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THE GREAT NORTH–SOUTH DIVIDE The North–South divide is broadly considered a socio-economic and political divide. T consists of the United States, Canada, Western Europe, ustralia, and !apan. The Sout frica, "atin merica and sia. The North is home to four of the five permanent membe United Nations Security Council and all members of the #$. %The North% mostly covers the &irst World, alon' (ith much of the Second World. While the North may be defined more developed re'ion and the South as the poorer, less developed re'ion, many more f differentiate bet(een the t(o 'lobal areas. )*+ of the North has enou'h food and shel )*+ of the North has a functionin' education system. n the South, on the other hand, population has enou'h food and shelter. t lac s appropriate technolo'y, it has no the economies are disarticulated, and their forei'n e/chan'e earnin's depend on prima e/ports.0 n more economic terms, the North1(ith one 2uarter of the (orld population four fifths of the (orld income. )3+ of the manufacturin' industries are o(ned by and North. nversely, the South1(ith three 2uarters of the (orld populations1has access the (orld income. t serves as a source for ra( material, for the North, ea'er to ac independent resource bases4sub5ected lar'e portions of the 'lobal South to direct col bet(een 6$*3 and 6)67. s nations become economically developed, they may become par %North%, re'ardless of 'eo'raphical location, (hile any other nations (hich do not 2u %developed% status are in effect deemed to be part of the %South.% The idea of cate'ori8in' countries by their economic and developmental status be'an d War (ith the classifications of East and West. The Soviet Union and China represented developin' East, and the United States and their allies represented the more develope this paradi'm of development sur'ed the division of the &irst World :the (est; and th :the east; (ith the even less developed countries constitutin' the Third World. s so World countries 5oined the &irst World, and others 5oined the Third World, a ne( and classification (as needed. The &irst World became the North0 and the Third World be South0. Problems with defining the diide &ollo(in' the fall of the Eastern <loc, (hich (as commonly referred to as the Second of its constituent countries (ere reclassified as developin', despite bein' 'eo'raphi the same time, 'eo'raphically southern nations previously considered %developin',% su sian Ti'ers or Tur ey, have 5oined the modern &irst World, but are classified incon sho(in' the north–south divide.:citation needed; Similarly, dependencies of developed also classified as Southern, althou'h they are part of the developed (orld. 9n an ideolo'ical level, some development 'eo'raphers have ar'ued that current concen the north–south divide as the main or'ani8in' principle for understandin' the (orld e overloo ed the role of inter-imperial conflicts bet(een the United States, !apan, an Defining deelo!ment

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THE GREAT NORTHSOUTH DIVIDEThe NorthSouth divide is broadly considered a socio-economic and political divide. The North consists of the United States, Canada, Western Europe, Australia, and Japan. The South is made up of Africa, Latin America and Asia. The North is home to four of the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council and all members of the G8. "The North" mostly covers the West and the First World, along with much of the Second World. While the North may be defined as the richer, more developed region and the South as the poorer, less developed region, many more factors differentiate between the two global areas. 95% of the North has enough food and shelter. Similarly, 95% of the North has a functioning education system. In the South, on the other hand, only 5% of the population has enough food and shelter. It lacks appropriate technology, it has no political stability, the economies are disarticulated, and their foreign exchange earnings depend on primary product exports. In more economic terms, the Northwith one quarter of the world populationcontrols four fifths of the world income. 90% of the manufacturing industries are owned by and located in the North. Inversely, the Southwith three quarters of the world populationshas access to one fifth of the world income. It serves as a source for raw material, for the North, eager to acquire their own independent resource basessubjected large portions of the global South to direct colonial rule between 1850 and 1914. As nations become economically developed, they may become part of the "North", regardless of geographical location, while any other nations which do not qualify for "developed" status are in effect deemed to be part of the "South."The idea of categorizing countries by their economic and developmental status began during the Cold War with the classifications of East and West. The Soviet Union and China represented the developing East, and the United States and their allies represented the more developed West. Out of this paradigm of development surged the division of the First World [the west] and the Second World [the east] with the even less developed countries constituting the Third World. As some Second World countries joined the First World, and others joined the Third World, a new and simpler classification was needed. The First World became the North and the Third World became the South. Problems with defining the divideFollowing the fall of the Eastern Bloc, which was commonly referred to as the Second World, many of its constituent countries were reclassified as developing, despite being geographically northern. At the same time, geographically southern nations previously considered "developing," such as the East Asian Tigers or Turkey, have joined the modern First World, but are classified inconsistently in maps showing the northsouth divide.[citation needed] Similarly, dependencies of developed nations are also classified as Southern, although they are part of the developed world.On an ideological level, some development geographers have argued that current concentration on the northsouth divide as the main organizing principle for understanding the world economy has overlooked the role of inter-imperial conflicts between the United States, Japan, and Europe.Defining developmentBeing categorized as part of the North implies development as opposed to belonging to the South which implies a lack thereof. According to N. Oluwafemi Mimiko, The South lacks the right technology, it is politically unstable, their economies are divided, and their foreign exchange earning depend on primary product exports which come from the North, and the fluctuation of prices. The little control of imports and exports condemned the South to obey the imperialist system. The lack of the South and the development of the North further the inequality and end up putting the South as a source of raw material for the developed countries. The north becomes synonymous with economic development and industrialization while the South represents the previously colonized countries which are in need of help in the form of international aid agendas. In order to understand how this divide occurs, a definition of development itself is needed.The Dictionary of Human Geography defines development as processes of social change or [a change] to class and state projects to transform national economies". This definition entails an understanding of economic development which is imperative when trying to understand the northsouth divide.Economic Development is a measure of progress in a specific economy. It refers to advancements in technology, a transition from an economy based largely on agriculture to one based on industry and an improvement in living standards.Other factors that are included in the conceptualization of what a developed country is include life expectancy and the levels of education, poverty and employment in that country.The NorthInternational Organisations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as well as the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), generally tend to agree that the group of majorly developed countries includes the following countries/regions:Countries described as high-income and advanced economies by the World Bank and IMFAmericas, Bermuda (UK territory), Canada, United States, Asia [edit], Hong Kong, Israel, Japan, Macau, Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, Europe [edit], Andorra, Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Greece, Germany, Iceland, Ireland, Italy, Hungary, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Monaco, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, United Kingdom, Vatican City, Oceania, Australia, New Zealand, Brandt LineThe Brandt Line is a visual depiction of the northsouth divide, proposed by West German Chancellor Willy Brandt in the 1980s. It encircles the world at a latitude of approximately 30 North, passing between North and Central America, north of Africa and the Middle East, climbing north over China, Mongolia and Korea, but dipping south so as to include Australia and New Zealand in the "Rich North".Digital divideThe global digital divide is often characterised as corresponding to the northsouth divide; however, Internet use, and especially broadband access, is now soaring in Asia compared with other continents. This phenomenon is partially explained by the ability of many countries in Asia to bypass older Internet technology and infrastructure, coupled with booming economies which allow vastly more people to get online.Development gapThe northsouth divide has more recently been named the development continuum gap. This places greater emphasis on closing the evident gap between rich (more economically developed) and poor (less economically developed) countries. A good measure of on which side of the gap a country is located is the Human Development Index (HDI). The nearer this is to 1.0, the greater is the country's level of development and the further the country is on its development pathway (closer towards being well developed), exemplified well by Walter Rostow's model of development and the Clark Fisher model.Theories explaining the divideCapitalism - Certain aspects of capitalism (especially Laissez Faire capitalism) have the potential to lead to inequality, a potential which it has arguably demonstrated as per a number of perspectives: the capitalist ideology relies on the constant motivation to produce capital accumulation. The nature of capitalism leads those countries with a comparative advantage (developed) to accumulate capital through dispossession or in other words to take capital from those less advantaged (un-developed/developing). This accumulation by dispossession leads to the unequal development that feeds the northsouth divide.Globalization - Globalization, or Global Capitalism, as the leading cause for global inequality: globalization enhances social and economic gaps between countries, since it requires economies and societies to adapt in a very rapid manner, and because this almost never happens in an equal fashion, some nations grow faster than others. Wealthier/ developed countries exploit poorer/ less developed countries to a point where less developed societies become dependent on developed countries for survival. The very structure and process of globalization perpetuates and reproduces unequal relationships and opportunities between the North and the South, it tends to "favor the privileged and further marginalize the already disadvantaged".Immigration - Uneven immigration patterns lead to inequality: in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries immigration was very common into areas previously less populated (North America, Argentina, Brazil, Australia, New Zealand) from already technologically advanced areas (United Kingdom, Spain, Portugal). This facilitated an uneven diffusion of technological practices since only areas with high immigration levels benefited. Immigration patterns in the twenty-first century continue to feed this uneven distribution of technological innovation. People are eager to leave countries in the South in attempts to better their life standards and get their share in the perceived prosperity of the North. South and Central Americans want to live and work in North America. Africans and Southwest Asians want to live and work in Europe. Southeast Asians want to live and work in North America and Europe.Closing the divideIt is arguable from some perspectives that free international trade and unhindered capital flows across countries could maybe lead to a contraction in the NorthSouth divide. In this case more equal trade and flow of capital would allow the possibility for developing countries to further develop economically. However, when the South called for New International Economic Order (NIEO) in 1974 to restructure the global economy, the South demanded more than emergence into the capitalist market. Their demands included linking prices of commodity exports to manufactured imports, transferring of technology from North to South, canceling or rescheduling debts of Third World, improving representation in economic playersWorld Bank, UN Security Council, standardizing prices for raw materials, solving food crisis, and opening up of the Norths market for manufactured or semi-processed goods of the South. The North did not accept these demands. Why the North didnt accept these demands were because they posed some challenged on their own. Specifically, the South had no leverage over the North, since the South had very weak industrial bases and divided structures. Another challenge was that the South was always pursuing the same goals. The biggest challenge was that countries in the South was the nature of the leadership within their country. The South had a strong-held perspective that they had an internal problem that indicated seeds of corruption and maladministration, bad policies, and political instability. In order to keep their power and leverage, the North reiterated their plan to assimilate the South into free international trade. As some countries in the South experience rapid development, there is some evidence that those states are developing high levels of South-South aid. Brazil, in particular, has been noted for its high levels of aid ($1 billion annually - ahead of many traditional donors) and the ability to use its own experiences to provide high levels of expertise and knowledge transfer. This has been described as a 'global model in waiting'. The South also suffers from strains of leaders who commit to foreign interests over the interests of their own countries. Countries such as Taiwan, South Korea, and Mexico have succeeded in moving away from the path of poverty to some semblance of prosperity, but only with the help of strategic relations by the North, suggesting the North and South need a New National Economic and Social Order. The South not only suffers from the failure to govern from its leader, but also theres internal negative economic policies that show more commitment to foreign interests than their own individual countries. The United Nations has also established its role in diminishing the divide between North and South through its Millennium Development Goals. These goals seek to eradicate extreme poverty and hunger; achieve universal primary education; promote gender equality and empower women; reduce child mortality; improve maternal health; combat HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; ensure environmental sustainability; and develop a global partnership for development all by the year 2015. Some critical steps that need to take place in the dialogue between the North and South in relation to the New World Order is the acknowledgement of the struggles that the South faces in the global economic system. The other step is to create a way for the development of the South to change internal structures for a more interconnectedness with the global economic order.BARRIERS TO THE FLOW OF INFORMATION AND GLOBAL INFO FLOW, THE FLIP SIDE

According to recent reports and analytical assessments these obstacles can be classified into two categories: (i) "evident" obstacles, curbs and pressures; (ii)"non-evident" obstaclesEvidentSome barriers to freedom of information are easy to recognize, among these are :1. physical violence and intimidation;2. repressive legislation; censorship;3. blacklisting of journalists; 4. banning of books; 5. monopolies established by political action;6. bureaucratic obstructions; 7. judicial obstructions such as closed hearings and contempt of court rules; 8. Parliamentary privileges; and restrictive professional practices. But the absence of these blatant obstacles does not always mean that full freedom of information exists. Such vague wording as "forbidden areas", as "any matter relating to the security of the Republic", can be open to very narrow or broad interpretations, the very indefiniteness of which often forces journalists and editors to apply self censorship constrictions on their work. Censorship is a widespread practice, sometimes limited to particular subjects (pornography, obscenity, violence, religious matters, delicate issues in international relations, foreign dignitaries, protection of the young, etc.) but often covering subjects potentially disturbing to the leading elite or groups in power. Prohibitive censorship may be based on laws", more often on discretionary powers or even abuses.

Non evidentOther obstacles include:1. economic and social constraints and pressures; 2. de facto monopolies (public, private, or transnational)3. inadequate infrastructures4. narrow definitions of what is news, what should be published, and what issues should be debated; 5. And a shortage of professional training and experience. Obstacles of this kind, too, limit the citizen's right to be informed and should be eliminated. 6. Still other obstacles can arise from entrenched cultural attitudes and taboos, and from an unquestioning reverence for authority, whether secular or religious. Access to news sources, to people, places, documents and information in general- or even to a country - is a particularly thorny question. For it is through such administrative measures as granting of visas, restriction of journalistsmovements, limitations on persons or offices as contacts for newsmen, withdrawal of accreditation or expulsion from the country that governments may heavily restrict the flow of news. There are also very often discrepancies between the treatment of national journalists and foreign correspondents. They also arise in areas where there are private monopolies, concentration of media ownership and formation of conglomerates. When the public has only a single source of news, or where various sources have the same general orientation, it is the monopolist who is in a position to decide what facts will or will not be presented, what opinions will or will not be conveyed. Even if the owner of a monopoly does not abuse his power, no single outlet can present the amount and range of news that multiple sources make possible. Some ethnic and linguistic minorities suffer from a restricted flow of information because the established channels do not supply it in a form that meets their needs and takes account of their cultural traditions. But seen broadly, the one-way flow in communication is basically a reflection of the world's dominant political and economic structures, which tend to maintain or reinforce the dependence of poorer countries on the richer.It intimately affects the psychological and social framework within which men and women lead their lives. Hence, the quantitative imbalance is also a qualitative imbalance an influence on the mind which has been described as "conditioningWhile there are aspects of this imbalance in most parts of the world, its effect is most marked in developing countries because of the quality of messages and the difficulty of penetrating into big news markets, as well as because their general communication capability is weak.There is a concentration on political affairs, generally presented in terms of crises, coups and violent conflicts, or at best the emergence of striking personalities and pronouncements by elites. Processes of development, affecting and enhancing the lives of millions of people, are neglected, or are described solely in their effects on the political scene rather than examined in their substance.

NWICOInformation was first brought up in the context of a new international order at a meeting of the non-aligned countries in Tunis in 1976The gap is growing between minorities who control communication and the public which is exposed to its impact.Needs for contact and for the exchange of knowledge and ideas, within nations and between nations, become ever more imperative; yet dangers are seen in the power possessed by those with great technical resources to impose their ideas on others.They want greater access to the media, both individual and collective. This aspiration is often thwarted by vested interests and by various forms of oppression. Thus, it was around 1970 that the concepts upon which today's international debate is focused first began to be formulated in clear-cut terms. Criticisms formulated in many developing countries reiterated by certain socialist countries and supported by many researchers and journalists in western countries, start from the observation that certain powerful and technologically advanced States exploit their advantages to exercise a form of cultural and ideological domination which jeopardizes the national identity of other countries. The problems raised by the one-way information flow.(It has been frequently stated, in particular, that due to the fact that the content of information is largely produced by the main developed countries, the image of the developing countries is frequently false and distorted. More serious still, according to some vigorous critics, it is this false image, harmful to their inner balance, which is presented to the developing countries themselves.) "decolonization of informationThe non-aligned countries have played a major role in the evolution of ideas concerning the dependence of the media, the imbalance in news flows and global communication patterns and the negative effects of this imbalance. They have advanced the view that the vast majority of countries are reduced to the state of passive receivers of information put out by a few centres. This is how the call for a "new order" as distinct from the "old order" in the field of communication and information came into being. Thus, transformations in communications are related to the conceptual foundations of the new international economic order. In certain respects, development and communication do follow or are based on the same principles. It is vital that the present state of dependence of the developing world, in its economy and its communications alike - a dependence which both generates ever greater inequalities and is wasteful of natural (and in particular non-renewable) material and human resources - be replaced by relations of interdependence and cooperation between national systems as they become progressively autonomous and capable of endogenous development. Cold warThe problem was, however, that once a radio network had been established it became vulnerable to outside influences chiefly in two ways. First, on the overt political level, it became a target in the ideological struggle of the Cold War. In Africa, for example, the initial broadcasting services were short-wave systems (i.e. capable of covering larger distances at the same power as the more expensive medium-wave systems) inherited from colonial administrations. The pattern of external penetration can clearly be seen following the BBCs decision to begin broadcasting to Africa in native languages in 1957, to be followed by Radio Moscow in 1958, the VOA and Radio Peking in 1959, and Deutsche Welle in 1962.Reliance by newly established broadcasting systems on foreign programme content led to accusations that developing nations were still heavily dependent on the Western powers, rather than independent from them. From the standpoint of London, Washington and Paris, it was hard to see their point. There, the flow of information was seen like the flow of trade; it would flow freely if there was a market for it. On the receiving end, however, it was noticed that the news agencies only seemed to report bad news about events in Less Developed Countries (LDCs). This also applied, of course, to the developed world, but for the newly independent nations desperate for foreign investment the proclivity of the news agencies to report mainly on disasterscoups and earthquakes Proponents of the NWICO argued that developing countries should be able to report stories using their own reporters, and cover stories that were of more relevance to theiraudience.One of the aims of the call for a NWICO was to create a more positive image ofthe developing world rather than the perceived Western news medias preoccupation with negative news events such as warsand disasters (Hachten, 1999, p. 164).Masmoudi (1979) articulated the concerns of developing countries by identifying the inequalities that hinderthose countries from communicating with the rest of the world and from projecting theircultural and social values to the world.Such imbalances include: disparities in news and information exchange between developed and developing countries;monopoly of news and information distribution channels by major news agencies; inequity in theallocation of radiofrequencies; dependence of developing countries on the news media of the West, leading to Western media imposing their views of the world on developing countries; and the distortion of news events that concern developing countries (Masmoudi, 1979, pp. 172-185)That is to say, the proposals covered far more than content and the direction of flows and extended well into the organization and control of structures in the sector.4 Ds: Four cornerstones emerge out of the material; they were referred to as the four Ds. They represent themes that recur time and again in the discussions of the new order.1) News flows are castigated as one-way flows, and measures to ensure a more equitable balance of news flows between countries are demanded (Democratization). 2) The one-way flow and misrepresentations are interpreted to reflect a lack of respect for the countries cultural identities, a matter of great importance to the non-aligned countries (Decolonization).3) The monopoly status of transnational corporations in terms of communications technology is perceive as a threat to national independence (Demonopolization).4) The vital role of mass media in the development process is underlined, and the non-aligned countries join together to demand a more just distribution of communication resources in the world (Development). Thus, the demands were broad and fluid and partly overlapping. Democratization The right of people and individuals to acquire an objective picture of reality by means of accurate and comprehensive information as well as to express themselves freely through various media of culture and communication. The right of every nation to participate, on the governmental and non-governmental level, in the international exchange of information under favourable conditions in a sense of equality, justice and mutual advantage. The responsibility of various actors in the process of information for its truthfulness and objectivity as well as for the particular social objectives to which the information activities are dedicated. Guarantees for and the necessary protection of journalists and other factors of information in the performance of their mission, and the responsibility of journalists in the performance of this mission. De-colonization The fundamental principles of international law, notably self-determination, sovereignty and noninterference. The right of every nation to protect its national sovereignty and cultural identity. The right of each country to the observance of its interests, aspirations, and its political, moral and cultural values (These texts refer to international law, and some concepts resemble the rhetoric of the dependence paradigm. In more concrete terms, it has to do with the assignment of radio frequencies, access to frequencies on geostationary satellites, and telecommunications infrastructure.) De-monopolization The third cornerstone refers to another prime topic of debate in UNESCO of the 1970s, namely, the operations of transnational corporations: The right of every nation to develop its own independent information system, in particular by regulating the activities of transnational corporations. Development The right of every nation to develop its own independent information system. The imperative of a more equitable distribution of information media. Adequate professional training for journalists including those working in indigenous languages. (consolidate and develop the infrastructures of information, promote national agencies and POOL, creation of regional information systems, creation of centres for the training of journalists in the developing countries, etc)

(from wiki)The New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO or NWIO) is a term that was coined in a debate over media representations of the developing world in UNESCO in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The term was widely used by the MacBride Commission, a UNESCO panel chaired by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Sen MacBride, which was charged with creation of a set of recommendations to make global media representation more equitable. The MacBride Commission produced a report titled "Many Voices, One World", which outlined the main philosophical points of the New World Information Communication Order.The fundamental issues of imbalances in global communication had been discussed for some time. The American media scholar Wilbur Schramm noted in 1964 that the flow of news among nations is thin, that much attention is given to developed countries and little to less-developed ones, that important events are ignored and reality is distorted.[1] From a more radical perspective, Herbert Schiller observed in 1969 that developing countries had little meaningful input into decisions about radio frequency allocations for satellites at a key meeting in Geneva in 1963.[2] Schiller pointed out that many satellites had military applications. Intelsat which was set up for international co-operation in satellite communication, was also dominated by the United States. In the 1970s these and other issues were taken up by the Non-Aligned Movement and debated within the United Nations and UNESCO.NWICO grew out of the New International Economic Order of 1974. From 1976-1978, the New World Information and Communication Order was generally called the shorter New World Information Order or the New International Information Order. The start of this discussion is the New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO) as associated with the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) starting from the early 1970s. Mass media concerns began with the meeting of non-aligned nations in Algiers, 1973; again in Tunis 1976, and later in 1976 at the New Delhi Ministerial Conference of Non-Aligned Nations. The 'new order' plan was textually formulated by Tunisia's Information Minister Mustapha Masmoudi. Masmoudi submitted working paper No. 31 to the MacBride Commission. These proposals of 1978 were titled the 'Mass Media Declaration.' The MacBride Commission at the time was a 16-member body created by UNESCO to study communication issues.Among those involved in the movement were the Latin American Institute for the Study of Transnationals (ILET). One of its co-founders, Juan Somavia was a member of the MacBride Commission. Another important voice was Mustapha Masmoudi, the Information Minister for Tunisia. In a Canadian radio program in 1983, Tom McPhail describes how the issues were pressed within UNESCO in the mid-1970s when the USA withheld funding to punish the organization for excluding Israel from a regional group of UNESCO. Some OPEC countries and a few socialist countries made up the amount of money and were able to get senior positions within UNESCO. NWICO issues were then advanced at an important meeting in 1976 held in Costa Rica.The only woman member of the Commission was Betty Zimmerman, representing Canada because of the illness of Marshall McLuhan, who died in 1980. The movement was kept alive through the 1980s by meetings of the MacBride Round Table on Communication, even though by then the leadership of UNESCO distanced itself from its ideas.The UNESCO Convention on Cultural Diversity of 2005 puts into effect some of the goals of NWICO, especially with regard to the unbalanced global flow of mass media. However, this convention was not supported by the USA, and it does not appear to be as robust as World Trade Organization agreements that support global trade in mass media and information.IssuesA wide range of issues were raised as part of NWICO discussions. Some of these involved long-standing issues of media coverage of the developing world and unbalanced flows of media influence. But other issues involved new technologies with important military and commercial uses. The developing world was likely to be marginalized by satellite and computer technologies. The issues included:News reporting on the developing world that reflects the priorities of news agencies in London, Paris and New York. Reporting of natural disasters and military coups rather than the fundamental realities. At the time four major news agencies controlled over 80% of global news flow.An unbalanced flow of mass media from the developed world (especially the United States) to the underdeveloped countries. Everyone watches American movies and television shows.Advertising agencies in the developed world have indirect but significant effects on mass media in the developing countries. Some observers also judged the messages of these ads to be inappropriate for the Third World.An unfair division of the radio spectrum. A small number of developed countries controlled almost 90% of the radio spectrum. Much of this was for military use.There were similar concerns about the allocation of the geostationary orbit (parking spots in space) for satellites. At the time only a small number of developed countries had satellites and it was not possible for developing countries to be allocated a space that they might need ten years later. This might mean eventually getting a space that was more difficult and more expensive to operate.Satellite broadcasting of television signals into Third World countries without prior permission was widely perceived as a threat to national sovereignty. The UN voted in the early 1970s against such broadcasts.Use of satellites to collect information on crops and natural resources in the Third World at a time when most developing countries lacked the capacity to analyze this data.At the time most mainframe computers were located in the United States and there were concerns about the location of databases (such as airline reservations) and the difficulty of developing countries catching up with the US lead in computers.The protection of journalists from violence was raised as an issue for discussion. For example, journalists were targeted by various military dictatorships in Latin America in the 1970s. As part of NWICO debates there were suggestions for study on how to protect journalists and even to discipline journalists who broke "generally recognized ethical standards". However, the MacBride Commission specifically came out against the idea of licensing journalists.Response of the United StatesThe United States was hostile to NWICO. According to some analysts, the United States saw these issues simply as barriers to the free flow of communication and to the interests of American media corporations. It disagreed with the Macbride report at points where it questioned the role of the private sector in communications. It viewed the NWICO as dangerous to freedom of the press by ultimately putting an organization run by governments at the head of controlling global media, potentially allowing for censorship on a large scale. From another perspective, the MacBride Commission recommendations requiring the licensing of journalists amounted to prior censorship and ran directly counter to basic US law on the freedom of expression.There were also accusations of corruption at the highest level of UNESCO leadership in Paris. The US eventually withdrew its membership in UNESCO (as did the United Kingdom and Singapore) at the end of 1984. The matter was complicated by debates within UNESCO about Israel's archaeological work in the city of Jerusalem, and about the Apartheid regime in South Africa. The U.S. rejoined in 2003.

MAC BRIDE COMMISSION The demand of the non-aligned countries for a new international information order in UNESCO brought tensions to a head at the organizations General Conference in 1976, where the formulation of a declaration on mass media topped the agenda. The International Commission for the Study of Communication Problems, known as the MacBride Commission, was appointed to study all manner of problems of communication in the world General Conference (Nairobi, 1976), representatives of all countries meeting in Nairobi urged that the study of communication problems in modern society be pursued in more detailed and systematic fashion and a synthesis made of them. Some months later, the Director-General decided to entrust an international commission, with Mr. Sean MacBride of Ireland as its President, with the task of carrying out a study of all communication problems in present-day society Commission's mandate specified the four main lines of inquiry1. to study the current situation in the fields of communication and information and to identify problems which call for fresh action at the national level and a concerted, overall approach at the international level. The analysis of the state of communication in the world today, and particularly of information problems as a whole, should take account of the diversity of socio-economic conditions and levels and types of development.2. to pay particular attention to problems relating to the free and balanced flow of information in the world, as well as the specific needs of developing countries, in accordance with the decisions of the General Conference.3. to analyze communication problems, in their different aspects, within the perspective of the establishment of a new international economic order and of the measures to be taken to foster the institution of a "new world information order4. to define the role which communication might play in making public opinion aware of the major problems besetting the world, in sensitizing it to these problems and helping graduallyThe Commission was chaired by Irish politician, diplomat and Nobel laureate Sean MacBride.The individuals were chosen on the basis of personal merits and would represent only themselves.The MacBride Commission also engaged a number of external scholars and experts to produce specialized reports on aspects of the Commissions Work.Commissions final report: Many Voices, One World. Communication and Society, Today and Tomorrow. Towards a New, More Just and More Efficient World Information and Communication Order, which was submitted to UNESCOs Director-General in Spring 1980 Recommendations and suggestions The fifth part of the book, Conclusions and Recommendations offers some eighty policy recommendations of problems studied. The 82 Recommendations of the MacBride Commission Main conclusions a variety of solutions adopted in different countries - in accordance with diverse traditions, patterns of social, economic and cultural life, needs and possibilities. This diversity is valuable and should be respected; there is no place for the universal application of preconceived models. The review has also shown that the utmost importance should be given to eliminating imbalances and disparities in communication and its structures, and particularly in information flows. conclusions are founded on the firm conviction that communication is a basic individual right, as well as a collective one required by all communities and nations. Freedom of information - and, more specifically the right to seek, receive and impart information - is a fundamental human right; indeed, a prerequisite for many others. it is essential to develop comprehensive national communication policies linked to overall social, cultural and economic development objectives. Every country should develop its communication patterns in accordance with its own conditions, needs and traditions, thus strengthening its integrity, independence and self-reliance. The basic considerations which are developed at length in the body of our Report are intended to provide a framework for the development of a new information and communication order. We see its implementation as an on-going process of change in the nature of relations between and within nations in the field of communications. Recommendations 1) Strengthening Independence and Self-reliance Communication be no longer regarded merely as an incidental service and its development left to chance. Recognition of its potential warrants the formulation by all nations, and particularly developing countries, of comprehensive communication policies linked to overall social, cultural, economic and political goals Developing countries take specific measures to establish or develop essential elements of their communication systems: print media, broadcasting and telecommunications along with the related training and production facilities As language embodies the cultural experience of people, all languages should be adequately developed to serve the complex and diverse requirements of modern communication. A primary policy objective should be to make elementary education available to all and to wipe out illiteracy, supplementing formal schooling systems with non-formal education and enrichment within appropriate structures of continuing and distance learning (through radio, television and correspondence). The communication component in all development projects should receive adequate financing. So-called "development support communications" are essential for mobilizing initiatives and providing information required for action in all fields of development - agriculture, health and family planning, education, religion, industry and so on. The educational and informational use of communication should be given equal priority with entertainment. Tariffs for news transmission, telecommunications rates and air mail charges for the dissemination of news, transport of newspapers, periodicals, books and audiovisual materials are one of the main obstacles to a free and balanced flow of information. This situation must be corrected, especially in the case of developing countries, through a variety of national and international initiatives The electro-magnetic spectrum and geostationary orbit, both finite natural resources, should be more equitably shared as the common property of mankind.

2) Social Consequences and New Tasks Promotion of dialogue for development as a central component of both communication and development policies. Setting up national mechanisms to promote participation and discussion of social priorities in the acquisition or extension of new communication technologies. The concentration of communications technology in a relatively few developed countries and transnational corporations has led to virtual monopoly situations in this field. To counteract these tendencies national and international measures are required, among them reform of exisiting patent laws and conventions, appropriate legislation and international agreements. Introduction of guidelines with respect to advertising content and the values and attitudes it fosters, in accordance with national standards and practices. While acknowledging the need of the media for revenues, ways and means should be considered to reduce the negative effects that the influence of market and commercial considerations have in the organization and content of national and international communication flows. Developed countries should foster exchanges of technical information on the principle that all countries have equal rights to full access to available information.

3) Professional Integrity and Standards The importance of the journalist's mission in the contemporary world demands steps to enhance his standing in society. As in other professions, journalists and media organizations serve the public directly and the public, in turn, is entitled to hold them accountable for their actions. it appears necessary to develop further effective ways by which the right to assess mass media performance can be exercised by the public The press and broadcasters in the industrialized world should allot more space and time to reporting events in and background material about foreign countries in general and news from the developing world in particular. To offset the negative effects of inaccurate or malicious reporting of international news, the right of reply and correction should be further considered

4) Democratization of Communication The media should contribute to promoting the just cause of peoples struggling for freedom and independence and their right to live in peace and equality without foreign interference. Censorship or arbitrary control of information should be abolished. Special attention should be devoted to obstacles and restrictions which derive from the concentration of media ownership, public or private, from commercial influences on the press and broadcasting, or from private or governmental advertising Attention should be paid to the communication needs of women. The concerns of children and youth, national, ethnic, religious, linguistic minorities, people living in remote areas and the aged and handicapped also deserve particular consideration.

5) Fostering International Cooperation The progressive implementation of national and international measures that will foster the setting up of a new world information and communication order. International cooperation for the development of communications be given equal priority with and within other sectors (e.g. health, agriculture, industry, science, education, etc.) as information is a basic resource for individual and collective advancement and for all-round development Particular efforts should be undertaken to ensure that news about other developing countries within or outside their region receive more attention and space in the media. The Member States of UNESCO should increase their support to the Organization's programme in this area. Better coordination of the various communication activities within UNESCO and those throughout the United Nations System National communication policies should be consistent with adopted international communication principles and should seek to create a climate of mutual understanding and peaceful coexistence among nations. Due attention should be paid to the problems of peace and disarmament, human rights, development and the creation of a new communication order. All forms of co-operation among the media, the professionals and their associations, which contribute to the better knowledge of other nations and cultures, should be encouraged and promoted.

UNESCO In 1945,UNESCO was created in order to respond to the firm belief of nations, forged by two world wars in less than a generation that political and economic agreements are not enough to build a lasting peace. Peace must be established on the basis of humanitys moral and intellectual solidarity In the field of communication, UNESCO has become a forum where issues can be raised and discussions pursued in depth. Early 1960s, UNESCO endeavored to conclude, in cooperation with preeminent professional organizations, arrangements relating to the international exchange of news. to increase the developing world's means of expression and to gather and exchange news, films and various broadcasts for the mutual benefit of these countries. At the sixteenth session of the General Conference (1970) that the delegations of several developing countries referred explicitly to what might be called the issue of the unequal distribution of the media, asking that better adapted and balanced international news exchange systems be organized and stressing the right to cultural identity. At its eighteenth session in 1974, in order to facilitate communication between nations and between peoples and to promote a better understanding of the role played by the media in the implementation of national development policies and plans, the General Conference recommended that a first Intergovernmental Conference on communication policies be organized in Latin America in 1975 and that a similar intergovernmental conference by prepared and held in Asia in 1977. San Jose de Costa Rica in July 1976. Kuala Lumpur in February 1979 UNESCO used the concept of a world information order rather than an international information order. The change in wording was made on the initiative of the Western countries, who wished to make the connection to the demand for a new economic order less explicit. The word international connotes relations among nations, whereas world prompts associations to global cooperation more generally, with concepts like the global village and world government (Rosenau 1969, Holsti 1967). New International Information Order in UNESCO brought tensions to a head at the organizations General Conference in 1976, (Nairobi, 1976), where the formulation of a declaration on mass media topped the agenda. International Program for the Development of Communication (IPDC) It was established in 1980 for promoting the development of mass media (MSM) by financing projects that meet the following priorities: promoting media pluralism and freedom of expression; training in the field of media; development of community media; use of new technologies in order to ensure greater efficiency of independent and public media. The IPDC is the only multilateral forum in the UN system designed to mobilize the international community to discuss and promote media development in developing countries. The Programme not only provides support for media projects but also seeks an accord to secure a healthy environment for the growth of free and pluralistic media in developing countries. Promotion of freedom of expression and media pluralism Encouraging the free flow of information, at international as well as national levels, promoting its wider and better balanced dissemination. freedom of expression strengthening communication capacities in the developing countries are essential to increase citizens participation in decision-making processes and to assert their fundamental rights Development of community media: Community-based media contribute to media pluralism, diversity of content, and the representation of a societys different groups and interests. Community media encourage open dialogue and transparency of administration at local level and offer a voice to the voiceless. Community radio Human resource development: There are millions of journalists working in different media and they are perhaps the most influential knowledge brokers in society. But many journalists from developing countries lack access to quality journalism education and training institutions to develop their skills. In order to address this issue at its roots, UNESCO places special emphasis on building the institutional capacities of journalism education institutions, notably through the development ofcentres of excellence, and on providing training to trainers. (UNESCOs support for journalism education in Africa, By disseminating information to citizens, the news media enables citizen participation in development and strengthens accountability feedback mechanism) Under UNESCOs The Need for Quality Journalism Education in Africa: Building Centres of Excellence in Africainitiative, the most promising journalism education institutions in Africa identified by UNESCO are being supported to become centres of excellence in journalism education by improving staff training, curricula, learning materials, media resource centres, networks and management skills. Promotion of international partnership IPDC is the only programme within the UN system aimed at mobilizing the international community to act together in support of free, independent and pluralistic media in the developing countries In accordance with its standard-setting role,IPDChas developed a comprehensive set ofMedia Development Indicators (MDIs)aimed at enabling the assessment of media landscapes at national level. These indicators, that cover all aspects of media development, are currently being applied in various countries worldwide to identify their specific needs in view of guiding the formulation of media-related policies and improving the targeting of media development efforts.

GLOBAL VILLAGE

Global Village is a term closely associated with Marshall McLuhan, popularized in his books The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man (1962) and Understanding Media (1964). McLuhan described how the globe has been contracted into a village by electric technology and the instantaneous movement of information from every quarter to every point at the same time. In bringing all social and political functions together in a sudden implosion, electric speed heightened human awareness of responsibility to an intense degree.Marshall McLuhan predicted the Internet as an "extension of consciousness" in The Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic Man thirty years before its commercialization.The next medium, whatever it is - it may be the extension of consciousness - will include television as its content, not as its environment, and will transform television into an art form. A computer as a research and communication instrument could enhance retrieval, obsolesce mass library organization, retrieve the individual's encyclopedic function and flip into a private line to speedily tailored data of a saleable kind.Today, the term "Global Village" can be used to describe the Internet and World Wide Web. On the Internet, physical distance is even less of a hindrance to the real-time communicative activities of people, and therefore social spheres are greatly expanded by the openness of the web and the ease at which people can search for online communities and interact with others who share the same interests and concerns. Therefore, this technology fosters the idea of a conglomerate yet unified global community. According to McLuhan, the enhanced "electric speed in bringing all social and political functions together in a sudden imposion has heightened human awareness of responsibility to an intense degree." Increased speed of communication and the ability of people to read about, spread, and react to global news quickly, forces us to become more involved with one another from various social groups and countries around the world and to be more aware of our global responsibilities. Similarly, web-connected computers enable people to link their web sites together. This new reality has implications for forming new sociological structures within the context of culture.From Global Village to Global TheatreNo chapter in Understanding Media, or later books, contains the idea that the Global Village and the electronic media create unified communities. In fact, in an interview with Gerald Stearn, McLuhan says that it never occurred to him that uniformity and tranquillity were the properties of the Global Village. McLuhan argued that the Global Village ensures maximal disagreement on all points because it creates more discontinuity and division and diversity under the increase of the village conditions. The Global Village is far more diverse.After the publication of Understanding Media, McLuhan starts to use the term Global Theater to emphasise the changeover from consumer to producer, from acquisition to involvement, from job holding to role playing, stressing that there is no more community to clothe the naked specialist.

LOCAL BLOGGERS: VOICES FROM THE GLOBAL VILLAGEFrom Delhi to New York, there are local bloggers opening their cities up to the world

There is a rich pile of hyperlocal blogs run by dedicated volunteers across the country but digital storytelling giving voice to local people and telling of their relationship with their town or city in the tradition of the Gentle Author is surprisingly scarce. It is happening in some locations, however.Every Person in New YorkJason Polan is sketching every person in New York: on the train, on the street, in a gallery, from behind. For the last four years, the artist has roamed the streets with a pen and pad, sketching passing strangers, mostly without them realising. Depending on his other artistic commitments, some days he draws a couple of people; others, he will find 100. He started, he says, because he wanted a project in which he could interact with fellow New Yorkers. He encourages people to email him specific details of where they will be and at what time to increase their chances of getting drawn. "Ihope that it shows there are a lot of interesting people here who are doing alot of interesting things," he says. So far, hehas clocked up an impressive 17,000. Only 8.16million to go then. His blog ends with a promise: "When the project is completed we will all have aget-together."The Delhi WallaFive years ago, Mayank Austen Soofi, "a small-town guy" from Uttar Pradesh, was a frustrated writer working as a waiter in a five-star hotel in Delhi. Daily excursions into his new city were his escape; he wrote about the city to understand it himself and The Delhi Walla blog, created in his local library, was the result. A celebration of the food, culture and books of India's capital, it aims to profile 1% ofDelhi's 11 million population. "Each seems to live in a different Delhi. To have a fleeting sense of their personal Delhis makes me appreciate the nuances ofmy Delhi," he says. His approach issimilar tothe Gentle Authorinthat he eschews negativity and criticism. "I write without intending to be provocative," he said in an interview withRediff.com. "I don't like writing bad things about people. No point." He has starteda reading club called The Delhi Proustians, written four guidebooks and a new book will be published by Penguin India later this year. "I think it's the best narrative non-fiction to have come out of India afterMala Sen'sexcellent India's Bandit Queen.You see, I don't fake modesty," he says.We Are CardiffDismayed by the stereotypical portrayal of Cardiff as a city for hen and stag dos and sporting events, freelance writer Helia Phoenix and her friends Adam Chard, a designer and photographer, and Simon Bradwick, a web developer, set up We Are Cardiff in 2010. Phoenix was inspired by Julie Michelle, the aspiring photographer behindI Live Here: SF, a blog about local residents ofSan Francisco (currently in abeyance after Michelle's partner suffered a stroke). We Are Cardiff tells the stories of ordinary Cardiff folk, from korfball player Terry Matthews to Dan Allsobrook, an IT consultant and allotment-lover. Some, such as Englishstudent Alice Paetel, give paeans of praise to "the nature that surrounds the city so tightly" while others, such as music producer Lee Marshall, lament the replacement of "a colony of weird and fascinating shops like a coral reef" with "another identikit franchise". Most importantly, says Phoenix, the people who are featured can write their own life story an antidote to the way that mainstream media interviews are often spun. We Are Cardiff isnow making a documentarybased on some of its 60 interviewees. Phoenix is a great admirer of Spitalfields Life but isnot puzzled why more blogs don't follow its lead. "I'm not surprised that more people don't do it because it's too time-consuming," she says.Ventnor BlogA thriving hyperlocal site on the Isle of Wight has helped promote Mr Caulkhead, a mysterious character who has been broadcasting fantastic audio shorts about the island's local dialect. Using a telephone andipadio(free software enabling people to stream audio via a phone live to the web), Mr Caulkhead has broadcast hisColloquialismsover the internet weird words in a thick local accent that are accompanied by an amusing story illustrating the word's usage. Ventnor Blog also published his broadcasts alongside illustrations by a local artist. The result is a warm, witty history that could only ever work online. Mr Caulkhead had a prolific run of words last winter but sadly has not broadcast an episode for a year, althoughhe was on Twitterrecently promising some more words for his adoring audience.I Live Here: PDXA "love letter to Portland and an anthology of its residents, neighborhoods and moods", it was also inspired by ILive Here: SF. Unsurprisingly for a creative city with such a firm sense of itself, Portland has other blogs depicting the local community, including one that publishes a photograph (or more than one) every day:portlandoregondailyphoto.blogspot.comHello OttawaIn portraits and interviews, Hello Ottawa explores local people and their relationship to their city. It was created by Anne Patterson, a community manager and new media strategist living in the city.

GLOBAL COMMUNICATIONThe study of global communication examines the continuous flows of information used in transferring ideas globally. An intricate connection has developed worldwide due to globalization and the increasing ability to interact on a global scale. Globalization has led to an increasing ability for interaction on a global scale through media. Research analyzes the ways in which the ability of information must now be studied without stringent relations of receiving and sending of information.Global communication is a growing discipline within university Communications departments. Centers like the Center for Global Communication at the Annenberg School for Communication at the University of Pennsylvania include this field. Likewise, academic journals such as the Global Media Journal focus on the current place of global communication in academia.The study of global communication has increased dramatically due to changes in global interactions. Arjun Appadurai claimed that the "central problem of todays global interactions is the tension between cultural homogenization and cultural heterogenization". Homogenization of culture came as American culture globally influenced others. Global interactions are no longer binary, affecting multiple parties in multiple locales.

GLOBAL COMMUNICATION AND CULTUREDoes the Development of Global Communications Inevitably Lead to Cultural Homogenization?The development of global communications has led to the establishment of world messenger services such as CNN, a chain of restaurants globally recognised by their golden Ms, and a worldwide appreciation for Michael Jackson. But to establish whether these phenomena are indications of an imminent homogenization of culture, the evidence of these cultural commodities presence, and their implications for and influences on local cultures, needs to be explored. Conversely, there is a suggestion that global communication technologies may create the opposite, and instead strengthen local cultures. Nonetheless, both these positions have developed from the framework of the globalization dialogue, which itself may need to be questioned to determine whether it reflects reality, or is purely a Western experience and reminiscent of the imperial age, and perhaps no longer relevant.Initially, the sheer massive presence of Western cultural goods throughout the world makes the case for inevitable cultural homogenization, or more specifically, Americanization, a probable one. Developments in global communications have made the exchange of goods and ideas near instantaneous and unimaginably easy. From the inescapable presence of McDonalds and Hollywood movie posters, to the Western clothing brands with social prestige and the World Banks dictation of plans and patterns of development throughout the world, the limitless amount of evidence of American-led cultural commodity domination makes the case for seeing cultural globalization as Americanization a persuasive one (Tomlinson, 2005: 176). Advocates of this view usually cite the global presence of the US television and film industries (Ferguson, 1992: 72) and infer the influence this media hegemony has on a native culture. Critics of this view note how it reduces culture to its material goods. It makes a leap of inference from the simple presence of cultural goods to the attribution of deeper cultural or ideological effects (Tomlinson, 1999: 84).But if John Streets suggestion that people who regularly read a paper come increasingly to share its politics, (2001: 108) is based in fact, then there is reason to believe that the same could be said of televisions effect on culture. Despite this, it could be argued that instead of influencing culture, the most media does is reinforce pre-existing views and values (Street, 2001: 108). That is, people interpret the media through their own pre-existing value systems. Although often cited as an example of Americanization, Coca-cola, for example, is attributed with an array of meanings and uses within particular cultures distinct from the manufacturers original intention. In Russia, Coke can smooth skin, in Haiti it can revive the dead, and in Barbados it can turn copper into silver (Tomlinson, 1999: 84). This shows that the horde of evidence of global consumption of American commodities is not necessarily evidence of cultural imperialism and homogenization. When applied to television, this idea suggests that whatever the cultural origins of the programme, the audience will interpret them within the context of their own culture, as media artefacts do not always result in cultural assimilation (Ferguson, 1992: 72), but instead only highlight the differences between cultures. But commercial television and feature films are inventions of American origin, and thus any television culture, irrespective of its content and influence, can be viewed as a cultural homogenization of sorts: that of a television culture. As Don Ayteo of MTV notes, Weve revolutionized the way Indian kids devote themselves to leisure Weve created a youth culture where there simply was none before (Street, 2001: 223). From this perspective, the globalization of the media can be viewed as a web which enmeshes and binds in all cultures (Tomlinson, 2005: 176).Alternatively, TV has not only produced a homogeneous television culture, but has provided a platform enabling local cultures to strengthen and diversify. A clear example of this is in Reevess notions of the Third Cinema and Peoples Theatre, whereby people develop folk and alternative media opposed to commercial cinemas values, theories, and stylistic approaches (1993: 235). Thus, the development of global communications has enabled people to showcase and strengthen their cultures and traditions, or even to develop a national identity. The creation of the Internet has made this even more the case, as individual people are increasingly becoming their own media force, separate from the dominant institutional order of communications (Reeves, 1993: 235) and thus less under its influence. Nonetheless, the Internet is essentially a Western platform, as it retains Western values of individualism and freedom of expression. Despite its diverse cultural utilization, the Internet still encourages a uniform set of ideals. Tunstall even suggests that it is because of these values that make the imported media culture so popular (1981: 58). Unpopular characteristics such as the subservient position of women and caste inequalities in authentic culture make people embrace the imported culture. This suggests a gradual cultural homogenization, as, apparently, everyone wants the same thing. Not only is Tunstall guilty of presentism and univeralism assuming that his cultures morality is superior and eternal and universally desired, but he also fails to recognise other possible factors in Americas media prevalence, such as its economic strength as an exporter and other countries economic or other insufficiencies in making their own media.The simplistic notion of an American-led TV culture also ignores the pluralisation of cultural production centres around the world (Tomlinson, 2005: 180). TV Globo in Brazil and the Mexican company Televisa dominate their own markets as well as export to the rest of the Hispanic world (Tomlinson, 2005: 180); Egypt exports to the rest of the Arab world; Indias film industry has audiences throughout Asia and Africa; and in the Scandinavian markets Sweden reigns (Tunstall, 1981: 62). In fact, the global audience devotes 80% of its viewing time to domestic, national media and only 20% to media from outside its borders (Street, 2001: 210). Thus, the initial assumption by advocates of a cultural homogenization theory not only overstates the influence of foreign cultural commodities, but also the prevalence of these commodities, as, in the case of television, it is home-produced programmes which top the ratings (Tomlinson, 2005: 180). This suggests that globalization is not the process of domination necessary for cultural homogenization, but a decentred network, in which the patterns of distribution of power are unstable and shifting (Tomlinson, 2005: 185). But this critique of cultural homogenization ignores Hollywoods influence on these non-American film industries. According to Street,Nations with proud traditions of film-making independence like France, England, Sweden, India, Indonesia and Japan are in fact gradually succumbing to the irresistible lure of product that is not only predominantly American but, even when still indigenous, is rooted in the glamour of the seductive trinity of sex, violence and money, set to a harmonizing score of American rock and roll (2001: 222).That is to say, there is an increasing tendency for media around the world to be put into primarily American packages (Tunstall, 1981: 273).But is this a case of cultural homogenization, or one of transculturation and hybridity? The globalization dialogue has led to the idea that each nation has a single, monolithic culture that needs to be protected. The GATT (General Agreements of Tariffs and Trade) rounds are a prime example of this, as they show globalizations perceived threat of cultural extinction through their immigration, trade and cultural policies which restrict or manage the access their citizens have to external sources of media and culture (Street, 2001: 221). Canada, France and most of Scandinavia have erected tariff barriers and imposed quotas to limit the number of foreign television imports, and throughout recent history states such as Singapore, Malaysia, Saudi Arabia and Iran have all banned satellite dishes to limit outside influence. This shows that there is, at least, a fear of cultural assimilation and homogenization among political powers. But most cultures simply do not correspond to the inorganic Westphalia state system, as they both transcend borders and can be innumerable within them. Thus, it is far more appropriate to view global culture as a phenomenon between rather than within countries. From this perspective, cultures are hybrids, consisting of components borrowed from one another, and global communications simply lead to greater cultural hybridization (Street, 2001: 227). Hip-hop is a music culture viewed almost entirely as Black American, and more specifically a part of the urban Black American culture of those living in the deprived area of the Bronx, New York. In reality, hip-hop is the product of a complex hybrid mix of Afro-American, Caribbean and Hispanic musical cultures (Tomlinson, 2005: 182): a hybridization that could only occur through global communications. With this in mind, the American influence on the TV and film industries does not necessarily induce a homogenized global culture, but rather a diverse hybridity of cultures: a cultural mixing and hybridization rather than with direct cultural imposition (Tomlinson, 2005: 182).The point of cultural identity as national identity, already briefly mentioned, is also worth further analysis. Tunstall argues, The problem of cultural identity is part of a larger problem of national identity (1981: 57). But in human history, the nation state is a relatively recent experience, and so it is no surprise than human interaction through culture predates and does not fit into these imagined borders. India has nearly 20 languages and an enormously diverse wealth of religious traditions and cultures. As John Street asks, Is it realistic to see mass media corporations, however big, imposing a single culture? (2001: 226) This point also highlights the North-North, not North-South, nature of the globalization dialogue (Ferguson, 1992: 73). India and many other victims of European colonisation throughout Asia and Africa do not fit into the Western model of synonymous national and cultural identities. Africa is the continent where national identity is least strong of all (Tunstall, 1981: 57). That is not to say that it is culturally weak or more susceptible to cultural imperialism, as Tunstall suggests, but instead the carving up of the continent by its colonisers forced its many cultures into borders and synthetic national identities irrespective of their peoples realities. Thus, globalization theory, and by extension the theory of cultural homogenization, might just be another theory through which the West formulates world history in terms of its own experience (Tomlinson, 2005: 177). Nonetheless, due to the history of Western Imperialism, it would be almost perverse to not recognise the patterns of neo-colonialism in the form of cultural imperialism here. To the extent that sub-Saharan Africa does participate in the global media market, they do so within delivery systems created and maintained by the global [Western] corporations (Street, 2001: 225), and it is clear that some initiate media movements and flows, while others are receivers and are effectively imprisoned by it (Tomlinson, 2005: 177). From this perspective, global communications are just an extension of neo-colonialism in the form of cultural imperialism a forerunner to cultural homogenization.Furthermore, the age of imperialism and colonialism was partnered with a period of scientific thought inspired by notions of racial superiority and inferiority. The British model of imperialism made it possible to scientifically distinguish between civilized, advanced cultures, and uncivilized, backward cultures. Linguist Friedrich von Schlegel, for example, believed that Indo-Germanic languages were superior to the Semitic-African languages, a reflection of the culture, society and mind of their speakers (Said, 2003: 98). This shows how Europe constructed its identity by relegating and confining the non-Europeans to a secondary racial, cultural status (Tomlinson, 2005: 177). But as global communications continue to eliminate physical distance, these cultures are coming into direct proximity with one another, and the Wests established cultural confidence and certainty is in decline. From this perspective, the notion of an inevitable cultural homogenization is just and echo of the Wests colonial past. And as it is becoming increasingly multi-cultural due primarily to immigration and undergoing a significant decline in its cultural power, (Tomlinson, 2005: 185) the image of cultural homogenization and imperialism that of the domination and subordination of cultures is becoming increasingly irrelevant.Nevertheless, the neoliberal nature of globalization and its tools global communications do maintain the conditions of the imperialist domination and subordination. Globalization has allowed wealthy countries to exploit the poorer, by pushing them to eliminate trade barriers, whilst keeping up their own (Stiglitz, 2002: 6). Although capitalism has no loyalty to its birthplace, and so provides no guarantees that the geographical patterns of dominance will continue (Tomlinson, 2005: 187), there are measures taken by the wealthier, more powerful states to maintain the status quo. Stiglitz refers to the Uruguay Round a part of the GATT agreements and its strengthening of intellectual property rights, stopping developing countries from producing affordable life-saving drugs, effectively condemning thousands to death (2002: 8). It has also resulted in dangerous workers exploitation, where globalization had resulted in poor countries labour force being forced into low-paid, often dangerous, factory jobs, as their old jobs become obsolete. This not only highlights the uni-directional flow of influence, but more broadly, it highlights global communications influence on the spreading, homogenized culture of capitalism. Whether the commodities are uniform in flavour or not, the developments in global communication are producing a cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country (Tomlinson, 1999: 76). The expansionary and imperialist nature of capitalism, accelerated by developments in global communications, has brought cultural life in more and more areas within the grasp of the cash nexus and the logic of capital circulation (Tomlinson, 2005: 179). This view of globalization and global communications points to a variety of cultural homogenization through an overarching culture of capitalism.The cultural homogenization theory relies largely on Western conceptions of the world, such as the Westphalia system, as well as ignoring large parts of the world that are mostly excluded from the ambit of these communications. Thus, the theory can be seen as a primarily Western-centric perspective, distorting the reality for large populations of the globe. It also relies heavily on the idea of a media presence and influence that are simply not grounded in hard evidence. It implies that cultures are distinct from one another, when in reality they are far more interdependent and are formed through hybridization a process that global communication developments are accelerating, and thus creating a more diversified and colourful patchwork of cultures. Initially, the argument of cultural imperialism suggests that Western dominance is leading to the Americanization of weaker states, but it also highlights the imperialistic tones in the cultural homogenization argument, as it deconstructs 19th century Europes attempt to create cultural security and certainty by subordinating the cultures of their colonies, concluding that the cultural homogenization dialogue is an outdated, irrelevant reverberation of imperialism. Nonetheless, global communications have increased the spread of capitalism, and in this respect, it would appear that cultural homogenization is inevitable in the form of a commodity, capital culture.

DEMOCRATIZATION OF COMMUNICATION(News Article)Time was, we would get recommendations from trusted institutions. You know the names: Consumer Reports for products, Lonely Planet for travel, KCRW for music, the New York Times for all the news thats fit to print, the list goes on. Their word was sacred, and we the masses were grateful for their filtering, their curation. If your track wasnt on heavy rotation on their playlist, so to speak, you werent going to sell. But as we all know, the Internet changed things. And how.I thought about this recently as I was planning a trip to Paris and sought recommendations on things to do, places to eat from a variety of sources. Between friends, colleagues, peer reviews on TripAdvisor, New York Times lists, the hotel concierge and travel sites, I was getting bombarded with tips on how to spend 36 hours in the City of Light. It was confusing, time-consuming and, ultimately, overwhelming to parse the recommendations, cross-check those that seemed promising and book.Its no blinding insight to say that, with the democratization of communication that the Internet enabled and the resultant onslaught of data and artifacts created there is a greater need for filters than ever before. We are sipping from the proverbial firehose and drowning in the ensuing deluge. Or, as Clay Shirky put it (by way of JP Rangaswami, who writes eloquently about the subject), we dont live in an age of information overload, but of filter failure. Quite so.The notion of authority and credibility is changing. Previously credibility inured to institutions and brands. We still revere traditional arbiters of taste the Michelin guide still makes or breaks many restaurants. But this is changing. The filters of old are decreasing in reach, power and authority. Instead, authority is atomizing to the individual level. Examples abound of individuals using social platforms such as Twitter and YouTube to broadcast to a much wider audience. The Amazon star rating is becoming as important as the NYT Book review.Social recommendations have always played a big part in our decisions, and this also is changing with the advent of the social graph. The concept of trusted peers or filters is expanding to those once or twice removed from our friends. The prospect of using this social graph to inform our searches, to be the new PageRank is what underpins the huge potential of Facebook.At the same time, we as consumers have become more proactive in seeking filters, in following. Besides email, Twitter and YouTube, the concept of the follow is central to a new breed of vertically-oriented sites and feeds: Svpply for products, 8tracks for music (see disclosure), Lyst for fashion, I-Escape for boutique hotels, Covestor for stocks, food blogs like An American In London for local restaurants, Jason Hirschorns Media Redefined feed for my daily run-down of industry news, and so on.But this also means a splintering of tastes. As we roll our own filters based on new authorities and new friends and Circles, so there becomes less overlap in our general tastes. What does this all mean? Its too early to tell. But, as always, the new filters will look to institutionalize themselves to cement and project their authority (Jason Hirschorn will turn his feed into a business, natch). At the same time, our splintered filters will result in a self-selecting bias. We naturally gravitate towards filters that echo our point of view and taste. In public affairs, this leads to a polarization of the polity. More darkly, as JP writes, There is a growing risk that you will only be presented with information that someone else thinks is what you want to see, read or hear. Accentuating your biases and prejudices. Increasing groupthink. Narrowing your frame of reference. Whatever the case, there is enormous value to be created in being the new filter and the prospect of owning this promises great wealth and power to those that can do it at scale.Back to my weekend in Paris. After consulting so many sources, we ultimately just went with the recommendations of our concierge. He didnt disappoint, but it got me thinking: it would have been great to have a Quora for Paris a Q&A site where I could ask where the best Sunday brunch near the 1st is, with socially filtered answers or, better yet, a Summify to smartly condense recommendations from institutions and friends into an easily digested form. That I would pay for.

MEDIA MOGULS The three fundamental forces in the history of the mass media have been politics, technology and commerce. A media mogul we define as a person who owns and operates major media companies, who takes entrepreneurial risks, and who conducts these media businesses in a personal or eccentric style. use of the term media mogul indicates a person who largely built up his own media empire; this entrepreneurial element can include the launching of new media enterprises, but in practice often consists largely of buying up, and taking over, existing media companies. This entrepreneurial and growth aspect distinguishes the mogul from the crown prince. The crown prince is the second-generation media entrepreneur, who typically inherits major media properties from his pioneering father. The inheritor in some cases is not a son, but a widow, nephew, or other relative. The American press grew explosively in the late nineteenth century and produced, in men like Pulitzer and Hearst, the first wave of media moguls. media moguls political connections and electoral support which lead to the greatest public controversy. (Rupert Murdochs newspapers were also highly partisan and belligerent in British national elections of the 1970s and 1980s; and Murdoch was no less partisan in city, state and national elections in the US. Axel Springer in West Germany and Robert Hersant in France were also belligerent right-wing partisans of the mass circulation Press in a succession of elections.) Silvio Berlusconi served three times asPrime Minister of Italyfrom 1994 to 1995, 2001 to 2006 and 2008 to 2011, led the country almost ten years and seven years as leader of opposition. Berlusconi's extensive control over the media has been widely criticised by some analysts. Berlusconi's reported 90% control of the Italian national media. Berlusconi owns viaMediaset3 of 7 national TV channels Rupert Murdoch Murdoch started by building an Australian and then a British newspaper empire before moving to New York; there he began with newspapers before switching to magazines, a Hollywood production studio and a chain of TV stations. In 1990 he was the leading newspaper owner in both Britain and Australia; the only person to own both a major group of US TV stations and a major Hollywood studio; owner of a massive circulation US weekly magazine (TV Guide) and five other major magazines; owner of book publishing interests (the US Harper & Row and the UK Collins) of truly world significance. (In Britain the Thatcher government twice waved through major Murdoch newspaper purchases, although the law appeared to require a reference to the Monopolies and Mergers Commission.) Murdoch own Star asia in early 90s 20th century fox, wall street journal, harper collins

TRANSNATIONAL NEWS AGENCIESDomination of transnational news agencies in the world Domination or hegemony is exercised by 5 largest transnational news agencies. AP UPI Rueters AFP ITAR-TAS (information telegraph agency of russia - telegraph agency of the soviet union 80% of 15 great news media corporations dominate the production of radio sets, tv sets and print media sets including printing devices, radio and tv communication satellite, paper ink and other elements of mass media technological infrastructure. The statistics provide the details of disparities that exists, and the dominance of north in the field of information. Thus making the south depend on northEg.1 During the british war with argentina, over their claim on falklands islands, several developing countries supported the argentinian claim, but their newspapers were receiving the stories put out by the transnational news agencies, which were biased in favor of britain. The newspapers in the developing countries could not afford to send their own correspondents to cover the war.Eg, 2 The gulf war provides the eg. of how dependent . for news on the west can destroy the content of third world media. During the gulf war, India's language dailies did not have the capacity to cover war events with their own correspondents. Almost all the newspapers depended upon the news originating from the western news agencies. The usage of words in the news dispatches became a form of psychological warfare during the so called gulf war.CONCENTRATION OF MEDIA OWNERSHIPConcentration of media ownership (also known as media consolidation or media convergence) is a process whereby progressively fewer individuals or organizations control increasing shares of the mass media. Contemporary research demonstrates increasing levels of consolidation, with many media industries already highly concentrated and dominated by a very small number of firms.Globally, large media conglomerates include Viacom, CBS Corporation, Time Warner, News Corp, Bertelsmann AG, Sony Corporation of America, NBCUniversal, Vivendi, Televisa, The Walt Disney Company, Hearst Corporation, Organizaes Globo and Lagardre Group.As of 2012, The Walt Disney Company is the largest media conglomerate in the US, with News Corporation, Time Warner and Viacom ranking second, third and fourth respectively.In nations described as authoritarian by most international think-tanks and NGOs like Human Rights Watch (China, Cuba, Russia), media ownership is generally something very close to the complete state control over information in direct or indirect ways (see Gazprom Media).Media mergers are a result of one media related company buying another company for control of their resources in order to increase revenues and viewership. As information and entertainment become a major part of our culture, media companies have been creating ways to become more efficient in reaching viewers and turning a profit. Successful media companies usually buy out other companies to make them more powerful, profitable, and able to reach a larger viewing audience. Media Mergers have become more prevalent in recent years, which has people wondering about the negative effects that could be caused by media ownership becoming more concentrated. Such negative effects that could come into play are lack of competition and diversity as well as biased political views.Media oligopolyAn oligopoly is when a few firms dominate a market. When the larger scale media companies buy out the more smaller-scaled or local companies they become more powerful within the market. As they continue to eliminate their business competition through buyouts or forcing them out (because they lack the resources or finances) the companies left dominate the media industry and create a media oligopoly.Elimination of net neutralityNet neutrality is also at stake when media mergers are occurring. Net neutrality involves a lack of restrictions on content on the internet, however, with big businesses supporting campaigns financially they tend to have influence over political issues, which can translate into their mediums. These big businesses that also have control over internet usage or the airwaves could possibly make the content available biased from their political stand point or they could restrict usage for conflicting political views, therefore eliminating Net Neutrality.Debates and issuesConcentration of media ownership is very frequently seen as a problem of contemporary media and society. When media ownership is concentrated in one or more of the ways mentioned above, a number of undesirable consequences follow, including the following:Commercially driven, ultra-powerful mass market media is primarily loyal to sponsors, i.e. advertisers and government rather than to the public interest.Only a few companies representing the interests of a minority elite control the public airwavesHealthy, market-based competition is absent, leading to slower innovation and increased prices.Diversity of viewpointsIt is important to elaborate upon the issue of media consolidation and its effect upon the diversity of information reaching a particular market. Critics of consolidation raise the issue of whether monopolistic or oligopolistic control of a local media market can be fully accountable and dependable in serving the public interest.Freedom of the press and editorial independenceOn the local end, reporters have often seen their stories refused or edited beyond recognition. An example would be the repeated refusal of networks to air "ads" from anti-war advocates to liberal groups like MoveOn.org, or religious groups like the United Church of Christ, regardless of factual basis. Journalists and their reports may be directly sponsored by parties who are the subject of their journalism leading to repor