6666
0058
2563
8862
41R
20
574
056
10
548
048
10
511
023
50
611
034
90
131
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
gres
sion
for
fede
ralt
ran
sfer
sis
run
onth
esu
bsam
ple
wh
ere
regi
ons
rece
ived
stri
ctly
posi
tive
fede
ral
aid
1310 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EI
Ele
ctio
ns
and
Act
ual
Ser
ies
ofR
egio
nal
per
Cap
ita
Soc
ial
Exp
endi
ture
s(S
moo
thed
bya
Mov
ing
Ave
rage
)
1303OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
lic expenditure around elections cancel out in low frequency dataPrevious empirical studies of cycles in developing countries usedquarterly or lower frequency data3 Short length of the cyclehowever does not undermine its economic significance First thecycle is primarily targeted at poor voters who have the worstpossibilities for consumption smoothing the largest fluctuationsare observed in repayment of wage arrears to public workers andspending on welfare and other public assistance programs Sec-ond irrespective of the driving force of the cyclemdashasymmetricinformation or voter myopiamdashit indicates the absence of checksand balances on politicians that make politicians accountable inmature democracies (ie separation of powers free press activeNGOs etc) These institutions should provide voters with fullerinformation and longer-term control over politicians and there-fore limit possibilities for misuse of public office for private gainLarge and short-lived cycles therefore provide evidence of poorlong-term accountability of politicians
In line with recent theoretical results we find that proxies forinformational symmetry voter awareness and the level of regionaldemocracy significantly reduce cycles In addition cycles get smallerover time The latter could be an indication of a general phenome-non as democracy matures voters learn and independent mediaand civil society develop or of a Russia-specific effect of an informalchange in federal control over regional budgets from one Russianpresident to the other (data are insufficient to distinguish betweenthese two explanations of the time effect) Finally we find thatcycles in fiscal policy instruments significantly increase the popu-larity of incumbents and help them win
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows In thenext section we formulate testable hypotheses motivated bytheoretical literature Section III describes the data Section IVpresents results Conclusions follow in Section V
II HYPOTHESES
First we test predictions of the classic opportunistic politicalcycle models Nordhaus [1975] built the first formal model ofopportunistic political cycles based on the Phillips curve withadaptive expectations of voters In the model naıve voters get
3 To the best of our knowledge the only paper that uses monthly data isBerger and Woitek [1997] it rejects hypothesis of opportunistic cycles for theGerman developed democracy
1304 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
consistently fooled by a preelectoral inflationary boom despite therecession following election The model predicts political cycles ingrowth unemployment and inflation Rogoff and Sibert [1988]Rogoff [1990] and Persson and Tabellini [1990] reconciled ratio-nal expectations with opportunistic political cycles in dynamicsignaling models with asymmetric information about politiciansrsquocompetence In particular Rogoff and Sibert [1988] and Rogoff[1990] focus on a political budget cycle in which voters rewardpreelectoral distortion in public spending because it signals aboutan incumbentrsquos ability to provide public goods Rogoff and Sibertrsquosmodel predicts a preelectoral fall in tax collection along withincreases in deficit and inflation Rogoffrsquos model focuses on thepreelectoral shift in composition of government spending awayfrom investment observed with a lag toward more visible publicconsumption We look at the dynamics of a wide range of publicexpenditure items composition of the budget growth and infla-tion to test predictions of these theories
Second we study determinants of the magnitude of the bud-get cycle Asymmetry of information about politiciansrsquo compe-tence plays a central role in rational opportunistic cycles Recentliterature extends the basic setup of Rogoffrsquos model to illustratethat transparency modeled as the probability that voters get acorrect exogenous signal about an incumbentrsquos competence[Gonzalez 2000] and awareness of voters defined as a share ofperfectly informed voters [Shi and Svensson 2002a] reduce themagnitude of the cycle Furthermore Gonzalez [2000] introducesthe level of democracy directly into the model Democracy has anonmonotone effect on the cycle first if the cost of enforcingpolitical turnover is prohibitively high for voters (as is the case indictatorships) then politicians do not have an incentive to engagein costly signaling and therefore there are no cycles Secondwhen change in office can be enforced the cycle decreases withdemocracy because it ensures institutional checks and balanceson government that allow voters to observe politiciansrsquo compe-tence directly with higher probability (ie free media) We testwhether these theoretical predictions are consistent with the databy looking at how cross-sectional variation in voter awareness(measured by education and urbanization) transparency (mea-sured by indices of government transparency and media free-dom) and democracy influence the cycles
In young democracies like Russia emerging NGOs and inde-pendent media accumulate experience in collecting packaging and
1305OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
disseminating information about politicians and their policies whilevoters learn how to process this information Thus cycles should getsmaller over time as learning proceeds and civil society develops[Brender and Drazen 2003] We test for the effect of time on thecycle Apart from learning however the time effect may also beattributed to the difference in scope for fiscal manipulation by re-gional governments under Yeltsin and Putinrsquos administrations (Ro-goff [1990] discusses the effects of restraining fiscal policies on po-litical cycles) We attempt to separate these hypotheses
All opportunistic cycle theories predict that preelectoral ma-nipulations are rewarded by voters In rational signaling modelsa cycle has costs (policy distortions) and benefits (transmittinginformation about politiciansrsquo competence) If voters learn politi-ciansrsquo type directly for instance through well-functioning inde-pendent media signaling has no value to voters In fact in de-veloped democracies voters reward politicians for restrained fis-cal policies [Alesina Perotti and Tavares 1998 Brender 2003]As a last step of our analysis we investigate whether it pays topursue preelectoral fiscal expansion in a maturing democracy
III THE DATA
The comprehensive list of regional governor elections that tookplace in Russia between August 1995 and December 2003 consists of194 electoral events4 Data on most policy instruments and out-comes are available for 159 elections between September 1996 andJuly 2003 Four regions had three rounds of elections 65 regionshad two rounds of elections and 17 regions had just one round ofelections during this period The source of the data on elections isTsentrizbirkom the Central Elections Committee of the RussianFederation
Regional monthly series of fiscal instruments and outcomescome from two sources Goskomstat the State Committee of Statis-tics provided data on wages and income wage arrears from theregional budgets price level and industrial output between 1995and 2003 the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation pro-vided detailed data on the execution of regional budgets for theperiod between 1996 and 2003
4 This list covers all the regions but Dagestan the only region where therehave not been any governor elections We excluded Chechnya and Ingushetia fromthe sample because fluctuations in fiscal policies of these regions have been drivenby war rather than elections
1306 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
To test for the determinants of cycle magnitude we use cross-section data Data on urbanization and education come from Gos-komstat The data on freedom of media in the regions were providedby the Institute of Free Media (wwwfreepressru) Data on trans-parency of the regional government come from ldquoMedia-Soyuzrdquo anindependent professional association of Russian journalists Data onthe scope of regional democracy are from the Carnegie MoscowCenter Carnegie Endowment for International Peace [Petrov 2001]The Appendix presents descriptive statistics of the data
IV RESULTS
IVA Test for Opportunistic Cycles
Three groups of policy instruments and outcomes are consid-ered budgetary expenditures (total spending as well as levels andshares of expenditures on social programs education culturehealth care mass media and industrial subsidies) budget reve-nues and deficit (total revenues tax revenues deficit and federaltransfers) and such outcomes as growth inflation regional bud-getary wage arrears wage level and income We test for politicalcycles in these variables treating election time as exogenous5 Thefollowing equation is estimated on regional monthly panel data
(1) yit j1212
jmjit Lyit1
1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
where i identifies regions t is real time in months and y stands fora logarithm of instrument or outcome of regional policy (all mone-tary variables are expressed in real terms per capita) To control forthe federal trend and macroeconomic shocks we include the com-plete set of time fixed effects t one for each month t To control forregion-specific fixed effects and region-specific seasonality we in-clude fixed effects fis for each of the twelve calendar months s(t) in
5 Ito [1990] Reid [1998] and Heckelman and Berument [1998] amongothers pointed out that opportunistic cycles can occur as a result of setting anelection date at the time of a boom Although almost 19 percent of Russiarsquosregional elections happened a month or more from their expected date in the vastmajority of these cases the time was shifted for exogenous reasons There were afew cases however when there was no exogenous reason for the shift of electiontime even though it is illegal to shift the date of regional elections To make surethat our results are not driven by the presence of endogenous elections werepeated all tests on the subsample of elections that had exogenously predeter-mined timing and got virtually identical results
1307OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TS
PE
ND
ING
AN
DIT
SC
OM
PO
SIT
ION
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
12
003
4
001
8
000
10
007
0
013
001
90
003
004
50
070
(00
26)
(00
43)
(00
26)
(00
32)
(00
28)
(00
59)
(01
11)
(00
40)
(00
56)
mon
th
110
000
000
3
003
8
005
1
001
30
013
008
1
000
7
000
2(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
057
)(0
106
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
10
0
013
002
80
011
0
011
001
90
033
001
20
029
002
6(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
105
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
9
004
70
053
002
70
037
001
70
077
018
80
004
001
1(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
107
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
8
001
50
041
000
10
005
002
70
036
012
20
064
001
3(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
104
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
7
002
0
004
4
001
5
003
30
003
0
034
0
028
0
020
0
047
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(00
98)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
60
007
0
026
003
10
028
002
20
002
012
5
001
10
008
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(01
00)
(00
38)
(00
51)
mon
th
50
025
007
40
033
000
60
003
006
2
011
40
016
001
1(0
025
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
055
)(0
099
)(0
038
)(0
051
)
1308 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
40
009
005
9
004
6
002
0
004
10
081
0
122
003
80
088
(00
26)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
57)
(01
05)
(00
40)
(00
54)
mon
th
30
024
003
80
001
0
001
001
00
032
0
096
0
001
001
8(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
056
)(0
105
)(0
038
)(0
052
)m
onth
2
0
001
003
00
031
002
00
045
017
0
001
70
049
015
9
(00
25)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
55)
(01
05)
(00
38)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
117
0
226
0
121
0
140
0
130
0
106
020
00
103
004
9(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
054
)(0
105
)(0
037
)(0
051
)m
onth
0el
ecti
ons
0
053
0
030
0
077
006
1
0
081
012
7
0
008
008
0
0
091
(00
26)
(00
41)
(00
25)
(00
31)
(00
27)
(00
57)
(01
07)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
1
004
6
009
2
0
039
0
116
003
1
016
4
0
147
0
042
0
122
(0
024
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
053
)(0
099
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
2
0
043
0
062
0
016
0
034
0
019
0
170
009
5
003
1
014
0
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
98)
(00
35)
(00
49)
mon
th
30
004
001
6
000
5
003
70
006
000
40
029
002
8
001
4(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
097
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
4
0
005
0
006
002
2
000
70
038
006
00
108
0
011
005
0(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
096
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
5
001
10
019
002
20
013
001
20
046
0
039
000
90
038
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
92)
(00
35)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
000
70
061
003
3
000
5
001
9
000
20
211
0
067
0
016
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
94)
(00
35)
(00
49)
1309OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
70
039
0
012
001
30
014
002
00
086
0
147
0
053
003
3(0
023
)(0
037
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
024
)(0
052
)(0
095
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
8
001
90
014
0
007
002
60
002
001
5
002
20
007
0
006
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
22)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
9
001
8
000
50
031
0
010
001
20
047
0
056
002
30
065
(00
23)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
10
000
9
000
20
007
004
0
000
4
003
60
017
000
8
001
3(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
098
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
11
004
20
016
002
30
075
0
031
000
4
001
8
000
7
001
5(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
051
)(0
100
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
12
0
004
0
016
001
50
004
0
019
002
40
059
0
003
005
0(0
024
)(0
039
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
054
)(0
102
)(0
036
)(0
050
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
012
0
006
0
010
0
017
0
001
0
026
0
037
0
002
0
028
(00
10)
(00
16)
(00
10)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
22)
(00
41)
(00
15)
(00
21)
Lef
t0
030
0
003
002
8
000
10
005
0
073
0
011
0
009
0
101
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
28)
(00
36)
(00
31)
(00
77)
(01
22)
(00
52)
(00
70)
Obs
67
6770
0469
8969
2169
6666
0058
2563
8862
41R
20
574
056
10
548
048
10
511
023
50
611
034
90
131
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
gres
sion
for
fede
ralt
ran
sfer
sis
run
onth
esu
bsam
ple
wh
ere
regi
ons
rece
ived
stri
ctly
posi
tive
fede
ral
aid
1310 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
lic expenditure around elections cancel out in low frequency dataPrevious empirical studies of cycles in developing countries usedquarterly or lower frequency data3 Short length of the cyclehowever does not undermine its economic significance First thecycle is primarily targeted at poor voters who have the worstpossibilities for consumption smoothing the largest fluctuationsare observed in repayment of wage arrears to public workers andspending on welfare and other public assistance programs Sec-ond irrespective of the driving force of the cyclemdashasymmetricinformation or voter myopiamdashit indicates the absence of checksand balances on politicians that make politicians accountable inmature democracies (ie separation of powers free press activeNGOs etc) These institutions should provide voters with fullerinformation and longer-term control over politicians and there-fore limit possibilities for misuse of public office for private gainLarge and short-lived cycles therefore provide evidence of poorlong-term accountability of politicians
In line with recent theoretical results we find that proxies forinformational symmetry voter awareness and the level of regionaldemocracy significantly reduce cycles In addition cycles get smallerover time The latter could be an indication of a general phenome-non as democracy matures voters learn and independent mediaand civil society develop or of a Russia-specific effect of an informalchange in federal control over regional budgets from one Russianpresident to the other (data are insufficient to distinguish betweenthese two explanations of the time effect) Finally we find thatcycles in fiscal policy instruments significantly increase the popu-larity of incumbents and help them win
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows In thenext section we formulate testable hypotheses motivated bytheoretical literature Section III describes the data Section IVpresents results Conclusions follow in Section V
II HYPOTHESES
First we test predictions of the classic opportunistic politicalcycle models Nordhaus [1975] built the first formal model ofopportunistic political cycles based on the Phillips curve withadaptive expectations of voters In the model naıve voters get
3 To the best of our knowledge the only paper that uses monthly data isBerger and Woitek [1997] it rejects hypothesis of opportunistic cycles for theGerman developed democracy
1304 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
consistently fooled by a preelectoral inflationary boom despite therecession following election The model predicts political cycles ingrowth unemployment and inflation Rogoff and Sibert [1988]Rogoff [1990] and Persson and Tabellini [1990] reconciled ratio-nal expectations with opportunistic political cycles in dynamicsignaling models with asymmetric information about politiciansrsquocompetence In particular Rogoff and Sibert [1988] and Rogoff[1990] focus on a political budget cycle in which voters rewardpreelectoral distortion in public spending because it signals aboutan incumbentrsquos ability to provide public goods Rogoff and Sibertrsquosmodel predicts a preelectoral fall in tax collection along withincreases in deficit and inflation Rogoffrsquos model focuses on thepreelectoral shift in composition of government spending awayfrom investment observed with a lag toward more visible publicconsumption We look at the dynamics of a wide range of publicexpenditure items composition of the budget growth and infla-tion to test predictions of these theories
Second we study determinants of the magnitude of the bud-get cycle Asymmetry of information about politiciansrsquo compe-tence plays a central role in rational opportunistic cycles Recentliterature extends the basic setup of Rogoffrsquos model to illustratethat transparency modeled as the probability that voters get acorrect exogenous signal about an incumbentrsquos competence[Gonzalez 2000] and awareness of voters defined as a share ofperfectly informed voters [Shi and Svensson 2002a] reduce themagnitude of the cycle Furthermore Gonzalez [2000] introducesthe level of democracy directly into the model Democracy has anonmonotone effect on the cycle first if the cost of enforcingpolitical turnover is prohibitively high for voters (as is the case indictatorships) then politicians do not have an incentive to engagein costly signaling and therefore there are no cycles Secondwhen change in office can be enforced the cycle decreases withdemocracy because it ensures institutional checks and balanceson government that allow voters to observe politiciansrsquo compe-tence directly with higher probability (ie free media) We testwhether these theoretical predictions are consistent with the databy looking at how cross-sectional variation in voter awareness(measured by education and urbanization) transparency (mea-sured by indices of government transparency and media free-dom) and democracy influence the cycles
In young democracies like Russia emerging NGOs and inde-pendent media accumulate experience in collecting packaging and
1305OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
disseminating information about politicians and their policies whilevoters learn how to process this information Thus cycles should getsmaller over time as learning proceeds and civil society develops[Brender and Drazen 2003] We test for the effect of time on thecycle Apart from learning however the time effect may also beattributed to the difference in scope for fiscal manipulation by re-gional governments under Yeltsin and Putinrsquos administrations (Ro-goff [1990] discusses the effects of restraining fiscal policies on po-litical cycles) We attempt to separate these hypotheses
All opportunistic cycle theories predict that preelectoral ma-nipulations are rewarded by voters In rational signaling modelsa cycle has costs (policy distortions) and benefits (transmittinginformation about politiciansrsquo competence) If voters learn politi-ciansrsquo type directly for instance through well-functioning inde-pendent media signaling has no value to voters In fact in de-veloped democracies voters reward politicians for restrained fis-cal policies [Alesina Perotti and Tavares 1998 Brender 2003]As a last step of our analysis we investigate whether it pays topursue preelectoral fiscal expansion in a maturing democracy
III THE DATA
The comprehensive list of regional governor elections that tookplace in Russia between August 1995 and December 2003 consists of194 electoral events4 Data on most policy instruments and out-comes are available for 159 elections between September 1996 andJuly 2003 Four regions had three rounds of elections 65 regionshad two rounds of elections and 17 regions had just one round ofelections during this period The source of the data on elections isTsentrizbirkom the Central Elections Committee of the RussianFederation
Regional monthly series of fiscal instruments and outcomescome from two sources Goskomstat the State Committee of Statis-tics provided data on wages and income wage arrears from theregional budgets price level and industrial output between 1995and 2003 the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation pro-vided detailed data on the execution of regional budgets for theperiod between 1996 and 2003
4 This list covers all the regions but Dagestan the only region where therehave not been any governor elections We excluded Chechnya and Ingushetia fromthe sample because fluctuations in fiscal policies of these regions have been drivenby war rather than elections
1306 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
To test for the determinants of cycle magnitude we use cross-section data Data on urbanization and education come from Gos-komstat The data on freedom of media in the regions were providedby the Institute of Free Media (wwwfreepressru) Data on trans-parency of the regional government come from ldquoMedia-Soyuzrdquo anindependent professional association of Russian journalists Data onthe scope of regional democracy are from the Carnegie MoscowCenter Carnegie Endowment for International Peace [Petrov 2001]The Appendix presents descriptive statistics of the data
IV RESULTS
IVA Test for Opportunistic Cycles
Three groups of policy instruments and outcomes are consid-ered budgetary expenditures (total spending as well as levels andshares of expenditures on social programs education culturehealth care mass media and industrial subsidies) budget reve-nues and deficit (total revenues tax revenues deficit and federaltransfers) and such outcomes as growth inflation regional bud-getary wage arrears wage level and income We test for politicalcycles in these variables treating election time as exogenous5 Thefollowing equation is estimated on regional monthly panel data
(1) yit j1212
jmjit Lyit1
1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
where i identifies regions t is real time in months and y stands fora logarithm of instrument or outcome of regional policy (all mone-tary variables are expressed in real terms per capita) To control forthe federal trend and macroeconomic shocks we include the com-plete set of time fixed effects t one for each month t To control forregion-specific fixed effects and region-specific seasonality we in-clude fixed effects fis for each of the twelve calendar months s(t) in
5 Ito [1990] Reid [1998] and Heckelman and Berument [1998] amongothers pointed out that opportunistic cycles can occur as a result of setting anelection date at the time of a boom Although almost 19 percent of Russiarsquosregional elections happened a month or more from their expected date in the vastmajority of these cases the time was shifted for exogenous reasons There were afew cases however when there was no exogenous reason for the shift of electiontime even though it is illegal to shift the date of regional elections To make surethat our results are not driven by the presence of endogenous elections werepeated all tests on the subsample of elections that had exogenously predeter-mined timing and got virtually identical results
1307OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TS
PE
ND
ING
AN
DIT
SC
OM
PO
SIT
ION
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
12
003
4
001
8
000
10
007
0
013
001
90
003
004
50
070
(00
26)
(00
43)
(00
26)
(00
32)
(00
28)
(00
59)
(01
11)
(00
40)
(00
56)
mon
th
110
000
000
3
003
8
005
1
001
30
013
008
1
000
7
000
2(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
057
)(0
106
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
10
0
013
002
80
011
0
011
001
90
033
001
20
029
002
6(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
105
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
9
004
70
053
002
70
037
001
70
077
018
80
004
001
1(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
107
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
8
001
50
041
000
10
005
002
70
036
012
20
064
001
3(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
104
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
7
002
0
004
4
001
5
003
30
003
0
034
0
028
0
020
0
047
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(00
98)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
60
007
0
026
003
10
028
002
20
002
012
5
001
10
008
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(01
00)
(00
38)
(00
51)
mon
th
50
025
007
40
033
000
60
003
006
2
011
40
016
001
1(0
025
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
055
)(0
099
)(0
038
)(0
051
)
1308 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
40
009
005
9
004
6
002
0
004
10
081
0
122
003
80
088
(00
26)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
57)
(01
05)
(00
40)
(00
54)
mon
th
30
024
003
80
001
0
001
001
00
032
0
096
0
001
001
8(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
056
)(0
105
)(0
038
)(0
052
)m
onth
2
0
001
003
00
031
002
00
045
017
0
001
70
049
015
9
(00
25)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
55)
(01
05)
(00
38)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
117
0
226
0
121
0
140
0
130
0
106
020
00
103
004
9(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
054
)(0
105
)(0
037
)(0
051
)m
onth
0el
ecti
ons
0
053
0
030
0
077
006
1
0
081
012
7
0
008
008
0
0
091
(00
26)
(00
41)
(00
25)
(00
31)
(00
27)
(00
57)
(01
07)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
1
004
6
009
2
0
039
0
116
003
1
016
4
0
147
0
042
0
122
(0
024
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
053
)(0
099
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
2
0
043
0
062
0
016
0
034
0
019
0
170
009
5
003
1
014
0
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
98)
(00
35)
(00
49)
mon
th
30
004
001
6
000
5
003
70
006
000
40
029
002
8
001
4(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
097
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
4
0
005
0
006
002
2
000
70
038
006
00
108
0
011
005
0(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
096
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
5
001
10
019
002
20
013
001
20
046
0
039
000
90
038
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
92)
(00
35)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
000
70
061
003
3
000
5
001
9
000
20
211
0
067
0
016
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
94)
(00
35)
(00
49)
1309OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
70
039
0
012
001
30
014
002
00
086
0
147
0
053
003
3(0
023
)(0
037
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
024
)(0
052
)(0
095
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
8
001
90
014
0
007
002
60
002
001
5
002
20
007
0
006
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
22)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
9
001
8
000
50
031
0
010
001
20
047
0
056
002
30
065
(00
23)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
10
000
9
000
20
007
004
0
000
4
003
60
017
000
8
001
3(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
098
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
11
004
20
016
002
30
075
0
031
000
4
001
8
000
7
001
5(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
051
)(0
100
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
12
0
004
0
016
001
50
004
0
019
002
40
059
0
003
005
0(0
024
)(0
039
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
054
)(0
102
)(0
036
)(0
050
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
012
0
006
0
010
0
017
0
001
0
026
0
037
0
002
0
028
(00
10)
(00
16)
(00
10)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
22)
(00
41)
(00
15)
(00
21)
Lef
t0
030
0
003
002
8
000
10
005
0
073
0
011
0
009
0
101
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
28)
(00
36)
(00
31)
(00
77)
(01
22)
(00
52)
(00
70)
Obs
67
6770
0469
8969
2169
6666
0058
2563
8862
41R
20
574
056
10
548
048
10
511
023
50
611
034
90
131
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
gres
sion
for
fede
ralt
ran
sfer
sis
run
onth
esu
bsam
ple
wh
ere
regi
ons
rece
ived
stri
ctly
posi
tive
fede
ral
aid
1310 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
consistently fooled by a preelectoral inflationary boom despite therecession following election The model predicts political cycles ingrowth unemployment and inflation Rogoff and Sibert [1988]Rogoff [1990] and Persson and Tabellini [1990] reconciled ratio-nal expectations with opportunistic political cycles in dynamicsignaling models with asymmetric information about politiciansrsquocompetence In particular Rogoff and Sibert [1988] and Rogoff[1990] focus on a political budget cycle in which voters rewardpreelectoral distortion in public spending because it signals aboutan incumbentrsquos ability to provide public goods Rogoff and Sibertrsquosmodel predicts a preelectoral fall in tax collection along withincreases in deficit and inflation Rogoffrsquos model focuses on thepreelectoral shift in composition of government spending awayfrom investment observed with a lag toward more visible publicconsumption We look at the dynamics of a wide range of publicexpenditure items composition of the budget growth and infla-tion to test predictions of these theories
Second we study determinants of the magnitude of the bud-get cycle Asymmetry of information about politiciansrsquo compe-tence plays a central role in rational opportunistic cycles Recentliterature extends the basic setup of Rogoffrsquos model to illustratethat transparency modeled as the probability that voters get acorrect exogenous signal about an incumbentrsquos competence[Gonzalez 2000] and awareness of voters defined as a share ofperfectly informed voters [Shi and Svensson 2002a] reduce themagnitude of the cycle Furthermore Gonzalez [2000] introducesthe level of democracy directly into the model Democracy has anonmonotone effect on the cycle first if the cost of enforcingpolitical turnover is prohibitively high for voters (as is the case indictatorships) then politicians do not have an incentive to engagein costly signaling and therefore there are no cycles Secondwhen change in office can be enforced the cycle decreases withdemocracy because it ensures institutional checks and balanceson government that allow voters to observe politiciansrsquo compe-tence directly with higher probability (ie free media) We testwhether these theoretical predictions are consistent with the databy looking at how cross-sectional variation in voter awareness(measured by education and urbanization) transparency (mea-sured by indices of government transparency and media free-dom) and democracy influence the cycles
In young democracies like Russia emerging NGOs and inde-pendent media accumulate experience in collecting packaging and
1305OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
disseminating information about politicians and their policies whilevoters learn how to process this information Thus cycles should getsmaller over time as learning proceeds and civil society develops[Brender and Drazen 2003] We test for the effect of time on thecycle Apart from learning however the time effect may also beattributed to the difference in scope for fiscal manipulation by re-gional governments under Yeltsin and Putinrsquos administrations (Ro-goff [1990] discusses the effects of restraining fiscal policies on po-litical cycles) We attempt to separate these hypotheses
All opportunistic cycle theories predict that preelectoral ma-nipulations are rewarded by voters In rational signaling modelsa cycle has costs (policy distortions) and benefits (transmittinginformation about politiciansrsquo competence) If voters learn politi-ciansrsquo type directly for instance through well-functioning inde-pendent media signaling has no value to voters In fact in de-veloped democracies voters reward politicians for restrained fis-cal policies [Alesina Perotti and Tavares 1998 Brender 2003]As a last step of our analysis we investigate whether it pays topursue preelectoral fiscal expansion in a maturing democracy
III THE DATA
The comprehensive list of regional governor elections that tookplace in Russia between August 1995 and December 2003 consists of194 electoral events4 Data on most policy instruments and out-comes are available for 159 elections between September 1996 andJuly 2003 Four regions had three rounds of elections 65 regionshad two rounds of elections and 17 regions had just one round ofelections during this period The source of the data on elections isTsentrizbirkom the Central Elections Committee of the RussianFederation
Regional monthly series of fiscal instruments and outcomescome from two sources Goskomstat the State Committee of Statis-tics provided data on wages and income wage arrears from theregional budgets price level and industrial output between 1995and 2003 the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation pro-vided detailed data on the execution of regional budgets for theperiod between 1996 and 2003
4 This list covers all the regions but Dagestan the only region where therehave not been any governor elections We excluded Chechnya and Ingushetia fromthe sample because fluctuations in fiscal policies of these regions have been drivenby war rather than elections
1306 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
To test for the determinants of cycle magnitude we use cross-section data Data on urbanization and education come from Gos-komstat The data on freedom of media in the regions were providedby the Institute of Free Media (wwwfreepressru) Data on trans-parency of the regional government come from ldquoMedia-Soyuzrdquo anindependent professional association of Russian journalists Data onthe scope of regional democracy are from the Carnegie MoscowCenter Carnegie Endowment for International Peace [Petrov 2001]The Appendix presents descriptive statistics of the data
IV RESULTS
IVA Test for Opportunistic Cycles
Three groups of policy instruments and outcomes are consid-ered budgetary expenditures (total spending as well as levels andshares of expenditures on social programs education culturehealth care mass media and industrial subsidies) budget reve-nues and deficit (total revenues tax revenues deficit and federaltransfers) and such outcomes as growth inflation regional bud-getary wage arrears wage level and income We test for politicalcycles in these variables treating election time as exogenous5 Thefollowing equation is estimated on regional monthly panel data
(1) yit j1212
jmjit Lyit1
1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
where i identifies regions t is real time in months and y stands fora logarithm of instrument or outcome of regional policy (all mone-tary variables are expressed in real terms per capita) To control forthe federal trend and macroeconomic shocks we include the com-plete set of time fixed effects t one for each month t To control forregion-specific fixed effects and region-specific seasonality we in-clude fixed effects fis for each of the twelve calendar months s(t) in
5 Ito [1990] Reid [1998] and Heckelman and Berument [1998] amongothers pointed out that opportunistic cycles can occur as a result of setting anelection date at the time of a boom Although almost 19 percent of Russiarsquosregional elections happened a month or more from their expected date in the vastmajority of these cases the time was shifted for exogenous reasons There were afew cases however when there was no exogenous reason for the shift of electiontime even though it is illegal to shift the date of regional elections To make surethat our results are not driven by the presence of endogenous elections werepeated all tests on the subsample of elections that had exogenously predeter-mined timing and got virtually identical results
1307OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TS
PE
ND
ING
AN
DIT
SC
OM
PO
SIT
ION
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
12
003
4
001
8
000
10
007
0
013
001
90
003
004
50
070
(00
26)
(00
43)
(00
26)
(00
32)
(00
28)
(00
59)
(01
11)
(00
40)
(00
56)
mon
th
110
000
000
3
003
8
005
1
001
30
013
008
1
000
7
000
2(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
057
)(0
106
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
10
0
013
002
80
011
0
011
001
90
033
001
20
029
002
6(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
105
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
9
004
70
053
002
70
037
001
70
077
018
80
004
001
1(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
107
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
8
001
50
041
000
10
005
002
70
036
012
20
064
001
3(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
104
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
7
002
0
004
4
001
5
003
30
003
0
034
0
028
0
020
0
047
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(00
98)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
60
007
0
026
003
10
028
002
20
002
012
5
001
10
008
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(01
00)
(00
38)
(00
51)
mon
th
50
025
007
40
033
000
60
003
006
2
011
40
016
001
1(0
025
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
055
)(0
099
)(0
038
)(0
051
)
1308 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
40
009
005
9
004
6
002
0
004
10
081
0
122
003
80
088
(00
26)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
57)
(01
05)
(00
40)
(00
54)
mon
th
30
024
003
80
001
0
001
001
00
032
0
096
0
001
001
8(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
056
)(0
105
)(0
038
)(0
052
)m
onth
2
0
001
003
00
031
002
00
045
017
0
001
70
049
015
9
(00
25)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
55)
(01
05)
(00
38)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
117
0
226
0
121
0
140
0
130
0
106
020
00
103
004
9(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
054
)(0
105
)(0
037
)(0
051
)m
onth
0el
ecti
ons
0
053
0
030
0
077
006
1
0
081
012
7
0
008
008
0
0
091
(00
26)
(00
41)
(00
25)
(00
31)
(00
27)
(00
57)
(01
07)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
1
004
6
009
2
0
039
0
116
003
1
016
4
0
147
0
042
0
122
(0
024
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
053
)(0
099
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
2
0
043
0
062
0
016
0
034
0
019
0
170
009
5
003
1
014
0
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
98)
(00
35)
(00
49)
mon
th
30
004
001
6
000
5
003
70
006
000
40
029
002
8
001
4(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
097
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
4
0
005
0
006
002
2
000
70
038
006
00
108
0
011
005
0(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
096
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
5
001
10
019
002
20
013
001
20
046
0
039
000
90
038
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
92)
(00
35)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
000
70
061
003
3
000
5
001
9
000
20
211
0
067
0
016
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
94)
(00
35)
(00
49)
1309OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
70
039
0
012
001
30
014
002
00
086
0
147
0
053
003
3(0
023
)(0
037
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
024
)(0
052
)(0
095
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
8
001
90
014
0
007
002
60
002
001
5
002
20
007
0
006
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
22)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
9
001
8
000
50
031
0
010
001
20
047
0
056
002
30
065
(00
23)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
10
000
9
000
20
007
004
0
000
4
003
60
017
000
8
001
3(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
098
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
11
004
20
016
002
30
075
0
031
000
4
001
8
000
7
001
5(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
051
)(0
100
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
12
0
004
0
016
001
50
004
0
019
002
40
059
0
003
005
0(0
024
)(0
039
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
054
)(0
102
)(0
036
)(0
050
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
012
0
006
0
010
0
017
0
001
0
026
0
037
0
002
0
028
(00
10)
(00
16)
(00
10)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
22)
(00
41)
(00
15)
(00
21)
Lef
t0
030
0
003
002
8
000
10
005
0
073
0
011
0
009
0
101
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
28)
(00
36)
(00
31)
(00
77)
(01
22)
(00
52)
(00
70)
Obs
67
6770
0469
8969
2169
6666
0058
2563
8862
41R
20
574
056
10
548
048
10
511
023
50
611
034
90
131
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
gres
sion
for
fede
ralt
ran
sfer
sis
run
onth
esu
bsam
ple
wh
ere
regi
ons
rece
ived
stri
ctly
posi
tive
fede
ral
aid
1310 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
disseminating information about politicians and their policies whilevoters learn how to process this information Thus cycles should getsmaller over time as learning proceeds and civil society develops[Brender and Drazen 2003] We test for the effect of time on thecycle Apart from learning however the time effect may also beattributed to the difference in scope for fiscal manipulation by re-gional governments under Yeltsin and Putinrsquos administrations (Ro-goff [1990] discusses the effects of restraining fiscal policies on po-litical cycles) We attempt to separate these hypotheses
All opportunistic cycle theories predict that preelectoral ma-nipulations are rewarded by voters In rational signaling modelsa cycle has costs (policy distortions) and benefits (transmittinginformation about politiciansrsquo competence) If voters learn politi-ciansrsquo type directly for instance through well-functioning inde-pendent media signaling has no value to voters In fact in de-veloped democracies voters reward politicians for restrained fis-cal policies [Alesina Perotti and Tavares 1998 Brender 2003]As a last step of our analysis we investigate whether it pays topursue preelectoral fiscal expansion in a maturing democracy
III THE DATA
The comprehensive list of regional governor elections that tookplace in Russia between August 1995 and December 2003 consists of194 electoral events4 Data on most policy instruments and out-comes are available for 159 elections between September 1996 andJuly 2003 Four regions had three rounds of elections 65 regionshad two rounds of elections and 17 regions had just one round ofelections during this period The source of the data on elections isTsentrizbirkom the Central Elections Committee of the RussianFederation
Regional monthly series of fiscal instruments and outcomescome from two sources Goskomstat the State Committee of Statis-tics provided data on wages and income wage arrears from theregional budgets price level and industrial output between 1995and 2003 the Ministry of Finance of the Russian Federation pro-vided detailed data on the execution of regional budgets for theperiod between 1996 and 2003
4 This list covers all the regions but Dagestan the only region where therehave not been any governor elections We excluded Chechnya and Ingushetia fromthe sample because fluctuations in fiscal policies of these regions have been drivenby war rather than elections
1306 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
To test for the determinants of cycle magnitude we use cross-section data Data on urbanization and education come from Gos-komstat The data on freedom of media in the regions were providedby the Institute of Free Media (wwwfreepressru) Data on trans-parency of the regional government come from ldquoMedia-Soyuzrdquo anindependent professional association of Russian journalists Data onthe scope of regional democracy are from the Carnegie MoscowCenter Carnegie Endowment for International Peace [Petrov 2001]The Appendix presents descriptive statistics of the data
IV RESULTS
IVA Test for Opportunistic Cycles
Three groups of policy instruments and outcomes are consid-ered budgetary expenditures (total spending as well as levels andshares of expenditures on social programs education culturehealth care mass media and industrial subsidies) budget reve-nues and deficit (total revenues tax revenues deficit and federaltransfers) and such outcomes as growth inflation regional bud-getary wage arrears wage level and income We test for politicalcycles in these variables treating election time as exogenous5 Thefollowing equation is estimated on regional monthly panel data
(1) yit j1212
jmjit Lyit1
1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
where i identifies regions t is real time in months and y stands fora logarithm of instrument or outcome of regional policy (all mone-tary variables are expressed in real terms per capita) To control forthe federal trend and macroeconomic shocks we include the com-plete set of time fixed effects t one for each month t To control forregion-specific fixed effects and region-specific seasonality we in-clude fixed effects fis for each of the twelve calendar months s(t) in
5 Ito [1990] Reid [1998] and Heckelman and Berument [1998] amongothers pointed out that opportunistic cycles can occur as a result of setting anelection date at the time of a boom Although almost 19 percent of Russiarsquosregional elections happened a month or more from their expected date in the vastmajority of these cases the time was shifted for exogenous reasons There were afew cases however when there was no exogenous reason for the shift of electiontime even though it is illegal to shift the date of regional elections To make surethat our results are not driven by the presence of endogenous elections werepeated all tests on the subsample of elections that had exogenously predeter-mined timing and got virtually identical results
1307OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TS
PE
ND
ING
AN
DIT
SC
OM
PO
SIT
ION
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
12
003
4
001
8
000
10
007
0
013
001
90
003
004
50
070
(00
26)
(00
43)
(00
26)
(00
32)
(00
28)
(00
59)
(01
11)
(00
40)
(00
56)
mon
th
110
000
000
3
003
8
005
1
001
30
013
008
1
000
7
000
2(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
057
)(0
106
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
10
0
013
002
80
011
0
011
001
90
033
001
20
029
002
6(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
105
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
9
004
70
053
002
70
037
001
70
077
018
80
004
001
1(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
107
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
8
001
50
041
000
10
005
002
70
036
012
20
064
001
3(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
104
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
7
002
0
004
4
001
5
003
30
003
0
034
0
028
0
020
0
047
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(00
98)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
60
007
0
026
003
10
028
002
20
002
012
5
001
10
008
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(01
00)
(00
38)
(00
51)
mon
th
50
025
007
40
033
000
60
003
006
2
011
40
016
001
1(0
025
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
055
)(0
099
)(0
038
)(0
051
)
1308 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
40
009
005
9
004
6
002
0
004
10
081
0
122
003
80
088
(00
26)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
57)
(01
05)
(00
40)
(00
54)
mon
th
30
024
003
80
001
0
001
001
00
032
0
096
0
001
001
8(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
056
)(0
105
)(0
038
)(0
052
)m
onth
2
0
001
003
00
031
002
00
045
017
0
001
70
049
015
9
(00
25)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
55)
(01
05)
(00
38)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
117
0
226
0
121
0
140
0
130
0
106
020
00
103
004
9(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
054
)(0
105
)(0
037
)(0
051
)m
onth
0el
ecti
ons
0
053
0
030
0
077
006
1
0
081
012
7
0
008
008
0
0
091
(00
26)
(00
41)
(00
25)
(00
31)
(00
27)
(00
57)
(01
07)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
1
004
6
009
2
0
039
0
116
003
1
016
4
0
147
0
042
0
122
(0
024
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
053
)(0
099
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
2
0
043
0
062
0
016
0
034
0
019
0
170
009
5
003
1
014
0
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
98)
(00
35)
(00
49)
mon
th
30
004
001
6
000
5
003
70
006
000
40
029
002
8
001
4(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
097
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
4
0
005
0
006
002
2
000
70
038
006
00
108
0
011
005
0(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
096
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
5
001
10
019
002
20
013
001
20
046
0
039
000
90
038
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
92)
(00
35)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
000
70
061
003
3
000
5
001
9
000
20
211
0
067
0
016
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
94)
(00
35)
(00
49)
1309OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
70
039
0
012
001
30
014
002
00
086
0
147
0
053
003
3(0
023
)(0
037
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
024
)(0
052
)(0
095
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
8
001
90
014
0
007
002
60
002
001
5
002
20
007
0
006
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
22)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
9
001
8
000
50
031
0
010
001
20
047
0
056
002
30
065
(00
23)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
10
000
9
000
20
007
004
0
000
4
003
60
017
000
8
001
3(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
098
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
11
004
20
016
002
30
075
0
031
000
4
001
8
000
7
001
5(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
051
)(0
100
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
12
0
004
0
016
001
50
004
0
019
002
40
059
0
003
005
0(0
024
)(0
039
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
054
)(0
102
)(0
036
)(0
050
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
012
0
006
0
010
0
017
0
001
0
026
0
037
0
002
0
028
(00
10)
(00
16)
(00
10)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
22)
(00
41)
(00
15)
(00
21)
Lef
t0
030
0
003
002
8
000
10
005
0
073
0
011
0
009
0
101
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
28)
(00
36)
(00
31)
(00
77)
(01
22)
(00
52)
(00
70)
Obs
67
6770
0469
8969
2169
6666
0058
2563
8862
41R
20
574
056
10
548
048
10
511
023
50
611
034
90
131
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
gres
sion
for
fede
ralt
ran
sfer
sis
run
onth
esu
bsam
ple
wh
ere
regi
ons
rece
ived
stri
ctly
posi
tive
fede
ral
aid
1310 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
To test for the determinants of cycle magnitude we use cross-section data Data on urbanization and education come from Gos-komstat The data on freedom of media in the regions were providedby the Institute of Free Media (wwwfreepressru) Data on trans-parency of the regional government come from ldquoMedia-Soyuzrdquo anindependent professional association of Russian journalists Data onthe scope of regional democracy are from the Carnegie MoscowCenter Carnegie Endowment for International Peace [Petrov 2001]The Appendix presents descriptive statistics of the data
IV RESULTS
IVA Test for Opportunistic Cycles
Three groups of policy instruments and outcomes are consid-ered budgetary expenditures (total spending as well as levels andshares of expenditures on social programs education culturehealth care mass media and industrial subsidies) budget reve-nues and deficit (total revenues tax revenues deficit and federaltransfers) and such outcomes as growth inflation regional bud-getary wage arrears wage level and income We test for politicalcycles in these variables treating election time as exogenous5 Thefollowing equation is estimated on regional monthly panel data
(1) yit j1212
jmjit Lyit1
1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
where i identifies regions t is real time in months and y stands fora logarithm of instrument or outcome of regional policy (all mone-tary variables are expressed in real terms per capita) To control forthe federal trend and macroeconomic shocks we include the com-plete set of time fixed effects t one for each month t To control forregion-specific fixed effects and region-specific seasonality we in-clude fixed effects fis for each of the twelve calendar months s(t) in
5 Ito [1990] Reid [1998] and Heckelman and Berument [1998] amongothers pointed out that opportunistic cycles can occur as a result of setting anelection date at the time of a boom Although almost 19 percent of Russiarsquosregional elections happened a month or more from their expected date in the vastmajority of these cases the time was shifted for exogenous reasons There were afew cases however when there was no exogenous reason for the shift of electiontime even though it is illegal to shift the date of regional elections To make surethat our results are not driven by the presence of endogenous elections werepeated all tests on the subsample of elections that had exogenously predeter-mined timing and got virtually identical results
1307OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TS
PE
ND
ING
AN
DIT
SC
OM
PO
SIT
ION
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
12
003
4
001
8
000
10
007
0
013
001
90
003
004
50
070
(00
26)
(00
43)
(00
26)
(00
32)
(00
28)
(00
59)
(01
11)
(00
40)
(00
56)
mon
th
110
000
000
3
003
8
005
1
001
30
013
008
1
000
7
000
2(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
057
)(0
106
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
10
0
013
002
80
011
0
011
001
90
033
001
20
029
002
6(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
105
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
9
004
70
053
002
70
037
001
70
077
018
80
004
001
1(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
107
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
8
001
50
041
000
10
005
002
70
036
012
20
064
001
3(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
104
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
7
002
0
004
4
001
5
003
30
003
0
034
0
028
0
020
0
047
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(00
98)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
60
007
0
026
003
10
028
002
20
002
012
5
001
10
008
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(01
00)
(00
38)
(00
51)
mon
th
50
025
007
40
033
000
60
003
006
2
011
40
016
001
1(0
025
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
055
)(0
099
)(0
038
)(0
051
)
1308 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
40
009
005
9
004
6
002
0
004
10
081
0
122
003
80
088
(00
26)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
57)
(01
05)
(00
40)
(00
54)
mon
th
30
024
003
80
001
0
001
001
00
032
0
096
0
001
001
8(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
056
)(0
105
)(0
038
)(0
052
)m
onth
2
0
001
003
00
031
002
00
045
017
0
001
70
049
015
9
(00
25)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
55)
(01
05)
(00
38)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
117
0
226
0
121
0
140
0
130
0
106
020
00
103
004
9(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
054
)(0
105
)(0
037
)(0
051
)m
onth
0el
ecti
ons
0
053
0
030
0
077
006
1
0
081
012
7
0
008
008
0
0
091
(00
26)
(00
41)
(00
25)
(00
31)
(00
27)
(00
57)
(01
07)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
1
004
6
009
2
0
039
0
116
003
1
016
4
0
147
0
042
0
122
(0
024
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
053
)(0
099
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
2
0
043
0
062
0
016
0
034
0
019
0
170
009
5
003
1
014
0
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
98)
(00
35)
(00
49)
mon
th
30
004
001
6
000
5
003
70
006
000
40
029
002
8
001
4(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
097
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
4
0
005
0
006
002
2
000
70
038
006
00
108
0
011
005
0(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
096
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
5
001
10
019
002
20
013
001
20
046
0
039
000
90
038
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
92)
(00
35)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
000
70
061
003
3
000
5
001
9
000
20
211
0
067
0
016
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
94)
(00
35)
(00
49)
1309OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
70
039
0
012
001
30
014
002
00
086
0
147
0
053
003
3(0
023
)(0
037
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
024
)(0
052
)(0
095
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
8
001
90
014
0
007
002
60
002
001
5
002
20
007
0
006
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
22)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
9
001
8
000
50
031
0
010
001
20
047
0
056
002
30
065
(00
23)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
10
000
9
000
20
007
004
0
000
4
003
60
017
000
8
001
3(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
098
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
11
004
20
016
002
30
075
0
031
000
4
001
8
000
7
001
5(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
051
)(0
100
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
12
0
004
0
016
001
50
004
0
019
002
40
059
0
003
005
0(0
024
)(0
039
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
054
)(0
102
)(0
036
)(0
050
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
012
0
006
0
010
0
017
0
001
0
026
0
037
0
002
0
028
(00
10)
(00
16)
(00
10)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
22)
(00
41)
(00
15)
(00
21)
Lef
t0
030
0
003
002
8
000
10
005
0
073
0
011
0
009
0
101
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
28)
(00
36)
(00
31)
(00
77)
(01
22)
(00
52)
(00
70)
Obs
67
6770
0469
8969
2169
6666
0058
2563
8862
41R
20
574
056
10
548
048
10
511
023
50
611
034
90
131
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
gres
sion
for
fede
ralt
ran
sfer
sis
run
onth
esu
bsam
ple
wh
ere
regi
ons
rece
ived
stri
ctly
posi
tive
fede
ral
aid
1310 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
TA
BL
EI
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TS
PE
ND
ING
AN
DIT
SC
OM
PO
SIT
ION
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
12
003
4
001
8
000
10
007
0
013
001
90
003
004
50
070
(00
26)
(00
43)
(00
26)
(00
32)
(00
28)
(00
59)
(01
11)
(00
40)
(00
56)
mon
th
110
000
000
3
003
8
005
1
001
30
013
008
1
000
7
000
2(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
057
)(0
106
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
10
0
013
002
80
011
0
011
001
90
033
001
20
029
002
6(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
105
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
9
004
70
053
002
70
037
001
70
077
018
80
004
001
1(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
025
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
107
)(0
039
)(0
053
)m
onth
8
001
50
041
000
10
005
002
70
036
012
20
064
001
3(0
026
)(0
041
)(0
024
)(0
031
)(0
027
)(0
055
)(0
104
)(0
039
)(0
054
)m
onth
7
002
0
004
4
001
5
003
30
003
0
034
0
028
0
020
0
047
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(00
98)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
60
007
0
026
003
10
028
002
20
002
012
5
001
10
008
(00
25)
(00
39)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
55)
(01
00)
(00
38)
(00
51)
mon
th
50
025
007
40
033
000
60
003
006
2
011
40
016
001
1(0
025
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
055
)(0
099
)(0
038
)(0
051
)
1308 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
40
009
005
9
004
6
002
0
004
10
081
0
122
003
80
088
(00
26)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
57)
(01
05)
(00
40)
(00
54)
mon
th
30
024
003
80
001
0
001
001
00
032
0
096
0
001
001
8(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
056
)(0
105
)(0
038
)(0
052
)m
onth
2
0
001
003
00
031
002
00
045
017
0
001
70
049
015
9
(00
25)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
55)
(01
05)
(00
38)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
117
0
226
0
121
0
140
0
130
0
106
020
00
103
004
9(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
054
)(0
105
)(0
037
)(0
051
)m
onth
0el
ecti
ons
0
053
0
030
0
077
006
1
0
081
012
7
0
008
008
0
0
091
(00
26)
(00
41)
(00
25)
(00
31)
(00
27)
(00
57)
(01
07)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
1
004
6
009
2
0
039
0
116
003
1
016
4
0
147
0
042
0
122
(0
024
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
053
)(0
099
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
2
0
043
0
062
0
016
0
034
0
019
0
170
009
5
003
1
014
0
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
98)
(00
35)
(00
49)
mon
th
30
004
001
6
000
5
003
70
006
000
40
029
002
8
001
4(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
097
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
4
0
005
0
006
002
2
000
70
038
006
00
108
0
011
005
0(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
096
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
5
001
10
019
002
20
013
001
20
046
0
039
000
90
038
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
92)
(00
35)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
000
70
061
003
3
000
5
001
9
000
20
211
0
067
0
016
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
94)
(00
35)
(00
49)
1309OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
70
039
0
012
001
30
014
002
00
086
0
147
0
053
003
3(0
023
)(0
037
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
024
)(0
052
)(0
095
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
8
001
90
014
0
007
002
60
002
001
5
002
20
007
0
006
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
22)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
9
001
8
000
50
031
0
010
001
20
047
0
056
002
30
065
(00
23)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
10
000
9
000
20
007
004
0
000
4
003
60
017
000
8
001
3(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
098
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
11
004
20
016
002
30
075
0
031
000
4
001
8
000
7
001
5(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
051
)(0
100
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
12
0
004
0
016
001
50
004
0
019
002
40
059
0
003
005
0(0
024
)(0
039
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
054
)(0
102
)(0
036
)(0
050
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
012
0
006
0
010
0
017
0
001
0
026
0
037
0
002
0
028
(00
10)
(00
16)
(00
10)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
22)
(00
41)
(00
15)
(00
21)
Lef
t0
030
0
003
002
8
000
10
005
0
073
0
011
0
009
0
101
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
28)
(00
36)
(00
31)
(00
77)
(01
22)
(00
52)
(00
70)
Obs
67
6770
0469
8969
2169
6666
0058
2563
8862
41R
20
574
056
10
548
048
10
511
023
50
611
034
90
131
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
gres
sion
for
fede
ralt
ran
sfer
sis
run
onth
esu
bsam
ple
wh
ere
regi
ons
rece
ived
stri
ctly
posi
tive
fede
ral
aid
1310 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
40
009
005
9
004
6
002
0
004
10
081
0
122
003
80
088
(00
26)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
57)
(01
05)
(00
40)
(00
54)
mon
th
30
024
003
80
001
0
001
001
00
032
0
096
0
001
001
8(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
056
)(0
105
)(0
038
)(0
052
)m
onth
2
0
001
003
00
031
002
00
045
017
0
001
70
049
015
9
(00
25)
(00
40)
(00
24)
(00
30)
(00
26)
(00
55)
(01
05)
(00
38)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
117
0
226
0
121
0
140
0
130
0
106
020
00
103
004
9(0
025
)(0
040
)(0
024
)(0
030
)(0
026
)(0
054
)(0
105
)(0
037
)(0
051
)m
onth
0el
ecti
ons
0
053
0
030
0
077
006
1
0
081
012
7
0
008
008
0
0
091
(00
26)
(00
41)
(00
25)
(00
31)
(00
27)
(00
57)
(01
07)
(00
39)
(00
53)
mon
th
1
004
6
009
2
0
039
0
116
003
1
016
4
0
147
0
042
0
122
(0
024
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
053
)(0
099
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
2
0
043
0
062
0
016
0
034
0
019
0
170
009
5
003
1
014
0
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
98)
(00
35)
(00
49)
mon
th
30
004
001
6
000
5
003
70
006
000
40
029
002
8
001
4(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
097
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
4
0
005
0
006
002
2
000
70
038
006
00
108
0
011
005
0(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
023
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
096
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
5
001
10
019
002
20
013
001
20
046
0
039
000
90
038
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
92)
(00
35)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
000
70
061
003
3
000
5
001
9
000
20
211
0
067
0
016
(00
23)
(00
37)
(00
22)
(00
27)
(00
24)
(00
51)
(00
94)
(00
35)
(00
49)
1309OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EI
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
70
039
0
012
001
30
014
002
00
086
0
147
0
053
003
3(0
023
)(0
037
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
024
)(0
052
)(0
095
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
8
001
90
014
0
007
002
60
002
001
5
002
20
007
0
006
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
22)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
9
001
8
000
50
031
0
010
001
20
047
0
056
002
30
065
(00
23)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
10
000
9
000
20
007
004
0
000
4
003
60
017
000
8
001
3(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
098
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
11
004
20
016
002
30
075
0
031
000
4
001
8
000
7
001
5(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
051
)(0
100
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
12
0
004
0
016
001
50
004
0
019
002
40
059
0
003
005
0(0
024
)(0
039
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
054
)(0
102
)(0
036
)(0
050
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
012
0
006
0
010
0
017
0
001
0
026
0
037
0
002
0
028
(00
10)
(00
16)
(00
10)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
22)
(00
41)
(00
15)
(00
21)
Lef
t0
030
0
003
002
8
000
10
005
0
073
0
011
0
009
0
101
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
28)
(00
36)
(00
31)
(00
77)
(01
22)
(00
52)
(00
70)
Obs
67
6770
0469
8969
2169
6666
0058
2563
8862
41R
20
574
056
10
548
048
10
511
023
50
611
034
90
131
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
gres
sion
for
fede
ralt
ran
sfer
sis
run
onth
esu
bsam
ple
wh
ere
regi
ons
rece
ived
stri
ctly
posi
tive
fede
ral
aid
1310 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
TA
BL
EI
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalexpenditures
Socialexpenditures
Educationexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Healthcareexpenditures
Mediaexpenditures
Expendituresonindustry
Shareofsocialexp
Shareofmediaexp
mon
th
70
039
0
012
001
30
014
002
00
086
0
147
0
053
003
3(0
023
)(0
037
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
024
)(0
052
)(0
095
)(0
036
)(0
049
)m
onth
8
001
90
014
0
007
002
60
002
001
5
002
20
007
0
006
(00
24)
(00
38)
(00
22)
(00
28)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
9
001
8
000
50
031
0
010
001
20
047
0
056
002
30
065
(00
23)
(00
38)
(00
23)
(00
29)
(00
25)
(00
52)
(00
97)
(00
36)
(00
49)
mon
th
10
000
9
000
20
007
004
0
000
4
003
60
017
000
8
001
3(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
052
)(0
098
)(0
035
)(0
049
)m
onth
11
004
20
016
002
30
075
0
031
000
4
001
8
000
7
001
5(0
023
)(0
038
)(0
022
)(0
028
)(0
025
)(0
051
)(0
100
)(0
035
)(0
048
)m
onth
12
0
004
0
016
001
50
004
0
019
002
40
059
0
003
005
0(0
024
)(0
039
)(0
023
)(0
029
)(0
025
)(0
054
)(0
102
)(0
036
)(0
050
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
012
0
006
0
010
0
017
0
001
0
026
0
037
0
002
0
028
(00
10)
(00
16)
(00
10)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
22)
(00
41)
(00
15)
(00
21)
Lef
t0
030
0
003
002
8
000
10
005
0
073
0
011
0
009
0
101
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
28)
(00
36)
(00
31)
(00
77)
(01
22)
(00
52)
(00
70)
Obs
67
6770
0469
8969
2169
6666
0058
2563
8862
41R
20
574
056
10
548
048
10
511
023
50
611
034
90
131
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
gres
sion
for
fede
ralt
ran
sfer
sis
run
onth
esu
bsam
ple
wh
ere
regi
ons
rece
ived
stri
ctly
posi
tive
fede
ral
aid
1310 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
each region i Results are robust to using alternative methods ofaccounting for seasonality and trend [Alesina and Roubini 1992]
mjit is a dummy that equals 1 if t is j months away fromelections ( j 0 in the month of elections negative j means thatt is before and positivemdashthat t is after the election month)Henceforth we refer to the mjits as cycle dummies Positiveestimates of j before and negative estimates of j after electionsserve as evidence of opportunistic political cycles
Lag polynomial (L)yit1 accounts for autocorrelation in y Wetested for optimal lag structure using Akaike criterion Four lagsturned out to be optimal for the vast majority of the series For thesake of uniformity we report regressions with four lags for all theseries but results do not change if we include an optimal number oflags separately for each series Lags in panel regressions with fixedeffects produce biases that converge to zero when the time dimen-sion of a panel goes to infinity [Nickell 1981 Hansen 1982 White1982] Our panel covers more than 80 months therefore asymptoticproperties apply Nonetheless we verified that results are robust tousing the Arellano-Bond [1991] procedure6
Term controls for an incumbentrsquos political horizon that can bean important determinant of fiscal policies [Besley and Case 1995]It equals 0 1 2 or 3 depending on the term that the incumbentserves in office 0 means that the governor is appointed and has notbeen elected before 1 indicates that he was elected for the first timeetc Left is a dummy that equals 1 if the incumbent governor issupported by the Communist coalition It controls for partisancycles7
The results of estimation of equation (1) are presented inTables I and II Figure II plots the predicted political budget cycle
6 We tested for residual autocorrelation in the panel (1) The results showedthat the null hypothesis of no serial correlation in residuals cannot be rejected forall dependent variables P-values for this test are presented in the Appendix Thenull cannot be rejected for each dependent variable at the 5 percent significancelevel and for each dependent variable but wages at the 25 percent significancelevel In addition we tested for unit roots in each series for each region using anaugmented Dickey-Fuller test The null hypothesis of a unit root was rejected forall series in all regions with the exception of wage arrears Thus we run regres-sion (1) for the log change rather than level of wage arrears because growth ofwage arrears is stationary
7 Alesina Roubini and Cohen [1997] review the partisan theory and evidenceElectoral campaign platforms of Russiarsquos governors are polarized into the ldquocommunistleftrdquo and the ldquoliberal-democratic ideologyrdquo In practice the variation in the data isinsufficient to have a proper test of partisan theory because there are only a few caseswhen a new governor of the opposite ideological platform replaced an incumbenttherefore ideology is almost perfectly collinear with fixed effects Thus we do not putemphasis on interpretation of coefficients of the ldquoleft-wingrdquo dummy
1311OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
TA
BL
EII
CY
CL
ES
INB
UD
GE
TR
EV
EN
UE
S
INC
OM
E
WA
GE
AR
RE
AR
S
GR
OW
TH
A
ND
INF
LA
TIO
N
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
120
039
001
7
005
3
0
057
000
7
000
6
000
30
003
0
060
(00
28)
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
85)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
71)
mon
th
110
003
0
008
0
019
001
2
000
6
000
7
0
011
0
003
006
3(0
027
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
10
0
038
0
046
0
009
005
5
000
40
001
0
001
0
004
002
2(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
063
)m
onth
9
001
90
036
001
10
161
000
5
000
7
001
0
000
40
084
(00
26)
(00
23)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
51)
mon
th
80
014
002
80
002
009
4
000
8
000
4
000
6
000
7
006
7(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
075
)(0
013
)(0
002
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
7
0
014
0
023
001
7
010
10
024
000
00
004
0
003
0
056
(00
25)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
6
001
40
016
002
8
006
20
010
0
001
0
005
0
008
004
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
074
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
047
)m
onth
5
003
60
053
001
40
053
000
50
002
0
013
000
6
021
7
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
20)
(00
75)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
47)
mon
th
4
001
4
000
40
000
0
137
0
003
0
004
000
80
002
002
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
021
)(0
081
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
055
)
1312 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
mon
th
30
008
003
50
042
003
60
016
0
007
0
008
001
4
005
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
058
)m
onth
2
000
80
027
000
3
007
20
007
0
002
000
50
018
001
2(0
026
)(0
022
)(0
020
)(0
078
)(0
013
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
060
)m
onth
1
008
0
000
00
052
0
145
0
013
0
005
0
017
0
036
020
7
(00
26)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
13)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
66)
mon
th0
elec
tion
s
005
0
002
40
010
0
148
000
0
000
50
006
000
6
007
3(0
026
)(0
023
)(0
020
)(0
084
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
064
)m
onth
1
0
063
000
8
000
7
003
5
000
90
001
0
012
002
2
004
3(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
080
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
059
)m
onth
2
0
032
0
047
000
90
042
0
003
000
10
003
0
028
0
057
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
19)
(00
77)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
56)
mon
th
30
010
0
001
000
00
028
001
20
004
000
4
000
50
098
(00
24)
(00
22)
(00
18)
(00
78)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
4
000
50
015
002
9
017
0
000
40
004
0
007
000
6
002
4(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
079
)(0
015
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
050
)m
onth
5
0
023
0
013
002
0
013
80
016
000
10
001
001
00
050
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
6
001
20
009
001
30
055
000
3
000
2
000
4
000
80
055
(00
24)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
79)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
48)
mon
th
70
038
006
0
0
015
001
80
007
0
002
0
013
0
003
0
114
(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
077
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
049
)
1313OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
TA
BL
EII
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Totalrevenues
Taxrevenues
Deficit
Transfers
Growth
Inflation
Wage
Moneyincome
Growthinwagearrears
mon
th
80
005
0
004
000
50
031
0
022
0
003
000
00
002
004
4(0
025
)(0
021
)(0
019
)(0
076
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
051
)m
onth
9
0
009
0
021
0
014
0
024
000
00
000
000
3
000
10
064
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
14)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
52)
mon
th
10
002
8
001
80
011
0
055
0
013
000
20
004
0
001
0
015
(00
25)
(00
21)
(00
19)
(00
76)
(00
15)
(00
03)
(00
05)
(00
07)
(00
57)
mon
th
110
055
0
008
0
004
0
125
0
009
000
5
000
6
000
9
010
1(0
024
)(0
021
)(0
018
)(0
074
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
061
)m
onth
12
0
008
002
0
000
5
008
7
001
8
000
1
000
3
000
3
006
6(0
025
)(0
022
)(0
019
)(0
075
)(0
014
)(0
003
)(0
005
)(0
007
)(0
072
)T
erm
inpo
wer
0
001
0
002
000
2
002
90
005
0
004
0
001
000
30
013
(00
11)
(00
09)
(00
08)
(00
33)
(00
05)
(00
01)
(00
02)
(00
03)
(00
24)
Lef
t0
025
007
1
0
038
022
7
000
9
000
1
000
3
001
20
000
(00
30)
(00
27)
(00
26)
(01
60)
(00
12)
(00
02)
(00
05)
(00
06)
(00
00)
Obs
64
9870
6059
1641
1569
4610
731
7970
8002
2588
R2
065
60
584
033
40
631
035
10
818
092
80
851
013
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1314 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
Est
imat
edP
olit
ical
Bu
dget
Cyc
le
1315OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
measured in percentage deviations from trend around electionsTotal budget expenditures experience the first significant jumpup of 7 percent nine months before elections8 After that there areno significant changes until one month before elections whenexpenditures rise significantly by 13 percent The cumulativeincrease in budget spending during the year prior to electionsamounts to 18 percent (5 percent of monthly regional product)The election month and two months right after elections arecharacterized by a significant fall in budget expenditures of 17percent Spending on education culture and health care exhibitsignificant increases during the two months prior to elections of14 percent on average and significant decreases during the twomonths after elections of about 18 percent Social expendituresrise five months and then one month before elections by 9 and 24percent respectively reaching the level of 31 percent above thetrend In the two months after elections social expenditures comeback to the trend level9 Cycles in public expenditure are sup-ported by intensive use of mass media Media spending increasesby 23 percent during six months preceding elections and drops by32 percent in the month of elections and two postelectoralmonths10 We also find significant budget composition effects of
8 Henceforth the changes in expenditures are calculated by comparisons offitted values net of the federal trend and seasonality (see Figure II for theillustration) This is because the estimates of coefficients of the 25 cycle dummiesindicate the shift in the underlying autoregressive process rather than the shift inexpenditures themselves
9 We verified that standard errors of electoral dummies are estimated con-sistently in the dynamic panel (1) and that the results are not driven by a specificseasonal structure of elections in our sample Following Bertrand Duflo andMullainathan [2004] we conduct a series of estimations of the effect of randomlygenerated placebo elections (with and without holding their seasonal structureequal to the seasonal structure of the actual elections) on total and social regionalexpenditures Significant cycles (ie increases in budget spending before electionsand decreases after) were found in less than 1 percent of the cases
10 To understand the kinds of publicity associated with the budget cycle weread local newspapers and press releases of regional authorities in a few regionsFor six months before elections most local newspapers actively praise incumbentgovernors When a few months are still left before elections they report promisesto pay out arrears in wages and child benefits in the near future (see for instanceldquoSeverInformrdquo [October 21 1999] for elections in Kirov Oblast in March 2000 andldquoAgenstvo Informatsii Udmurtiirdquo [March 24 2000] for elections in Udmurtiya inOctober 2000) Right before elections articles usually claim that all arrears arepaid off (see ldquoKrasnoyarsky Rabochyrdquo [August 20 2002] for elections in Krasno-yarsky Krai in September 2002 Press Release of Tomsk Oblast Administration[August 10 1999] for elections in Tomsk Oblast in September 1999) Occasionallyone comes across articles in the federal press that criticize incumbent governorsand point to sources of funds used for repayment of arrears (eg ldquoKommersantrdquo[March 24 2000] for elections in Pskovskaya Oblast in November 2000) The cyclein publicity around governors is vivid we counted the number of press releasesthat were issued by administration of Sverdlovskaya Oblast On average control-
1316 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections the share of social expenditures in total spending risesby 14 percent and the share of media expenditures by 23 percentduring the six months preceding elections In the preelectoralmonth shares of spending on social programs and media reachlevels that are 14 and 19 percent higher than their levels in themiddle of the term
Table II presents the effect of elections on budget revenuesgrowth inflation income and wage arrears growth Repaymentsof wage arrears to public workers exhibit strong cyclical patternsRegression results for the growth of wage arrears imply thefollowing level dynamics wage arrears drop by 32 percent in thethree preelection months The cumulative decline in wage arrearsduring the nine months before elections amounts to 42 percentFor six months after elections wage arrears gradually rise but donot reach their initial level The preelectoral rise in public spend-ing is financed in part by increases in nontax and tax revenues inpart by an increase in the deficit and in part by increased federaltransfers (in regions-recipients of federal transfers) The budgetcycle and in particular sizable fluctuations in government wagearrears and social spending drive the dynamics of wages andincome During the four months prior to elections wages andincome rise significantly reaching the levels of 5 and 1 percentabove the trend respectively and return to the trend level in thethree subsequent months
Regional growth does not have a cyclical pattern Inflationsignificantly decreases for six months prior to elections and grad-ually (insignificantly) rises for six months after elections11
Therefore contrary to Nordhausrsquos prediction politicians do notexplore a growth-inflation trade-off to increase their chances ofreelection12
ling for trend and seasonality the number of press releases in the four monthsbefore elections is 40 percent higher than throughout the electoral term
11 The fall in inflation before elections is much smaller in magnitude thanfluctuations in fiscal policies or wages and income Thus our results hold irre-spective of whether we take real or nominal variables As a baseline we reportdynamics of real spending and income the results remain the same when we testfor cycles in nominal expenditures and income disregarding the price differencesbetween regions
12 Keller and May [1984] were the first to argue that one needs to look at thepolitical actions rather than the real economic outcomes to find evidence ofopportunistic cycles based on an analysis of President Nixonrsquos election campaignDrazen [2000] surveyed empirical literature to show that models with adaptiveexpectations a la Nordhaus [1975] are inconsistent with results of virtually allempirical tests cycles if found affect fiscal and monetary policies rather thangrowth or unemployment
1317OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Budget cycles are short-lived the largest shifts in expendi-tures occur within a month or two of the election date The use ofquarterly and annual data by the previous literature most likelyled to underestimation of cycles because the opposite-sign shiftsin fiscal policies around elections cancel out in the data with lowfrequency To illustrate this point we collapsed monthly series atthe quarterly level and estimated equation analogous to (1) onquarterly data First statistical significance in quarterly paneldata is reduced few expenditure items show significant fluctua-tions around elections Second the magnitude of these fluctua-tions is considerably smaller Figure III presents cycles estimatedwith monthly and quarterly data For the vast majority of expen-diture items deviation from the trend near elections predictedusing quarterly data is less than one-third of the one predicted bymonthly panel data
Overall we find very strong evidence of sizable opportunisticcycles in fiscal policies and no evidence of cycles in economicgrowth The most vivid increases in budget spending occur amonth or two before elections This implies that instruments ofpreelectoral manipulation are observed by voters almost imme-diately This could be achieved only with direct monetary pay-ments to voters Indeed the two main instruments are repaymentof wage arrears and social expenditures comprised of welfarechild benefits veteran allowances social insurance and otherpublic assistance programs Our analysis of local and federalnewspapers and regional governmentsrsquo press releases providesnumerous anecdotes suggesting that cycles in total health careeducation and cultural spending also reflect manipulation withcompensation of medical workers teachers and other govern-ment employees The government wage bill is sufficiently large toshow cycles in aggregate spending For instance in education andhealth care spending it takes up about two-thirds of the totalTherefore we observe the shift of public expenditure (both overtime and across items) toward what is the most visible to votersas predicted by Rogoff rsquos model [1990]13
13 A shift of expenditure toward more visible items was also found by Block[2003] Using an annual panel of developing countries he found that budgetcomposition shifted away from public investment toward current consumption inthe face of elections In contrast Khemani [2000] and Gonzalez [2002] findsignificant preelectoral increases in public investment in Mexico and India Khe-mani however shows that it is road constructionmdashthe most visible type ofinvestmentmdashthat is cyclical
1318 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
FIG
UR
EII
IU
nde
rest
imat
ion
inQ
uar
terl
yD
ata
1319OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
TA
BL
EII
ID
ET
ER
MIN
AN
TS
OF
TH
EM
AG
NIT
UD
EO
FT
HE
BU
DG
ET
CY
CL
E
PA
NE
LE
ST
IMA
TIO
N
Dependentvariable
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Socialexpenditures
Expendituresonculture
Rst
ands
for
Edu
cati
onU
rban
izat
ion
Dem
ocra
cyT
ran
spar
ency
Med
iafr
eedo
mT
ime
R
Mon
th
30
092
0
107
012
10
051
0
035
000
3
004
80
004
000
20
000
0
019
000
0(0
155
)(0
115
)(0
136
)(0
106
)(0
042
)(0
032
)(0
039
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
2
0
263
0
154
0
031
0
086
0
002
000
1
002
0
002
8
000
6
0
004
0
025
0
031
(0
160
)(0
120
)(0
145
)(0
114
)(0
043
)(0
033
)(0
040
)(0
030
)(0
003
)(0
002
)(0
017
)(0
013
)R
M
onth
1
0
081
0
232
031
2
0
014
0
076
0
034
0
089
001
4
000
7
0
002
0
063
003
2
(01
45)
(01
09)
(01
41)
(01
11)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
R
Mon
th0
0
085
0
193
006
0
007
30
008
001
60
038
001
5
000
1
000
2
000
30
012
(01
45)
(01
08)
(01
43)
(01
06)
(00
43)
(00
33)
(00
39)
(00
30)
(00
03)
(00
02)
(00
17)
(00
13)
Mon
th
30
022
0
002
003
30
002
002
50
008
002
70
008
002
90
002
003
50
006
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
38)
(00
28)
(00
39)
(00
29)
Mon
th
20
024
001
20
028
001
10
026
001
20
028
001
20
027
001
40
026
000
3(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
039
)(0
029
)
1320 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Mon
th
10
223
0
127
0
227
0
121
0
216
0
121
0
218
0
121
0
227
0
126
0
197
0
107
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
028
)(0
039
)(0
029
)M
onth
00
038
0
067
0
036
0
063
0
035
0
066
0
036
0
065
0
036
0
067
0
040
0
059
(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
038
)(0
029
)M
onth
1
0
097
011
5
0
094
011
0
0
102
010
6
0
101
010
6
0
107
010
8
0
090
010
8
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Mon
th
2
006
9
003
4
006
9
003
4
006
9
002
5
006
9
002
5
007
1
002
2
006
9
003
4(0
037
)(0
027
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)(0
037
)(0
028
)M
onth
3
000
3
005
20
005
0
045
001
1
005
10
010
0
051
000
1
004
50
005
0
046
(00
37)
(00
27)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
(00
37)
(00
28)
Lef
t
000
30
000
0
003
000
0
000
3
000
1
000
4
000
1
000
30
000
0
003
0
001
(00
45)
(00
34)
(00
48)
(00
36)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
46)
(00
35)
(00
47)
(00
35)
Ter
min
pow
er
001
1
001
2
001
0
001
2
001
2
001
4
001
1
001
4
001
1
001
6
000
7
001
0(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)(0
015
)(0
011
)T
ime
005
8
004
1
(00
10)
(00
07)
Obs
erva
tion
s64
1063
5670
0469
2165
9365
6365
9365
6366
7166
3270
0469
21N
um
ber
ofre
gion
s76
7686
8680
8080
8081
8186
86R
20
596
049
70
560
047
90
584
047
90
584
047
90
581
048
20
561
048
0
All
regr
essi
ons
incl
ude
fou
rla
gsa
full
set
ofti
me
dum
mie
san
dfi
xed
effe
cts
for
each
regi
on-c
alen
dar
mon
thco
mbi
nat
ion
All
depe
nde
nt
vari
able
sar
ein
logs
and
mea
sure
din
real
term
spe
rca
pita
Rob
ust
stan
dard
erro
rsar
ein
pare
nth
eses
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
Th
ere
sult
sar
ero
bust
toth
en
um
ber
ofpr
eele
ctor
aldu
mm
ies
incl
ude
dan
dto
acco
un
tin
gfo
rR
and
Tim
ein
flu
ence
join
tly
orin
sepa
rate
spec
ifica
tion
s
1321OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
IVB Determinants of Opportunistic Cycles
Methodologically the best way to test for the determinants ofcycle magnitude is to run specification (1) with additional regres-sors proxies for possible determinants of the cycle and theirinteraction with the cycle dummies mjit The following potentialdeterminants are considered level of democracy (measured by aregional democracy index) voter awareness (measured by logs ofregional shares of population with higher education and of urbanpopulation) and transparency (measured by region-level indicesof media freedom and government transparency) all of which arepositively correlated These measures are available only as crosssection we denote them by Ri Proxies for voter awareness reflectboth the possibilities of the electorate to get access to information(ie the Internet and TV) which is easier in urban areas and theability of the electorate to process this information that comeswith education We also test how cycle magnitude changes withtime For ease of interpretation of coefficients we rescale time tobe measured in years (Time t12) As discussed below Time isa proxy for voter learning and development of independent mediaand civil society since the countryrsquos democratization but it couldalso reflect increased federal control over Russian regions underPutinrsquos presidency compared with Yeltsinrsquos For presentation pur-poses we report results of estimation of the short specification(1) that preserves the main results of estimating the specificationwith the full set of 25 cycle dummies
(1) yit j33
jmjit j30
13jmjitRiD
j30
jmjitTimetD
Timet L yit1 1Termit 2Leftit t fis εit
Here we look only at budgetary expenditures that exhibit cyclicaldynamics Superscript D indicates that we subtract means fromR and Time before taking cross-terms in this case the coefficientof the respective m is equal to the full effect evaluated at themean values of R and Time Negative significant coefficients atmjitRi and mjitTimet (given that coefficients at respective mjitare positive) serve as evidence that R and Time decrease thecycle magnitude
Table III presents the results of estimation of equation (1)for social expenditures and expenditures on culture The interac-tion terms of voter awareness democracy transparency andtime with cycle dummies two months before elections usually
1322 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
have negative and often significant coefficients Thus these vari-ables reduce the magnitude of the cycle For instance the resultsimply that a one standard deviation increase in our measures ofeducation urbanization democracy government transparencyand media freedom leads to a significant reduction in the jump ofsocial expenditures prior to elections of 7 9 10 7 and 8 percent-age points respectively Results for the total budget expendituresand revenues share of social expenditures and spending onhealth care and education are very similar There are no resultsfor media spending and industrial subsidies
The fact that Ri does not vary across time and for two of thefive measures (viz education and urbanization) varies only alittle across regions potentially creates a problem in the estima-tion of this panel because regressors mjitRi and mjit are corre-lated To make sure that our results are not driven by thiscorrelation we carry out a cross-section test We construct thefollowing measure of cycle magnitude the cycle amplitude in aparticular policy instrument for a particular election is defined asthe residual corresponding to the last month before the electionfrom estimation of the following equation run separately for eachregion and each instrument
(2) yit L yit1 j112
jsjt t εit
sjt stands for dummies corresponding to twelve calendar monthst is the real time (L) yit1 is the lag polynomial of the sameorder as in (1) Summary statistics for constructed amplitudes arepresented in Table IV For all fiscal policy instruments meanamplitudes are positive and for eight out of nine they are sig-nificantly different from zero In addition we constructed anaggregate measure of the magnitude of the political budget cycleas the first principal component of the amplitudes in individualfiscal policies with the most profound cycle To test for the deter-minants of the cycle we run the following equation on the pooledcross section of elections
(3) Ai 0 1Ri 2Timei 3Budgeti 4Durationi εi
where i is the ordinal number of elections and Ai is a measure ofcycle amplitude As above Ri is a proxy for awareness democ-racy and transparency and Timei is real time measured in
1323OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
years14 Richer regions may have higher financial slack for ma-nipulation of fiscal policies because the necessary fixed expendi-ture takes up a smaller part of the whole budget We control forthis effect with the regional mean of the size of per capita budgetover the whole periodmdashBudgeti
15 Persson and Tabellini [2003]show that differences in electoral rules explain a part of cross-country variation in political cycles Generally regional electoralrules in Russia are uniform There are potentially significantdifferences only in the duration of a governorrsquos electoral term thatvaries from four to five years with the exception of one region witha seven-year term The duration of term may affect ldquoego-rentsrdquo
14 In cross-section regressions instead of the entire index of democracy weuse a dummy that indicates whether a region has a value of democracy that isabove the median (this proxy gives us a better fit possibly because of poor cardinalproperties of the index) In the estimation of equation (3) we excluded electionsthat took place in nine Autonomous Okrugs that are subdivisions of other largerregions because for the most part R data are unavailable for them elections witha single candidate and elections in which an incumbent did not run for reelectionand did not name his successor Equation (3) has regional-level regressors thuswe allow error terms to be clustered within regions
15 Including Term as a control in cross-section regressions does not changeany of the results It is highly correlated with Time when both are included asregressors Term comes out insignificant but the effect of Time does not changeThe cycle magnitude could also be affected by world oil price because in times ofhigh oil prices governors may be less constrained in preelectoral fiscal manipula-tions A large chunk of budgetary revenues at all levels of government depends ontaxation of oil rents As a robustness check we have controlled for the oil price andoil revenues in all regressions and for their interaction with the cycle dummies inpanel regressions and found that none of our baseline results are driven by thedynamics of oil prices
TABLE IVSUMMARY STATISTICS FOR THE CONSTRUCTED MEASURES
OF THE AMPLITUDE OF THE CYCLES
Obs Mean Median SE Min Max
Amplitude of the cycle inTotal budget expenditures 132 0075 0073 0018 0713 0653Social expenditures 136 0158 0100 0030 0624 1442Education expenditures 136 0088 0082 0017 0517 0581Expenditures on culture 134 0078 0093 0020 0669 0642Health care expenditures 135 0089 0091 0020 0734 0692Media expenditures 131 0089 0068 0039 1219 1346Expenditures on industry 113 0171 0240 0062 1662 1793Deficit 127 0035 0038 0014 0389 0440Negative of wage arrears growth 44 0035 0020 0037 0738 0631
Asterisks mark mean amplitudes that are significantly different from zero
1324 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
[Rogoff 1990] increasing the politiciansrsquo incentives for cycles ormay reflect the fact that incumbents had more time for getting ridof political opposition decreasing the need for cycle We use adummy indicating regions with the term above four years as acontrol (Durationi)
16
Table V presents results of the estimation of equation (3) Across-section test confirms findings from the panel regressionsVoter awareness democracy transparency and time reduce cy-cles In all regressions coefficients of these measures are negativeand in more than two-thirds significant A 10 percent increase inthe share of educated population decreases cycle amplitude ineducation cultural and health care expenditures by about 2percentage points A 10 percent increase in urbanization leads toa decrease in cycles in total health care and cultural spending of2 percentage points and 5 in social spending The difference inmagnitudes of cycles in total social cultural and health carespending between regions with democracy above and below themedian is about ten percentage points A standard deviationincrease in the index of government transparency leads to adecrease of cycles in social and total spending of 9 and 3 percent-age points while a standard deviation increase in the mediafreedom index leads to a decrease in cycles in social and culturalexpenditure of 8 and 6 percentage points The first principalcomponent of cycle amplitudes is significantly affected by all themeasures
Panel and cross-section results show that time negativelyaffects the size of the budget cycle As shown in Table V cyclesfade away relatively fast each additional year on average de-creases cycle magnitude by about 3 percentage points We alsoestimated the effect of the number of previous elections as wasdone by Block Ferree and Singh [2003] an additional election ina region significantly reduces the cycle amplitude by 6 to 16percent depending on the expenditure item considered We con-sider two possible interpretations of the negative influence oftime on the magnitude of the cycle the emergence of civil societyand learning by voters as democracy matures and the disciplin-
16 There is one other difference in electoral rules across regions the vastmajority of regions have two-round elections ie a runoff follows the first roundin the case when none of the candidates receive more than half of the votes a fewregions however have single-round elections The number of single-round elec-tions is insufficient to test its influence on cycles Controlling for the number ofrounds does not have any effect on the results
1325OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
TA
BL
EV
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FT
HE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
OF
TH
EB
UD
GE
TC
YC
LE
CR
OS
SS
EC
TIO
N
Th
efi
rst
com
pon
ent
ofcy
cle
ampl
itu
des
Am
plit
ude
ofto
tal
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
126
9
0
016
(06
21)
(00
81)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
170
6
0
175
(0
515
)(0
065
)D
emoc
racy
0
801
007
6
(02
52)
(00
38)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
027
2
003
8
(01
45)
(00
18)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
001
90
(00
10)
(00
01)
Tim
e
031
4
0
339
032
3
0
323
032
1
0
034
003
5
0
034
003
4
0
034
(0
068
)(0
067
)(0
066
)(0
066
)(0
067
)(0
008
)(0
009
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
009
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
072
6
088
6
076
5
061
0
060
7
008
3
011
0
009
6
008
2
008
2
(02
68)
(02
79)
(02
75)
(02
98)
(02
71)
(00
37)
(00
37)
(00
35)
(00
37)
(00
35)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
026
1
028
1
024
1
031
1
031
9
001
7
002
9
002
3
003
7
001
4(0
338
)(0
348
)(0
367
)(0
352
)(0
369
)(0
042
)(0
041
)(0
043
)(0
040
)(0
047
)C
onst
ant
281
4
316
0
292
3
290
7
290
0
039
2
042
0
039
5
039
5
039
4
(05
92)
(05
81)
(05
84)
(05
85)
(05
94)
(00
75)
(00
76)
(00
75)
(00
74)
(00
76)
Obs
erva
tion
s11
711
711
711
711
712
112
112
112
112
1R
20
242
025
90
252
023
50
234
015
40
182
017
40
179
015
3
1326 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
expe
ndi
ture
cycl
eA
mpl
itu
deof
edu
cati
onex
pen
ditu
recy
cle
Edu
cati
on
013
9
020
2
(01
17)
(00
79)
Urb
aniz
atio
n
050
8
0
108
(00
94)
(00
74)
Dem
ocra
cy
016
4
0
064
(00
57)
(00
34)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
009
8
0
017
(00
27)
(00
19)
Med
iafr
eedo
m
000
6
0
002
(00
02)
(00
01)
Tim
e
004
3
0
049
004
3
0
044
004
5
0
031
003
2
0
031
003
1
0
032
(0
016
)(0
017
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
016
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)(0
008
)A
vre
gion
albu
dget
010
2
016
9
012
3
008
60
094
007
7
007
1
006
8
005
40
056
(00
50)
(00
52)
(00
52)
(00
58)
(00
47)
(00
30)
(00
35)
(00
32)
(00
33)
(00
31)
Len
gth
ofte
rm
000
5
003
3
001
9
005
1
005
0
103
010
2
0
102
010
4
0
109
(0
066
)(0
063
)(0
065
)(0
061
)(0
070
)(0
042
)(0
046
)(0
048
)(0
044
)(0
046
)C
onst
ant
055
7
064
8
056
6
057
0
058
5
038
8
040
2
038
8
038
5
039
1
(01
51)
(01
58)
(01
51)
(01
53)
(01
55)
(00
72)
(00
72)
(00
71)
(00
72)
(00
71)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
512
512
512
512
512
612
612
612
612
6R
20
086
015
50
109
013
30
121
023
60
186
019
10
180
186
1327OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
TA
BL
EV
(CO
NT
INU
ED
)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pen
ditu
reon
cult
ure
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
resp
endi
ng
cycl
e
Edu
cati
on
021
3
0
164
(0
061
)(0
072
)U
rban
izat
ion
0
167
0
216
(0
086
)(0
078
)D
emoc
racy
0
117
008
1
(00
43)
(00
39)
Gov
tr
ansp
aren
cy
001
5
002
9(0
022
)(0
023
)M
edia
free
dom
0
004
000
2(0
001
)(0
001
)T
ime
0
042
004
3
0
042
004
2
0
042
003
5
0
037
003
5
0
035
003
6
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
Av
regi
onal
budg
et0
066
006
90
068
004
20
045
010
5
012
2
010
5
008
70
090
(0
047
)(0
051
)(0
051
)(0
052
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
043
)(0
047
)(0
048
)(0
044
)L
engt
hof
term
0
013
0
013
0
016
0
011
0
033
0
094
0
102
009
7
010
4
0
107
(0
049
)(0
052
)(0
050
)(0
055
)(0
051
)(0
048
)(0
046
)(0
049
)(0
046
)(0
052
)C
onst
ant
045
1
047
2
045
2
044
3
045
4
042
4
046
2
042
9
042
8
043
5
(00
90)
(00
85)
(00
88)
(00
90)
(00
88)
(00
96)
(00
94)
(00
95)
(00
93)
(00
96)
Obs
erva
tion
s12
312
312
312
312
312
512
512
512
512
5R
20
195
016
60
184
014
80
190
176
018
10
166
016
016
2
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1328 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
ing role of increased central control over regions during Putinrsquosadministration compared with Yeltsinrsquos Although there were noformal changes in electoral rules or authority of regional govern-ments over spending from Yeltsinrsquos to Putinrsquos time one couldargue that Putin has monitored regional governments moreclosely than Yeltsin and increasingly closely throughout his termIn an attempt to separate the two hypotheses we repeat theanalysis separately for the two time periods when each of thepresidents was in power In each subsample the budget cycle issignificant The difference in magnitude of the cycle between thetwo subsamples is 25 times Under Putin the effect of time on thecycle is negative but for the majority of expenditure items insig-nificant under Yeltsin it is essentially zero Thus most of thevariation in the cycle magnitude over time comes from compari-son of the two waves of elections that took place under differentpresidents We cannot rule out the voter learning explanation ofthe effect of time however because insignificance of time withinsubsamples could be attributed to the reduction in the number ofobservations or clustering of election dates17
IVC Do Cycles Help Winning
To test whether cycles helped incumbent governors get re-elected we estimate how the share of votes for the incumbent andthe probability of winning depend on the cycle magnitude con-trolling for an incumbentrsquos ideology performance in the last termand differences in electoral rules The following equation is esti-mated on the pooled cross section of elections
(4) Pi 0 1Ai 2 AiDTimei
D 3Timei 4Lefti
5Urbani 6Performi 7Durationi εi
Pi is the popularity of the incumbent measured by the ratioof votes for the incumbent to the sum of votes for the incumbentand the most popular challenger A (cycle amplitude) TimeLeft and Duration are described above Again we subtractmeans before taking the cross-term to make interpretation of 1easier A positive coefficient at A is an indication that cyclesare associated with an increase in an incumbentrsquos popularity a
17 Clustering of election dates is particularly severe during Yeltsinrsquos time53 percent of governor elections covered by our sample during Yeltsinrsquos presidencyoccurred within four months of each other In the Putin subsample elections aremore spread out over time
1329OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
negative coefficient at the cross-term indicates that this rela-tionship weakens over time We control for the incumbentrsquospast performance (Perform) which can be important in the caseof retrospective voting [Alesina and Rosenthal 1995] In re-ported regressions we control for the relative share of socialexpenditures relative per capita regional industrial productand relative inflation measured as net-of-federal-trend meansover the last term relative to the overall regional means net offederal trend We verified that the main results do not dependon the presence or the choice of proxies for past performanceIn particular we also controlled for relative income relativetaxation level relative total public spending as well as rela-tive growth rates in all of these performance indicators Wealso control for the regional share of urban population Urbanwhich has a very strong direct effect on popularity Cookrsquos[1977] distance and DFITS statistic [Belsley Kuh and Welsch1980] indicate that two observations have excessively strongeffects on the estimates (these are elections with very popularincumbents) we exclude them from the sample18 In additionto OLS regressions for an incumbentrsquos popularity we estimatesimilar binary and ordered probit regressions with the follow-ing outcomes for an incumbent winslosses and winsis thefirst runner-upis below the second place
There is an endogeneity problem in these regressions If anincumbent is certain about the results of an upcoming electionbecause he is either extremely popular or extremely unpopularhe has little incentive for preelectoral manipulations The tighterthe electoral competition the higher the cycle OLS underesti-mates the causal relationship between cycles and popularitywhen incumbents are confident of reelection and overestimatesthe relationship when incumbents are sure of losing We do nothave a good instrument for the cycle amplitude because all vari-ables that sufficiently strongly correlate with it have an indepen-dent-of-the-cycles effect on the popularity of incumbents In thevast majority of cases however incumbents were the most popularcandidates to win the next election and therefore overall we arelikely to underestimate the effect To make sure that we do notoverestimate the effect of cycles on popularity we rerun the regres-
18 As above we exclude from the sample elections with a single candidateelections in which an incumbent did not run for reelection and did not name hissuccessor and elections in nine Autonomous Okrugs Error terms are allowed tocluster within regions
1330 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
sions on the subsample of elections in which the incumbent was atleast as popular as the main opponent (for OLS) and on the sub-sample where the opponent is at most 13 times as popular as theincumbent (for OLS and probits) and got very similar results
Table VI presents the results Cycles in social health careeducation and cultural spending generate significant politicalbenefits for incumbent governors while preelectoral expansion oftotal spending has no effect A one-standard-deviation increase inthe cycle amplitude in social education and cultural expendi-tures leads to growth in an incumbentrsquos popularity of 4 5 and 5percentage points respectively In the table we report coefficientsof the ordered probit regressions which translate into the follow-ing marginal effects A one-standard-deviation increase in thecycle in social and education spending leads to an increase in theprobability of the incumbentrsquos win of about 10 and 13 percentagepoints respectively Binary probit results are analogous We donot find any significant weakening of political benefits of cyclesover time in all regressions the coefficient of the interaction termof time and cycle magnitude is insignificant
V CONCLUSION
We tested for existence of opportunistic political cycles andstudied whether voter awareness democracy transparency andtime affect cycles We also examined whether cycles increasegovernorsrsquo chances of reelection The monthly regional panel dataallowed us to define timing of the cycle more precisely than it hasbeen done previously in the literature The key findings are asfollows 1) We find significant political cycles in budget spendingand its composition The average preelectoral increase in totalregional expenditure amounts to about 5 percent of monthly grossregional product and in welfare and other public assistance pro-grams to 043 percent of monthly gross regional product Consis-tent with Rogoff [1990] we observe a shift of public spendingtoward direct monetary payments to voters 2) Previous studieslikely underestimated the budget cycle because quarterly fre-quency of the data is insufficient to measure the cycle preciselyThe underestimation is particularly strong when cycles are short-lived Most sizable manipulations in our sample occur within amonth or two away from an election date We show that use ofquarterly data as opposed to monthly data results in estimatesthat are one-third of the actual deviations from the trend around
1331OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
TA
BL
EV
IE
FF
EC
TO
FC
YC
LE
SO
NP
OP
UL
AR
ITY
OF
INC
UM
BE
NT
SA
ND
PR
OB
AB
ILIT
YT
OW
IN
Incu
mbe
nts
rsquopop
ula
rity
O
LS
Incu
mbe
nt
win
sfi
rst
run
ner
up
lose
sor
dere
dpr
obit
Fir
stco
mpo
nen
tof
ampl
itu
des
003
1
015
5(0
015
)(0
088
)A
mpl
itu
deof
tota
lex
pcy
cle
006
50
087
(01
29)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofso
cial
exp
cycl
e0
125
0
760
(00
57)
(03
94)
Am
plit
ude
ofh
ealt
hca
reex
pcy
cle
011
20
804
(00
97)
(05
39)
Am
plit
ude
ofed
uca
tion
exp
cycl
e0
234
180
1
(01
27)
(07
02)
Am
plit
ude
ofcy
cle
inex
pon
cult
ure
020
1
081
4(0
074
)(0
505
)T
ime
004
5
003
4
003
5
003
1
003
6
004
0
025
8
019
2
023
5
021
7
024
7
023
4
(00
13)
(00
12)
(00
10)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
11)
(00
82)
(00
76)
(00
67)
(00
69)
(00
72)
(00
69)
1332 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Tim
e
resp
ecti
vecy
cle
am
pli
tud
e
000
30
010
024
001
20
015
0
036
0
007
006
50
241
0
013
015
6
019
8(0
007
)(0
057
)(0
026
)(0
050
)(0
064
)(0
043
)(0
034
)(0
257
)(0
169
)(0
249
)(0
263
)(0
256
)L
eft
0
073
0
078
0
099
008
1
008
0
009
1
0
398
0
395
0
499
039
1
037
3
044
4
(00
42)
(00
47)
(00
45)
(00
46)
(00
45)
(00
41)
(02
25)
(02
21)
(02
20)
(02
19)
(02
19)
(02
20)
Len
gth
ofte
rm0
152
0
110
116
012
9
014
6
015
0
087
4
061
0
073
0
080
6
097
3
090
8
(00
64)
(00
69)
(00
63)
(00
62)
(00
61)
(00
59)
(03
37)
(03
09)
(03
10)
(03
12)
(03
16)
(03
38)
Rel
ativ
epr
odu
ct0
366
019
90
318
016
30
307
030
90
843
018
095
082
21
138
071
9(0
218
)(0
221
)(0
213
)(0
214
)(0
218
)(0
195
)(1
192
)(1
118
)(1
107
)(1
265
)(1
219
)(1
107
)R
elat
ive
soci
alex
pen
ditu
resh
are
005
10
092
006
30
043
004
004
0
026
015
026
20
145
000
90
091
(01
09)
(01
15)
(01
04)
(01
07)
(01
02)
(01
04)
(06
17)
(06
13)
(05
44)
(05
74)
(06
00)
(05
51)
Rel
ativ
ein
flat
ion
10
826
1
495
2
754
2
828
4
437
13
678
106
341
6426
274
227
2810
952
19
452
(13
206)
(12
396)
(11
139)
(11
971)
(12
291)
(12
786)
(53
504)
(47
893)
(49
212)
(49
525)
(50
594)
(52
491)
Urb
aniz
atio
n0
306
0
286
0
321
0
309
0
310
0
305
1
685
1
553
1
725
1
680
1
670
1
625
(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
081
)(0
079
)(0
075
)(0
454
)(0
443
)(0
443
)(0
445
)(0
430
)(0
455
)C
onst
ant
019
40
297
0
288
0
320
0
263
0
230
(0
118
)(0
117
)(0
096
)(0
118
)(0
112
)(0
105
)O
bser
vati
ons
115
119
123
123
124
121
115
119
123
123
124
121
R2
026
90
197
023
40
20
232
027
6
Rob
ust
and
adju
sted
for
clu
ster
sw
ith
inre
gion
sst
anda
rder
rors
are
inpa
ren
thes
es
and
de
not
esi
gnifi
can
ceat
the
15
and
10pe
rcen
tle
vel
resp
ecti
vely
1333OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
elections 3) The magnitude of the cycle decreases with educationurbanization level of democracy transparency of the govern-ment and freedom of the media Thus information symmetryand development of democratic institutions are important factorsinfluencing cycles 4) Cycles have become smaller over time Thisis consistent with the view that voters and independent medialearn as democracy matures but could also be explained by achange in Russia-specific institutional factors 5) The scale ofpreelectoral manipulations increases the popularity of incumbentgovernors and probability of getting reelected
We show that maturity of democracy is an important factordetermining the scope for effective use of political cycles cyclesare smaller in more democratic regions This result contrastswith the finding of Gonzalez [2002] that Mexican political cyclesgot stronger with democratization The evidence suggests thatunlike in Mexico during the PRI domination democracy in Russiain 1996ndash2003 reached the point where enforcement of politicalturnover at the regional level was not prohibitively costly and insome regions it even gave rise to an embryo of free press andinstitutions of civil society allowing voters to get informationabout politicians in a less costly way than by means of politicalcycles
1334 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX
PA
NE
LA
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
PO
LIC
YIN
ST
RU
ME
NT
SA
ND
OU
TC
OM
ES
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
axS
ourc
eU
nit
sT
ime
span
P-v
alu
e
Tot
albu
dget
expe
ndi
ture
s73
7045
07
269
261
58
579
606
16M
F$
per
capi
ta03
199
6ndash07
200
30
42S
ocia
lex
pen
ditu
res
7522
290
210
305
018
293
6M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
62S
har
eof
soci
alex
pen
ditu
res
7244
783
730
376
117
298
3M
FP
erce
nta
ge01
199
6ndash07
200
30
58E
duca
tion
expe
ndi
ture
s75
289
286
1210
24
129
894
0M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
78E
xpen
ditu
res
oncu
ltu
re75
121
070
681
280
1211
31
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Hea
lth
care
expe
ndi
ture
s75
245
954
126
050
8350
71
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
065
Med
iaex
pen
ditu
res
7332
018
008
035
000
351
MF
$pe
rca
pita
031
996ndash
072
003
096
Sh
are
ofm
edia
expe
ndi
ture
s72
100
370
300
260
021
76M
FP
erce
nta
ge03
199
6ndash07
200
30
40E
xpen
ditu
res
onin
dust
ry71
812
230
497
130
0090
90
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
093
Tot
albu
dget
reve
nu
es73
5545
35
273
060
60
585
519
08M
F$
per
capi
ta01
199
6ndash07
200
30
27T
axre
ven
ues
7542
257
616
72
340
81
5432
062
MF
$pe
rca
pita
011
996ndash
072
003
040
Rat
ioof
expe
ndi
ture
sto
reve
nu
es70
9410
010
984
723
83
434
726
637
MF
Per
cen
tage
031
996ndash
072
003
062
Gro
wth
7826
000
030
0005
002
56
017
015
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
5ndash07
200
30
56In
flat
ion
1124
60
190
120
23
018
168
GK
SP
erce
nta
ge02
199
2ndash07
200
30
26R
egio
nal
wag
ear
rear
s38
700
0064
000
120
0220
000
000
25G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
011
999ndash
072
003
076
Wag
ele
vel
8410
164
6113
109
104
0548
21
671
72G
KS
$pe
rca
pita
021
995ndash
072
003
009
Mon
eyin
com
e84
6312
524
102
6576
32
320
056
603
GK
S$
per
capi
ta01
199
5ndash07
200
30
38
ldquo$
per
capi
tardquo
stan
dsfo
rco
nst
ant
1997
US
doll
ars
per
capi
ta
P
-val
ues
are
for
the
test
ofre
sidu
alau
toco
rrel
atio
nin
equ
atio
n(1
)se
efo
otn
ote
6
1335OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
AP
PE
ND
IX(C
ON
TIN
UE
D))
PA
NE
LB
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
EL
EC
TIO
NS
Var
iabl
eN
oof
obs
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Du
mm
yfo
rpa
rtic
ipat
ion
ofin
cum
ben
t21
40
901
031
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tsrsquow
in19
20
651
048
01
Du
mm
yfo
rin
cum
ben
tco
min
gin
thir
dor
wor
se19
20
060
023
01
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
incu
mbe
nt
192
539
856
23
228
44
7699
9P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rm
ain
com
peti
tor
ofin
cum
ben
t18
132
30
285
020
87
071
82P
erce
nta
geof
vote
sfo
rw
inn
er21
462
28
592
815
06
235
999
Per
cen
tage
ofvo
tes
for
the
firs
tru
nn
er-u
p20
224
09
242
312
98
071
48N
um
ber
ofca
ndi
date
s21
45
695
296
116
PA
NE
LC
D
ES
CR
IPT
IVE
ST
AT
IST
ICS
OF
DE
TE
RM
INA
NT
SO
FC
YC
LE
MA
GN
ITU
DE
Var
iabl
eR
egio
ns
Mea
nM
edia
nS
DM
inM
ax
Log
ofed
uca
tion
in19
9576
278
275
026
219
368
Log
ofsh
are
ofu
rban
popu
lati
on86
417
423
028
291
461
Inde
xof
free
dom
ofm
edia
prod
uct
ion
8136
25
3714
31
075
Inde
xof
dem
ocra
cy77
296
30
871
5In
dex
ofgo
vern
men
ttr
ansp
aren
cy77
299
30
931
5D
um
my
for
len
gth
ofte
rmab
ove
4ye
ars
880
261
044
01
1336 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH
CENTER FOR ECONOMIC AND FINANCIAL RESEARCH AND CEPR
REFERENCES
Alesina Alberto Nouriel Roubini and Gerald D Cohen Political Cycles and theMacroeconomy (Cambridge MA MIT Press 1997)
Alesina Alberto and Nouriel Roubini ldquoPolitical Cycles in OECD EconomiesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LXIX (1992) 663ndash688
Alesina Alberto Roberto Perotti and Jose Tavares ldquoThe Political Economy ofFiscal Adjustmentsrdquo Brookings Papers on Economic Activity 1 (1998)197ndash266
Alesina Alberto and Howard Rosenthal Partisan Politics Divided Governmentand the Economy (Cambridge UK Cambridge University Press 1995)
Ames Barry Political Survival Politicians and Public Policy in Latin America(Berkeley CA The University of California Press 1987)
Arellano Manuel and Stephen Bond ldquoSome Tests of Specification for Panel DataMonte-Carlo Evidence and an Application to Employment Equationsrdquo Reviewof Economic Studies LVIII (1991) 277ndash297
Belsley David A Edwin Kuh and Roy E Welsch Regression Diagnostics Iden-tifying Influential Data and Sources of Collinearity (New York NY Wiley1980)
Berger Helge and Ulrich Woitek ldquoSearching for Political Business Cycles inGermanyrdquo Public Choice XCI (1997) 179ndash197
Besley Timothy and Anne Case ldquoDoes Political Accountability Affect EconomicPolicy Choices Evidence from Gubernatorial Term Limitsrdquo Quarterly Jour-nal of Economics CX (1995) 769ndash798
Bertrand Marianne Esther Duflo and Sendhil Mullainathan ldquoHow MuchShould we Trust Differences-in-Differences Estimatesrdquo Quarterly Journal ofEconomics CXIX (2004) 249ndash275
Block Steven A ldquoElections Electoral Competitiveness and Political BudgetCycles in Developing Countriesrdquo Harvard University CID Working Paper No78 2001
mdashmdash ldquoPolitical Business Cycles Democratization and Economic Reform TheCase of Africardquo Journal of Development Economics LXVII (2002) 205ndash228
mdashmdash ldquoElections and the Composition of Public Spending in Developing Coun-triesrdquo Working paper Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy Tufts Univer-sity 2003
Block Steven A Karen Ferree and Smita Singh ldquoMultiparty CompetitionFounding Elections and Political Business Cycles in Africardquo Journal of Afri-can Economics XII (2003) 444ndash468
Brender Adi ldquoThe Effect of Fiscal Performance on Local Government ElectionResults in Israel 1989ndash1998rdquo Journal of Public Economics LXXXVII (2003)2187ndash2205
Brender Adi and Allan Drazen ldquoWhere Does the Political Budget Cycle ReallyCome fromrdquo CEPR Discussion Paper No 4049 2003
Cook R Dennis ldquoDetection of Influential Observations in Linear InferencerdquoJournal of Statistical Planning and Inference XXXVII (1977) 51ndash68
Drazen Allan ldquoThe Political Business Cycle After 25 Yearsrdquo NBER Macroeco-nomic Annual (Cambridge MA MIT Press 2000)
Drazen Allan and Marcela Eslava ldquoThe Political Budget Cycle in ColumbiardquoWorking paper University of Maryland 2003
Franzese Robert ldquoElectoral and Partisan Cycles in Economic Policies and Out-comesrdquo Annual Review of Political Science V (2002) 369ndash421
Gonzalez Maria de los Angeles ldquoOn Elections Democracy and MacroeconomicPolicy Evidence from Mexicordquo Working Paper Department of EconomicsPrinceton University 2000
mdashmdash ldquoDo Changes in Democracy Affect the Political Budget Cycle Evidence fromMexicordquo Review of Development Economics VI (2002) 204ndash224
Hansen Lars P ldquoLarge Sample Properties of Generalized Method of MomentsEstimatorsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 1029ndash1054
1337OPPORTUNISTIC POLITICAL CYCLES
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
Heckelman Jac C and Hakan Berument ldquoPolitical Business Cycles andEndogenous Electionsrdquo Southern Economic Journal LXIV (1998)987ndash1000
Ito Takatoshi ldquoThe Timing of Elections and Political Business Cycles in JapanrdquoJournal of Asian Economics I (1990) 135ndash156
Keller Robert A and Ann M May ldquoThe Presidential Political Business Cycle of1972rdquo The Journal of Economic History XLIV (1984) 265ndash271
Khemani Stuti ldquoPolitical Cycles in a Developing Economy Effect of Elections inthe Indian Statesrdquo Working paper World Bank 2000
Klein Michael W ldquoTiming Is All Elections and the Duration of United StatesBusiness Cyclesrdquo Journal of Money Credit and Banking XXVIII (1996)84ndash101
Krueger Anne O and Ilter Turan ldquoThe Politics and Economics of Turkish PolicyReform in the 1980rsquosrdquo in Political and Economic Interactions in EconomicPolicy Reform Evidence from Eight Countries Robert H Bates and Anne OKrueger eds (Oxford UK Basil Blackwell 1993)
Nickell Stephen ldquoBiases in Dynamic Models with Fixed Effectsrdquo EconometricaXLIX (1981) 1417ndash1426
Nordhaus William D ldquoThe Political Business Cyclerdquo Review of Economic Stud-ies XLII (1975) 169ndash190
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini Macroeconomic Policy Credibility andPolitics (Amsterdam The Netherlands Harwood Academic Publishers 1990)
Persson Torsten and Guido Tabellini ldquoDo Electoral Cycles Differ across PoliticalSystemsrdquo Universita Bocconi Working Paper No 232 2003
Petrov Nikolai Russiarsquos Regions in 1999 an Annual Supplement to RussiarsquosPolitical Almanac Nikolai Petrov and Michael McFaul eds (Moscow Car-negie Endowment for International Peace 2001)
Reid Bradford G ldquoEndogenous Elections Electoral Budget Cycles and CanadianProvincial Governmentsrdquo Public Choice XCVII (1998) 35ndash48
Rogoff Kenneth ldquoEquilibrium Political Budget Cyclesrdquo American Economic Re-view LXXX (1990) 21ndash36
Rogoff Kenneth and Anne Sibert ldquoElections and Macroeconomic Policy CyclesrdquoReview of Economic Studies LV (1988) 1ndash16
Schuknecht Ludger ldquoFiscal Policy Cycles and Public Expenditure in DevelopingCountriesrdquo Public Choice CII (2000) 115ndash130
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoConditional Political Budget Cyclesrdquo CEPRDiscussion Paper No 3352 2002a
Shi Min and Jakob Svensson ldquoPolitical Business Cycles in Developed and De-veloping Countriesrdquo mimeo 2002b
White Halbert ldquoInstrumental Variables Regression with Independent Observa-tionsrdquo Econometrica L (1982) 483ndash499
1338 QUARTERLY JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS