Fibula 4

newsletter 1/2010 (4) ISSN 1899-640X

The history of the collection of Romance manuscripts in the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow

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ISSN 1899-640X

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2

newsletter 1/2010 (4) ISSN 1899-640X

The history of the collection of Romance manuscripts in the Berlin Collection at the

Jagiellonian Library in Krakow


4

Contents

Marzena Chrobak

Notes of an eighteenth-century merchant in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection . . . . . . . . . . 7

Natalia Czopek

Works by Antonio Pérez among the manuscripts in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection in Krakow . . . . . . . 13

Krzysztof Kotuła

Jean-Louis Chanal and his Version of the Treatise Dissertation sur la nature et la propagation du feu . . . . . . . . . 23

Anna Rzepka

A Note on Spanish Drama and Theater in the Berlin Collection in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow . . . . . . . . . . . . 32

Watermarks in Romance-language manuscripts from the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow – part 2. . . . . . . . . . 44

Index of watermarks . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 82

6

Marzena Chrobak

Notes of an eighteenth-century merchant in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection

Reference books and manuals designed for merchants, the so-called practica

della mercatura or ars mercatoria were already being published in Europe in the

Middle Ages. The Italian name for this genre derives from the title of a work writ-

ten by a Florentine factor, by the name of Francesco Balducci Pegolotti. His Prac-

tica della mercatura, evocatively subtitled Libro di divisamenti di paesi e di misure

di mercatantie e d’altre cose bisognevoli di sapere a mercatanti di diverse parti del

mondo (...) (The Book of Discussions about the states and goods and other things

useful for merchants...), describes the trading terms along the Silk Road to China in

the early fourteenth century. The oldest parts of the Cumanicus Codex date back

to the end of the thirteenth century, this compendium of information about the

customs and language of the Cumans (including an Italian-Latin-Persian-Cuman

glossary) was compiled by or on behalf of Italian merchants from Genoa and

Venice, with trade factories on the Black Sea. The Catalan merchant manual El

libro di mercatantie et usanze di paesi had three editions before the year 1500.1

About 1,500 texts of this type came into being in the sixteenth century, mainly in

Germany and Italy, in the seventeenth century around 2000 new texts appeared,

in the eighteenth century there was indeed an avalanche of titles: around 80002.

From the beginning, the genre was characterized by a great diversity in content

and format: ranging from cheap books printed in quarto format intended for

students of the merchant profession, such as John Browne’s The Merchant Avizo,

1 Modern edition: M. Gual Camarena, El primer manual hispanico de mercaderi (Siglo XIV), Barcelona, 1981.

2 Compare Jochen Hoock, “Manuels et traités à l’usage des marchands (1470-1820). Etat de l’enquête”, in : Les Cahiers du Centre de Recherches Historiques, 6/1990, [en ligne], mis en ligne le 20 mars 2009. URL: htp://ccrh.revues.org/index2854.html, website consulted on 27.03.2009.

1589, to the encyclopedia of world trade, as in Colson’s General Treasury [...] of

Accounts for all Countries in Christendome, 1612 or the Traité General de la Reduc-

tion des Changes & Monnoyes des principales places de l’Europe, Par des Tables com-

modes très-utiles & fort exactement suputées au Pair à tant pour cent . Ouvrage tres-

utile & necessaire à tous les Marchands, Banquiers, Negocians, Voyageurs, Caissiers

& autres qui desirent d’apprende le Negoce, le Change & la Valeur des Especes qui

ont Cours en Europe. Le tout expliqué & rendu fort intelligible par Henry Desguliers,

Professeur des Mathematiques & de tout ce qui a rapport au Commerce & aux

Changes, A Amsterdam, Chez Adrian Braakman, 1701.

In addition to these printed manuals, guides and treatises there were also

manuscripts intended for private use. One of the oldest surviving texts of this type

was the property of a factor from Münster working in Gdańsk around 1560.3

Among the works found in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin collection there is

a merchant’s notebook dating back to the eighteenth century, entitled Anno-

tations et remarques, touchant le négoce à Cadix, bearing the siglum (of catalog

number) Gall.Quart.46.

The manuscript has 24 leaves with dimensions of 218 mm x 150 mm, the origi-

nal foliation is executed in ink up to page 10, the modern foliation was added in

pencil. There are 21 blank pages. The manuscript was written in French, except

for quite a long passage which is in German (fol. 3ro-4ro), on wax trade, most likely

written in the same hand. The handwriting is small, clear, neat, 24-26 lines per

page. It is in good condition, apart from a few small tears (on leaves 4, 8, 17, 23.)

The light blue binding made of course paper measuring 223 mm x 155 mm is not

genuine, it was made in Königliche Bibliothek. Initially, the manuscript probably

was built up of a bunch of quires lined by one bifolio with the same watermark as

in the main text. Currently, that bifolio constitutes the first two flyleaves.

The manuscript consists of 15 “chapters”:

Annotations et Remarques, touchant le Négoce à Cadix• , 1ro-3ro, 4,5 pages

Remarques pour l’achat, la préparation & le Négoce de la cire blanchie• [in Ger-

man], 3ro-4ro, 2 pages

3 Compare E. Schulte, “Das Danziger Kontorbuch des Jakobs Stöve aus Mün-ster”, Hansische Geschichtsblätter 62, 1937, pp. 40-72, presented as: P. Jeannin, “Guides de voyage et manuels pour marchands”, in: Voyager à la Renaissance : Actes Du Colloque De Tours, 30 Juin-13 Juillet 1983, Maisonneuve et Larose, 1987, p. 167.

Marzena C

hrobakN

otes of an eighteenth-century merchant

in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection

8

[• Les sangalles sont très bonnes pour le Mexique], 4ro-5ro, 1,5 pages

[• La Compagnie d’Hollande bonnifie aux acheteurs], 5ro-6ro, 2,5 pages

[• La Banque à Amsterdam], 6ro, 2 incomplete lines

[• La Banque à Bambourg], 6vo, 11 lines

[• C’est de la Auvergne que se tirent les peaux pour les gans de Grenoble], 6vo,

13 lines

Lion• , f.ex. : Tarif de ce que païent d’entrée à Lyon les Etoffes plombées venant

de retour

d’Allemagne• 7ro-8ro, 2,5 pages

Compte simulé pour le calcul de ce que revient l’aune d’Angleterre• , 8ro, 15 lines

Calculs• , 8vo-10vo, 4,5 pages

Remarques sur les Velours de Gênes• , 11ro, 5 lines

Calculs des Frais de l’Anglettere & autres Marchandises des Modes, de Lyon à •

Leipzig, 11ro, 16 lines

Calculs des Droguets petit de • [one word is illegible], 12vo, 16 lines

Notte de diverses bonnes fabriques en Italie• , 22ro-22vo, 17 lines

Evaluation de quelques Articles de la Marchand[i]se sur le pied que leur Décla-•

ration [one sign is illegible] est admise à l’accise de Leipzig, 23ro.

Some chapters are followed by blank leaves. Certainly, the intention had

been to complete the empty spaces with information on a given subject. The

manuscript is unfinished: the last leaf bears only the title, which is centered

and underlined: Evaluation de quelques Articles de la Marchand[i]se sur le pied

que leur Déclaration [an illegible mark] est admise à l’accise de Leipzig (the name

of the city is centered and underlined), the text breaks off after the title. Noth-

ing follows after the title.

The manuscript contains practical information of commercial nature: the

prices of goods, of freight, of brokers, sales units, examples and models of

conversions for currencies, weights and measures used in different Europe-

an countries, the addresses of good factories, a list of most easily tradable

commodities, the types of vessels sailing to the New World, etc. The manual

also includes information concerning a variety of goods (cloth, wax, spices,

etc.) from various places in the world (Bambourg, Breslau, Lion / Lyon, Buenos

Ayres, Indes, Amsterdam, Leipzig, Constantinople, Marseille, Piedmont, Gothen-

bourg, Braband, Brest, Ffort, Florence , Turin, Vicenç, Lucques, Silesia, Mexique,

Lauban). For example:

“En fait de toiles raïées en couleurs, de Silesie & de Lauban, il ne faut

pour l’Espagne comme comme pour Le Mexique, que des couleurs

fortes & vives, point de raïes cramoisy, mauvais rouge; Mais du Pon-

ceau, de L’incarnat, du Bleu, du Verd, mais vif; point de toiles fines, mais

des qualites ordinaires, on n’y fait aucune différence. [...]. Les frais à

nos Basins & Sangalles, des envois No 4, 5, 6 & 7 vont à 20 pc suivant le

compte de vente. [...] Pour l’Espagne, les toiles raïées en blanc & rouge

pas trop fines, valent mieux que celles avec des raïes de différentes

couleurs. Les Brétagnes étroites superfines & les Estopilles unies

superfines de Silésie, y sont aussi d’une bonne consomation; de même

que la cire blanchie en marquettes quarrée, on préfère celles que l’on

blanchit à Bambourg, elle se vend ordinairement à bord, de sorte qu’il

n’y a que le frêt, le courtrage & la provision à déduire” (fol. 1vo-2ro).

“Les lettres écrites de Lion pour la Bourgogne doivent être affranchies

jusqu’à Rhinhausen, en les envoïant par Strasbourg, elles retardent

quelque fois, de sorte que de Leipzig à Lion, il faut également af-

franchir jusq’à Rheinhausen car à Strasbourg le courrier pour Lion part

avant la distribution des lettres pour l’Allemagne ce qui fait le retard

d’un ordinaire” (fol. 7ro).

The manuscript is an autograph. Although most parts of the text were writ-

ten in the third person, some parts are written in the first person singular:

“Par exemple; je veux savoir à combien revient le carolin sur le pied

des Louis vieux à Ag 10, Le carolin perdant 4 % contre Louis vieux à Ag

5. Je pose enrègle de trois [...]” (fol. 8vo).

“Pour savoir ce que reviennent les carolins & louis neufs [prawdopo-

dobnie początkowo: louis d’or] en monnoïe, suivant les différents

périodes des portes. Je pose d’abord la porte des carolins contre Louis

vieux” (fol. 10ro).

The manuscript does not contain the name of the author / owner, or other

premises that would enable identification.

Marzena C

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10

The language of the manuscript suggests that the author may have been

French, or at least of French origin (e.g. huguenot who left France after the

revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685 and settled in Silesia belonging to

Prussia after the end of the Succession War)4, but in the eighteenth century,

French was the common language in Europe for representatives of different

states and professions, like merchants. A good example of this can be the

explanation given by the author of the great encyclopedia on trade dating

back to the end of the century, who writes in the preface: J’aurais pu publier

cet Ouvrage aussi en allemand, italien ou espagnol; mais la langue française

est si généralement connue et entendue dans le commerce, que je l’ai adoptée

comme la plus propre à mon but. 5 The same author explains the omission in

his encyclopedia of information on trade with Spanish colonies in America

with the fact that only those subject of the Spanish crown have that right:

Comme le commerce de l’Amérique Espagnole est uniquement réservé aux su-

jets de S.M.C, j’ai cru qu’il étoit inutile d’en instruire les autres Nations.6 Since the

manuscript Gall. Qu. 46 contains a lot of detailed information on trade with

the colonies, this would suggest that the author was indeed a Spanish sub-

ject. The above mentioned monopoly was, however, repeatedly broken, and

in the eighteenth century a resilient group of French merchants did trade

in Cadiz.7 The Dutch paper (watermark with the stationer’s name: Van der

Ley and his coat of arms, posthorn, occurring alternately with the letters GR

ornated with crown8) does not prejudge the author’s nationality. First of all,

the Dutch paper had been used widely throughout Western Europe, and

secondly, for a merchant practicing international trade, it was easy to buy a

paper from a foreign country.

4 An idea suggested by R. Chamboredon, personal correspondence.5 Guide des négocians dans toutes leurs entreprises mercantiles; ou Traité instructif

sur le commerce de cent vingt-six villes commerçantes de l’Europe, de l’Asie et de l’Afrique..., par M. Laurent Lipp, Montpellier, 1793.

6 Ibidem.7 Compare R. Chamboredon, «Toutes antennes déployées », w: Rives nord-médi-

terranéennes. Moyens, supports et usages de l’information marchande à l’époque moderne, [En ligne], mis en ligne le: 27 juin 2008. URL : http://rives.revues.org/document2033.html, website consulted on 24.08.2009

8 Compare W. A. Churchill. Watermarks in Paper in Holland, England, France, etc., in the XVII and XVIII Centuries and their Interconnection. Amsterdam: Hertzber-ger, 1967, charts 139, 321.

The title on the first page (in large font), suggests that the author’s head of-

fice was based in Cadiz, but there are captions, (smaller font) in later parts, on

trade in other centers, such as: Lion (fol. 7ro), Remarques sur les Velours de Gênes

(f.11ro), Notte de diverses bonnes fabriques en Italie (fol. 22ro), which could indi-

cate that Cadiz was just one of the centers in which he conducted business.

It is just as difficult to determine the recipient of the manuscript. The con-

tent concerning both professional and private matters, taking on the form of a

notebook, indicates that it had been intended for a narrow group of users. The

fact that the notes were not only intended for the author’s personal use, can

be proven by his explanations on how to decipher entries made in the account

books. It appears that the manuscript may have been intended for the author,

his closest associates and students of the profession, for example for his son.

On the other hand, the notes on how to decipher certain records could have

been a kind of memorandum, in which case the notebook could have been

written solely for one person. Or perhaps they are notes dictated by an experi-

enced merchant to an apprentice.

The manuscript was created after 1750, which can be inferred from infor-

mation, presented in the first part, on the price of wax from that year. The verb

used to express this is in the imperfect tense (fol. 2vo). The fact that the only

Spanish port mentioned in the notes is in Cadiz, would suggest that it dates

from the period before the so-called ‘Decree on Free Trade’ (1765), authorizing

other Spanish ports to trade with America.9

The manuscript has no features suggestive of the first owner: notes, old cat-

alog numbers, etc. It is not known exactly how it got to Königliche Bibliothek.

The lack of an access number indicates that it was the property of the Königli-

che Bibliothek prior to the year 1828, the year that the accession register was

first implemented. It is the only example of French-language literature of this

type housed in the Jagiellonian Library.

9 Compare M. Alfonso Mola, El tráfico marítimo y el comercio de Indias en el siglo XVIII, Cuadernos Monográficos del Instituto de Historia y Cultura Naval, vol. 41, Madrid, 2002, pp. 105-129, http://maytediez.blogia.com/2007/100401-el-trafi-co-maritimo-y-el-comercio-de-indias-en-el-siglo-xviii.php, website consulted on 26.06.2009.

Marzena C

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12

Natalia Czopek

Works by Antonio Pérez among the manuscripts in the Jagiellonian Library

Berlin Collection in Krakow

Among the volumes of Spanish manuscripts of the Berlin collection housed in

the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow, there are three works signed by the name

of Antonio Pérez from Aragon, who lived between 1540-1611 and was secre-

tary of King Philip II of Spain, like his father, Gonzalo Pérez, who had been the

Secretary of the Council of State of king Charles I. Antonio graduated from the

most prestigious universities in Spain and received training from his father in

matters of state. He was appointed Secretary of State in 1567. In the first years

of tenure he gained the king’s trust on account of his high qualifications. He

became one of the king’s closest advisers and a favorite of Philip II. His posi-

tion was strengthened even more so when he replaced the deceased Prince of

Eboli as leader of the ‘dove’ faction. Unfortunately, this honorable appointment

marked the beginning of the end of Antonio Pérez’s political career.

The Governor-General of the Netherlands, the king’s half-brother, Don Juan

of Austria, concerned with the enormous influence that Antonio Pérez’s ‘dove’

faction had on Philip II, sent his secretary, Juan de Escobedo, to Spain. He ac-

cused Pérez of trading secrets of the Spanish Crown, of having a clandestine

relationship with the widow of the Prince of Eboli and of focusing too much on

the accumulation of economic goods. Historical sources indicate that Antonio

Pérez most probably managed to convince the king of his innocence and of

the detrimental influence that the Secretary of Juan of Austria had on domes-

tic politics. Juan de Escobedo was murdered, and his family accused Pérez of

hiring the killers and demanded that he be punished. His situation worsened

when personal documents sent by Juan of Austria cleared Juan de Escobedo of

any allegations of wrongdoing against the Crown. This turn of events strained

the trust and confidence that Philip II had imparted to his closest adviser. The

king ordered that all actions taken by Pérez be examined, which eventually led

to his arrest. The attention of the royal court had become focused on the incor-

poration of Portugal, the conflict concerning the County of Ribagorza, and the

situation in Aragon, amid which Antonio Pérez was forgotten for some time.

In the days of Philip II, the Kingdom of Aragon was separate and governed by

its own structures and laws, which prevented the ruler from intervening in the

politics of the regions of Aragon, Catalonia and Valencia. The king hardly visited

this part of his estate, where power was exercised by the nobility who waged

fierce battles between themselves. This land of complete lawlessness was a ha-

ven for bandits hiding from justice. It was there that Antonio Pérez fled to after

his escape from prison in 1590. He demanded a second trial, accusing Philip II of

involvement in the murder of Juan de Escobedo as well as of having plans to re-

duce the rights of the Kingdom of Aragon. With the help of the Inquisition Tribu-

nal in, the king Zaragoza accused Pérez of heresy, but the attempt to take him to

prison in Zaragoza caused waves of unrest. In response to the rebellions, the king

planned an armed expedition to Aragon, which he reported to the ruling nobil-

ity. In effect of this decision made by Philip II, the royal army quickly suppressed

the rebellion in Zaragoza, called the ‘Antonio Pérez revolution.’ The leaders of the

rebellion were executed, but Antonio Pérez managed to escape to France, from

where in 1592 he organized an unsuccessful attempt to invade Aragon. Then

he fled to England where he continued to spread the so-called black legend of

Philip II, a part of which was, among other things, blaming him for the death of

his son Carlos. In turn, his criticism of the king’s policy focused mainly on the use

of repression against the Spanish Moriscos, which resulted in the uprising, bloody

massacres and resettlement of the Muslim population. He also claimed that the

king led a relatively sedentary lifestyle, that he governed from a distance - during

his entire reign the king left the country only once and never went to the bat-

tlefield with his army, that the debt of the Treasury was increasing - Philip II had

announced bankruptcy several times, that he was extremely concerned with the

construction of El Escorial, had difficulties in making decisions on matters of state,

conducted a long war, his policy in the Netherlands was ineffective, and he led to

the defeat of the Spanish Armada in England. Antonio Pérez died in Paris twenty

years later, trying in vain to obtain forgiveness of the Spanish Crown.1

1 TUÑÓN DE LARA M., BARUQUE J. V., ORTIZ A. D. (trans. by S. Jędrusiak), Histo-ria Hiszpanii, Universitas, Krakow 1997, pp. 239 – 249. Cf. also MIŁKOWSKI T.,

Natalia C

zopekW

orks by Antonio Pérez am

ong the manuscripts

in the Jagiellonian Library Berlin Collection in Krakow

14

Antonio Pérez’s tumultuous life supplied subject matter for writing, in which

he either criticized the king, gave him advice or justified his own behavior. The

three manuscripts described here are devoted to an analysis of the political

situation of the country, the presentation of current events and advising the

king on matters of state.

The manuscript bearing the catalogue number Hisp. Qu. 7 is a copy made

in the eighteenth century in Spain or Paraguay. Watermarks have allowed us

to infer the text’s copying date. The marks consisting of the letter F inscribed

within an ornamental circle and various types of crowns found in the manu-

script are recorded in different versions in Heawood’s catalogue2 and direc-

tories of the Galicia archives3 as signs from the years 1773-1793, from Spain

or Paraguay. Basing on these data we can assume that the manuscript was

made in the last quarter of the eighteenth century. It consists of two parts and

contains a short introduction in the form of a letter to the king, entitled Por

Antonio Perez, secretario de estado AL Rey n[uest]ro señor en sus Reales manos

and ending on the leaf 1v° with the words en la carzel de mi destierro, y oct.re

de 1598. Ant.o Perez, in which Antonio Pérez, who was in prison justifies why

he had written the following document entitled Discurso Al Rey and what it

contains. This Discurso Al Rey, which is the first part of the manuscript (leaves

1r °-99r°), concerns the situation in the kingdom of Spain, friends and enemies

of the king, and includes advice on how to deal with difficult matters of state

and how to govern the kingdom.4 The last part, entitled Norte de Principes (leaf

100r°-305r°) does not vary in theme from other works of Antonio Pérez. In ad-

dition, in this part he stresses the prevailing opinions on the actions taken by

the king among representatives of different strata of Spanish society.

Two different scribes worked on particular parts of the manuscript. On leaf

99r° under the text of the first part there is a crossed out postscript in somebody

MACHCEWICZ P., Historia Hiszpanii, Ossolineum, Wrocław 1998, pp. 138 – 149. 2 HEAWOOD E., M. A., Watermarks mainly of the 17th and 18th centuries, The

Paper Publications Society, Hilversum (Holland), 1950, tabl. 50.3 BASANTA CAMPOS J.L. (et alii), Marcas de Agua en Documentos de los Archivos

de Galicia. Siglo XVIII., vol. VI, Fundación Pedro Barrié de la Maza, Conde Fenosa, 2000, p. 250.

4 Cf. notes on folio 2r°: Discurso Al Rey Nro Señor, Del estado, que tienen sus Rey-nos, y señorios, y los de Amigos, y Enemig.s con alg.s adbertencias sre el modo de proceder, y governarse, con los unos y con los otros.

else’s handwriting Opus Coronatur. This postscript was added by the scribe who

worked on the second part, which shows that the second part was made later.

The second scribe is also the author of other corrections and additions in the

first part. The first part was kept without binding probably by the first copyist,

since the verso of the last folio is very dirty (the first folio is missing and it cannot

be inferred on the basis of the recto). The first and last leaves of the second part

are not dirty, which indicates that they were added later and the two parts were

bound together. On leaf 101r° there is a note made in different handwriting

Segun Thomás Tamayo de Vargas este Norte ha sido impreso (…) sin el nombre del

Autor.5 The note was probably made by the manuscript’s next owner.

Library binding of this type known as quarter binding has covers made of

black cloth, while the book spine and corners are made from brown leather.

The binding’s origin can be traced by the catalogue number stamped in gold

in the lower part of the spine, in the same way as the title in the top part of the

spine ANTONIO PEREZ Memorial y Norte. The same catalogue number appears

on leaf 1r°. The lack of an access number indicates that the manuscript was

catalogued in the Royal Library of Berlin before 1828, the year in which the

register of accession was implemented. The same foliation for both parts was

made in the Royal Library of Berlin after binding the manuscript.

Comparing the text of the first part of the manuscript6 with the critical edi-

tion by Modesto Santos, created on the basis of the version of Baltasar Alamos

de Barrientos issued in Madrid in 1990 and entitled Discurso político al Rey Fe-

lipe III al comienzo de su reinado, it can be noted that the small differences in

the text are mainly the omission or insertion of single words, e.g. f. 6r° pone ser

Indiano / hace ser indigno. Both documents are broken up into subchapters in

the same way, with the exception of the lack of subchapters Indias Occidentales

and Castilla in Hisp .Qu. 7.

5 According to Thomás Tamayo de Vargas the book entitled Norte was printed without the author’s name. Thomas Tamayo de Vargas (1589-1641) was a bib-liographer, typographer, and Spanish writer, since 1625 the official chronicler, and author of many works on the history of Spain.

6 A reference made to another copy of the Discurso is located in the catalogue of the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid (catalogue number MSS/12195) in a collective volume entitled Colección de varios papeles sobre distintos asuntos para el uso de D. Pedro Aparici, oficial de la Secretaría de Estado y del Despacho Universal de Indias (t.XI) (Cf. http://saavedrafajardo.um.es).

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ong the manuscripts


16

The text entitled Norte de príncipes, virreyes, presidentes, gobvernadores.

Y advertimientos politicos sobre lo público y particular de una monarquía, funda-

dos en materia y razón de Estado, y Gobierno, which makes up the second part

of the manuscript, was created in 1601 but was not published until 1788 in

Madrid (Imprenta de Pedro Marín). In some studies, the authorship of Antonio

Pérez is found to be questionable, the majority of scholars considers the author

to be Baltasar Alamos de Barrientos, his representative.7 There are many cop-

ies found in, for example, the Bibliothèque Interuniversitaire de la Sorbonne

(catalogue number MS 1304), in the Real Academia de la Historia (catalogue

number 9-3978) and the Biblioteca de Castilla La Mancha de Toledo (catalogue

number CCPB000570905-9).8 One of the copies is a part of the manuscript des-

ignated with the catalogue number Hisp. Qu. 61. Comparing the two versions

shows a difference in the title.9 In Ms. Hisp. Qu. 61 on leaves 370r°-374r° is the

Dedicatoria, which is not present in the other copy. Other differences include

either the omission of certain single words, or slight rewording. In the sources

available, I found only titles of subsequent editions and critical editions of the

work without the possibility to consult them10.

7 Cf. http://www.vbeda.com/articulos/indexoa.php?num=117&titulo=Obras_de_Quevedo_y_Antonio_P%E9rez_en_un_manuscrito_del_Archivo_Munici-pal_de_%DAbeda.

8 Cf. http://www.vialibri.net; http://www.vbeda.com/. 9 Hisp.Qu.7 title NORTE DE PRINCIPES Virreyes Presidentes, Consejeros

Governadores, y advertimientos politicos, sobre lo Publico, y Particular de una Monarquia importantisimos à los tales, fundados en materia i razon de Estado, i Govierno POR Antonio Perez; Hisp.Qu.61 title Norte de Princi-pes, Virreyes, Consejeros y Embaxadores, con adbertencias politicos, muy importantes sobre lo particular, y publico de una Monarquia, fundadas para el Gobierno de Estado, y Guerra por Antonio Perez, Secretario que fue de Estado de S.or D.n Phelipe 2.° y remitidas desde Paris al Duque de Lerma D.n Francisco Sandoval, y Roxas, Privado del S.or D.n Phelipe 3.° el en año de 1606.

10 Cf. Website of the virtual Biblioteca de Pensamiento Político Hispánico Saave-dra Fajardo (http://saavedrafajardo.um.es): Norte de príncipes; preliminary study by Francisco Ayala, Americalee, Buenos Aires 1943; Norte de príncipes, virreyes, presidentes, consejeros, y governadores, y advertencias políticas sobre lo público y particular de una monarquía importantísimas a los tales: fundadas en materia y razón de estado, y govierno (preliminary note by Martín de Riquer), Espasa-Calpe, Madrid 1969; Norte de príncipes, virreyes, presidentes, consejeros, governadores y advertencias políticas sobre lo público y lo particular de una monarquía importantisimas a los tales, fundadas en materia y razon de Estado, y gobierno, Departamento de Publicaciones. Secretaria General del Senado, Madrid 1997.

The second of the manuscripts bearing the catalogue number Hisp. Qu. 8

is a copy made by Antonio Valero for D. Isidro del Olmo y Monroi, who lived in

the eighteenth century (there is a reference to his original letters in the register

of manuscripts in the Cervantes Institute dating back to 1791.). As is clear from

the title printed on leaf 1r° (MAXIMAS de Antonio Perez Para El Señor D. Isidro del

Olmo y Monroi. 25 de Agosto de 1770 Por Ant. Valero.) the copy may be dated in

the second half of the eighteenth century. The copying date is confirmed by

watermarks representing rosaries with the inscribed letters F and S which were

described in the aforementioned volumes.11 The content refers to the histori-

cal events associated with the figure of Antonio Pérez, who comments on the

political and economic situation of Spain, providing the king with advice. The

manuscript consists of 297 maxims and a brief introduction. The first thirty-

one maxims are marked with numbers (Primera - Treinta y uno), the rest are

numbered with numerals 32-297.

The genuine parchment binding is characteristic of many manuscripts from

the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.12 The binding’s authenticity is con-

firmed by the use of the same kind of paper in the manuscript as in the end-

paper. The title Ant. Perez sus maximas Politicas is in the top part of the book

spine, the bottom part is in red leather with the catalogue number embossed

in gold Ms.hisp.quart.8 and repeated in black ink on leaf 1r° above the title in an

ornate frame. There is a note on leaf 4v° that reads: De Paris 10 de Mayo de 1600,

which is probably a copy of the author’s note, who was hiding in Paris from

the tribunal of the Inquisition of Zaragoza. No access number indicates that

the manuscript was in the Royal Library of Berlin before 1828, the year that the

accession register was initiated. It can be assumed that it previously belonged

to the collection of Isidro del Olmo y Monroi.

The work Maximas de Antonio Perez, secretario de estado de Phelipe segundo,

escritas de orden de Enrique quarto, rey de Francia, y remitidas a Phelipe segundo,

año de 1600 was written during Antonio Pérez’s stay in France and was pub-

lished and sent to King Philip II of Spain in 1600. Other copies of the manu-

11 HEAWOOD E., M. A., op.cit. tabl. 38., BASANTA CAMPOS J.L. (et. alt.), op.cit., pp. 263, 317.

12 Cf. MIRELLO R., Legature riccardiane, Florence 2008, pp. 154-155; BERNARDINI M., Medicea Volumina, Pisa 2001, pp. 216-217.

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script are mentioned in Internet catalogues of the Bibliothèque Interuniversi-

taire de la Sorbonne (catalogue number MS 1307), the Biblioteca Nacional de

Madrid (catalogue number MSS/10872) and the Biblioteca Regional de Madrid

(catalogue number MS 21).13 One of the copies made by Felipe de Samaniego

is reported in the catalogue of manuscripts of the Instituto Cervantes.14

The last of the manuscripts bearing the catalogue number Hisp. Qu. 61 is

a copy which was made in the eighteenth century in Spain. The copying date

can be ascertained on the basis of the watermarks, which represent coats of

arms with the symbol of the cross, the letters SP and the numerals 1 and 2.

These symbols are dated in the aforementioned catalogues15 as being from

the years 1725-61, which confirms a similar date for the other two manuscripts.

It includes several works whose authorship is attributed to Antonio Pérez.16

The first part is made up of letters written by Antonio Pérez. They are devoid

of the typical formulas for letters and have no particular addressees. The only

letter which has a specific recipient is a letter to King Henry IV on leaves 31v°-

32v°. The other textual parts are Antonio Pérez’s accounts of his imprisonment,

riots in Zaragoza as well as his escape from the country, the memorial which

he delivered in self-defense during the trial, aphorisms, and Norte de Principes,

a work concerning the political situation in Spain.

The manuscript was made by two scribes.17 On leaf 1r° there is a note which

reads, Es uno de los libros de la propiedad de J. Agüero and a marking. This note

was added by one of the successive owners by the name of J. Agüero. This is

probably José Agüero (1786-1858), a Peruvian studying in Spain, the future

revolutionary who supported the revolutionary ideas of Antonio Pérez. On leaf

4v° there is another note with marking, but without a last name Propiedad 29

13 Cf. http://www.calames.abes.fr; http://saavedrafajardo.um.es; http://www.bibliotecavirtualmadrid.org.

14 Cf. www.cervantesvirtual.com/servlet/sirveObras/.../023208_005.pdf15 HEAWOOD E., M. A., op.cit. tabl. 115; BASANTA CAMPOS J.L. (et alii), op.cit., vol.

V, pp. 457-458, vol. VI, pp. 108, 216, 427.16 A copy of the author’s dedication is on leaf 6r° A nuestro ss.mo Padre, y Al Sacro

colégio Antonio Perez muy humilde siervo.17 On leaves 5r˚-109v˚ and 352r˚-423v˚ we can distinguish the first writer’s

handwriting. The marginal glosses are made in the same handwriting, but the ones on leaf 60v˚ are done by a different hand. On leaves 110r˚-350r˚ a change of handwriting can be seen, both in the text and in the notes in margins.

(5?) / 1848 made in 1848 by another owner (as can be seen by the differences

in handwriting). On leaf 426v° there is an inscription N o. P (B ?).°., signed M. P

(F)eero and trials of the pen. It is possible that this signature belongs to yet an-

other person, a third owner who could not be identified. Leaf 31r° is decorated

with a fixed lithography, depicting a reclining figure of a man and an eagle.

In the upper part is the inscription belonging to the lithography POENÂ, NON

CAVSSÂ. The lower left corner bears the name of an eminent portrait painter of

Dutch origin who lived at the turn of the sixteenth and seventeenth century,

Thomas de Leu. fecit., while under the lithography there is an inscription made

in the same handwriting as found in this part of the manuscript: In Emblema

Titij nostra Poena, non causa Titij. At meruit Fitius funerti vulnera vostri, cuiuserat

tanto tantum in amore scelus. Nil ego peccavi: nivi si pecarre facendum est, Spec-

nun nostro fortè fuisse Iovi. Jure vel inmerito nil refert. Iam satis hoc est. Speceum

nostro nempe fuisse Iovi. On folio 314v° we find a Latin sentence taken from the

Vulgate Bible: Noli quaerere fieri iudex, nisi valeas virtute irrumpere iniquitates, ne

fortè extimescas faciem potentis.

The manuscript has partially come apart from the original, reinforced parch-

ment bindings. Binding of this type is characteristic of many manuscripts from

the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.18 A fragment of the title + RELA-

CIONES DE ANTONIO PEREZ is in the upper part of the book spine, while in the

bottom part there is a piece of red leather with a catalogue number embossed

in gold Ms.hisp.quart.61 and repeated in black ink at the top of the front end-

paper. In the upper part of the back endpaper an earlier catalogue number can

be seen 6898. Gall+. On the boards, there is a text of the creed prayer in black

ink [...] rum. Et expécto resurrectionem mortuôrum. Et vitam in venturi saeculi,

ventùri […] culi A. and musical notation. The access number Acc. N o n 11071 is

in the upper left corner of the page 5r°.

All this information shows that the manuscript had been owned by José

Agüero, while in 1848 it belonged to a different owner, whose name is not

known to us. It did not arrive in The Royal Library of Berlin before 1848. The

work Relaciones de Antonio Perez Secretario de Estado, que fue, del Rey de España

D.n Phelipe II. de este nombre, included in the manuscript, was published under

18 Cf. e.g. Hisp. Qu. 6, Hisp. Qu. 8, Hisp. Qu. 57.

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the pseudonym of Rafael Peregrino in London in 1594, as an elaboration of

Relaciones most likely published a year earlier in Pau19. The content of Rela-

ciones refers to Antonio Pérez’s time spent in prison, his escape from the coun-

try and the protests which took place in Zaragoza against his imprisonment.

It contains an analysis made by Pérez of the country’s political situation and

advice given to the king on matters of state.20 Comparing the described copy

with a short fragment of the first edition of the 1594, entitled Pedaços de his-

toria, o Relaciones21 only minor differences can be seen, involving the omission

or addition of a few words. Later editions, referred to only in online sources,

come from Spain from 1624, 1644 and 1849.22 The work is referred to by many

monographs and articles whose titles are only listed in the available sources.23

Another work Norte de Principes created in 1601 and entitled Norte de prín-

cipes, virreyes, presidentes, gobvernadores. Y advertimientos politicos sobre lo

público y particular de una monarquía, fundados en materia y razón de Estado,

y Gobierno, was not published until 1788, also in Madrid (Imprenta de Pedro

Marín). Many copies exist – one belonging to the manuscript catalogued un-

der Hisp.Qu.7 – and many critical editions, whose titles are only listed in the

available sources.24 In turn, the work of Aforismos dating back to 1605 was not

19 Cf. http://catalogue.nla.gov.au; http://www.canalsocial.net. 20 On leaf 5v° there is a note concerning the contents of the manuscript:

Contienen estas relaciones de Antonio Perez. La primera, una sumaria Informa-cion de sus prisiones, y persecuciones con particularidades, y copias de papeles nunca vistos, dignos de ser vistos. Otra, lo sucedido en Zaragoza de Aragon a 24 de Septiembre del año 1591 por la libertad de Antonio Perez, y de sus Fueros y Justicia. La razon, y verdad del Hecho, y del Derecho del Rey, y Reyno de Aragon, y de aquella miserable confusion del Poder, y de tal Justicia. Demas de esto el me-morial que Antonio Perez presentò del Hecho de su causa en el Juicio del tribunal del Justicia (que llaman de Aragon) llamado à el de su Rey, como parte.

21 Cf. http://catalogue.nla.gov.au22 Cf. http://openlibrary.org; http://www.vialibri.net; http://saavedrafajardo.

um.es.23 Cf. EZQUERRA A., Relaciones y cartas de Antonio Pérez, Madrid 1986; UNGERER

G., A Spaniard in Elizabethan England: the correspondence of Antonio Pérez’s exile, London 1974-1976; GONZÁLEZ PALENCIA Á., Fragmentos del archivo particular de Antonio Pérez, secretario de Felipe II, Madrid 1922; BOTELLA OR-DINAS E., Las obras y relaciones de Antonio Pérez, Madrid 1999; BRAVO P., “Las relaciones de Antonio Pérez, un texto en movimiento” in: Felipe II (1527-1598): Europa y la monarquía católica, vol. 4, Madrid 1998; EZQUERRA A., Antonio Pérez, relaciones y cartas, Madrid 1986; ARROYAL ESPIGARES P., Relaciones de Antonio Pérez, Málaga 1989.

24 Cf. information concerning the manuscript Hisp. Qu. 7.

published until 1787 in Madrid by the Hernández Pacheco publishing house

bearing the title Aforismos de las cartas españolas y latinas del sabio político An-

tonio Pérez, secretario de Estado que fue del Rey de España D. Phelipe Segundo de

este nombre. Y allende de esto algunas cartas á sus amigos e hija25. It contains a

collection of aphorisms mostly from the letters of Antonio Pérez pertaining to

the political and economic situation of Spain. Comparing the available copy

with the one published in Madrid 1787, it can be deduced that many different

collections of aphorisms by Antonio Pérez were formed, some of them come

from his letters and reports, other were taken from other personal documents.

These are collections of individual sentences that are rarely repeated, but have

the same title (Aforismos de Antonio Perez).

The work is referred to in articles by Monique Polo from Université de Tou-

louse “Lo literario en la política de Antonio Pérez” as well as Andrea Herrán San-

tiago from the Universidad de Valladolid, “La Prosa Epistolar Aforística y del Siglo

XVI” 26 The available sources also include the titles of two critical editions.27

Memorias, the last work included in the manuscript, is Antonio Pérez’s

memoir of the royal court and the political and economic situation of Spain

under the rule of Philip II. Another publication of the work, whose title is only

mentioned in the available sources, was issued in Madrid in 1944 by the pub-

lishing house Mediterráneo.

The circumstances surrounding the creation of three described manu-

scripts make them extremely interesting historical documents and as such

they were certainly considered to be very interesting material for later genera-

tions, which explains the existence of multiple copies. They are undoubtedly a

very valuable source of information concerning the political situation in Spain

at the time of Philip II, which calls for further, more detailed research.

25 Cf. http://saavedrafajardo.um.es. 26 Cf. http://www.raco.cat/index.php/Scriptura/article/view/94742/142658;

http://www.cervantesvirtual.com. 27 Cf. SANTOS H., “Aforismos de las cartas y relaciones” in: http://www.libreria-

babilonia.com; Aforismos de las Cartas y Relaciones de Antonio Pérez, Secretario de Felipe II, Zaragoza 2009.

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Krzysztof Kotuła

Jean-Louis Chanal and his Version of the Treatise

Dissertation sur la nature et la propagation du feu

Among the manuscripts in the Berlin Collection there is a volume bearing the

shelfmark Gall. Fol. 150. In Lemm’s catalogue its contents are described as fol-

lows: “Jean-Louis Chanal, Dissertation sur la nature et la propagation du feu,

Turin 1786.”1 This identification seems doubtful, because despite the fact that

the work itself is well known, both the author and publication date do not co-

incide with information which is generally available. All known sources identify

the author of the treatise as Gabrielle-Émilie le Tonnelier de Breteuil Marquise

du Châtelet and give the year 1744 as the date of publication. What then is the

text in the Krakow manuscript?

Even a cursory survey of the volume allows us to conclude that it is unques-

tionably the work of Émilie du Châtelet. A comparison of the handwritten text

with the text of the 1744 issue (Paris, Prault fils), brings us to the conclusion

that it is an abridged version of the treatise, of which some parts were also

modified. Thus this question comes to mind: Who made those modifications

and for what purpose.

Answers to these questions are provided in a letter pasted at the beginning

of the manuscript, signed by Jean-Louis Chanal and bearing the date of July 6,

1786. We have not yet been able to identify the author. As for the letter’s recipi-

ent, he is addressed as Sire and Votre Majesté (fol. 2r°) indicating that he must

have been a monarch. Given that the letter was written in Turin, the capital of

Piedmont, it is possible that he was referring to Vittorio Amedeo III, the Duke of

Savoy and Piedmont, the King of Sardinia (1726-1797, who took the throne in

1773). Yet another fact seems to indirectly confirm this hypothesis: on fol. 2vo,

1 Siegfried Lemm, Mitteilungen aus der Königlichen Bibliothek, Berlin, Weid-mannsche Buchhandlung, 1918.

Jean-Louis Chanal states the following:2 “How wonderful it would be for me if I

was ever able, given the time it would save, which was my main goal, to sum-

marize all the research on a topic so vital to state administration.” This sentence

allows us to determine what intentions had guided the author of the letters.

First, Jean-Louis Chanal made it clear that his main goal had been “to save”

the reader’s time. In other words, to prepare important works for the develop-

ment of science in a way which should allow for quick and easy examination

of their theses. Chanal feels this is an important issue, since science plays a

vital role in the functioning of a modern state. This could correspond to the

fondness that Vittorio Amedeo III is known to have had for exact science. Sec-

ondly, the author of the letter, in a manner which is almost direct, expresses his

hope that a high post would be bestowed upon him by the king. What might

have the post been? Just three years before writing the letter, in 1783, Vitto-

rio Amedeo III, founded the Academy of Sciences of Turin (Accademia delle

Scienze di Torino). Perhaps it was precisely in that institution that Chanal had

planned to find employment.

However, it does not seem likely that Jean-Louis Chanal wrote his Disserta-

tion summary with the sole intention of offering the work to the king. There

are several reasons for this hypothesis. Firstly, the dedication is not composed

into the manuscript, as a whole, but was added to it later. The paper on which

the letter, addressed to the king, was written is from a different workshop, and

the size of the pages does not match the dimensions of the volume. The task

of determining the exact date that the letter was included to the manuscript is

hampered by the fact that the book’s binding is not genuine. It is certain that

the binding took place in Königliche Bibliothek. This is indicated by both the

marbled paper used for its production which is typical for that library3, as well

as the watermark and signature Fried. Wilh. D. III found on the flyleaves.4

Second, the text of the treatise itself does not appear to have been tran-

scribed with particular care, which is usually the case with manuscripts execut-

2 « Qu’il serait glorieux pour moi, si par l’économie du tems que j’ai eu particu-lièrement en vue, je parvenais jamais à abreger toutes recherches dans une matière aussi importante pour l’administration d’un État »

3 Cf. e.g. Mss. Gall. Fol. 124 and 155.4 This is, of course, Friedrich-Wilhelm III, who became king of Prussia Novem-

ber 16, 1797.

Krzysztof KotułaJean-Louis C

hanal and his Version of the Treatise D

issertation sur la nature et la propagation du feu

Illustration 1

24

25

ed for monarchs. Indeed, the writing is relatively elegant, though the scribe did

not bother to use ruled lines, which would have prevented the emergence of

unaesthetic slants in the lines of text. What is significant is the fact that many

sentences were crossed out and numerous interlinear corrections in the mar-

gins were made by a different hand at a later time. As we will see later in this

article, the nature of these corrections indicates that they had been added by

the author himself, for they are not notes made in the style of commentary,

instead they are refinements, substitutions and clarifications that allow for a

fuller understanding of the leading idea of each paragraph. The proofreader

was clearly not concerned with the aesthetics, making the text appear to be

a rough draft. It is therefore very possible that Jean-Louis Chanal had previ-

ously revised the Dissertation, and later, perhaps under the strain of extreme

urgency, he decided to offer his work to the king.

It is difficult to ascertain the exact date when the abstract of the treatise had

been written. There is no date in the manuscript. Also, the watermarks in the pa-

per do not provide us with any specific information. All leaves carry the mark of

the type Pro Patria, very popular in the eighteenth century, accompanied by the

countermark IVDL. This abbreviation directs us to the papermaker Jan van der

Ley. However, the sign IVDL was also used long after his death, between the years

1703 and 1894. We have to assume that the only acceptable terminus post quem

is the publication date of Émilie du Châtelet’s Dissertation, that is 1744, and the

terminus ante quem is the year of Jean-Louis Chanal’s dedication made in 1783.

If in fact, the work was written some time before Jean-Louis Chanal’s deci-

sion to offer it to the king, and since he did not take the trouble of making a

careful copy of his version, he must have, most apparently, believed that the

text in itself was important enough, and it’s abridgement so vital that it would

ensure the ruler’s favor on his part. So what in actual fact is the Dissertation

sur la nature et la propagation du feu by Émilie du Châtelet, and how was it

amended by Jean-Louis Chanal?

This work is worthy of attention both on account of its theses, as well as

the person of the author. Gabrielle-Émilie le Tonnelier de Breteuil Marquise

du Châtelet, who lived between 1706 and 1749, is widely considered one of

the most outstanding women of the eighteenth century. Her living conditions

contributed to her attainment. Her father gave her a solid and comprehensive

education, such as vested only to boys. Émilie turned out to be a very talented




26

young girl. She was not only fluent in Latin, Greek and German, but also played

on the harpsichord, sang operatic arias, performed in the ballet and theater.

As an adult, she was able to develop her interests as she chose. At age nine-

teen, she married a wealthy thirty year old Marquis du Châtelet-Lomont. The

marriage was from the beginning only a financial arrangement between the

two families; her husband was not interested in her undertakings, allowing

her to continue her quest for knowledge of mathematics. Neglected by her

husband, she entered into several more or less permanent relationships with

affluent and influential men. Among her many lovers, it was Voltaire who had

the greatest impact on Émilie, their relationship lasted twelve years. Voltaire

believed, ignoring the typical prejudices of the period, her to be his equal in

the full sense of the word, encouraging her to develop her abilities and indi-

vidualistic ideas, considering her much more mathematically gifted than him-

self. To a large extent it was thanks to their acquaintance that Émilie discovered

her true passion and talent for science; she studied Leibniz, translated Isaac

Newton’s Principia Mathematica into French, and corresponded with leading

scientists of the era. Following Voltaire’s example, she examined the founda-

tions of revealed religions (Christianity, Judaism and Islam), pointing out errors

and logical contradictions she found in them, stressing the need to be guided

by rationalism and tolerance, not religious fanaticism and blindness.5

One of the most famous independent works of Émilie is the Dissertation sur

la nature et la propagation du feu, which addresses a theme that was extremely

popular in the first half of the eighteenth century, that of heat, attempting to

answer the question of whether it is a material substance or form of energy.

The history of this treatise is quite peculiar. In 1737 the French Academy of Sci-

ences (Académie Royale des Sciences) announced a contest for the best work on

the subject of fire and its propagation. After many studies, Voltaire concluded

that fire and light are two separate physical entities. Émilie carried out a series

of experiments which led to completely different conclusions, all the while

keeping the fact a secret from Voltaire. She decided to publicly announce the

results of her research. Although her work did not win the competition (nor

did the work of Voltaire for that matter, the winner was Leonhard Euler), by the

5 Judith P. Zinsser, Émilie Du Chàtelet: Daring Genius of the Enlightenment, New York, Penguin Books, 2006.

28

Illustration 2, Gall. Fol. 150

decision of the Academy it was issued in print (ill. 1). From today’s perspective

the Dissertation is assessed as a valuable contribution to the study of body

temperature, and Émilie is regarded as the first researcher who predicted the

phenomenon known today as infrared radiation, or electromagnetic radiation

of wavelengths between visible light and radio waves emitted by each body

with a temperature of more than absolute zero.6

It is interesting to trace Jean-Louis Chanal’s modifications in the text of the

Dissertation. The original consists of two parts, the first of which is entitled On

the Nature of Fire (De la nature du feu) and the other On the Propagation of Fire (De

la propagation du feu). The first part consists of seven chapters, the second part

consists of fifteen. Jean-Louis Chanal did not make anything in the way of sub-

stantial changes. Only Chapters II and V of the second part had been divided into

two chapters each, which makes the second part the version of the manuscript

Gall. Fol. 150 consist of seventeen instead of fifteen chapters. It should be noted,

however, that this change does not mean that those parts of the treatise have

been developed. Chapter Two, which was already very short, has been artificially

broken up into two parts after the final words of the second paragraph (causes

qui peuvent produire ces deux effets sur les corps à deux principales). The point at

which the fifth, much longer, chapter was divided came after the sentence: si son

action est continuée il fait évaporer leur parties. We do not know what really led

Chanal to propose such changes for they are not substantiated by the desire to

make the structure of the work more transparent.

The same applies to another change, which we have encountered in our

manuscript: in the second part, the original chapters eight, nine and ten were

rearranged, so that now they are placed in the order X - VIII - IX. This arrange-

ment of the chapters is probably the result of a simple mistake, because it is

difficult to find a logical explanation for it.

In the end, what concerns the titles of the respective chapters, the differ-

ences between the two versions, if any exist, they are merely cosmetic. For

example, chapter seven of the first part of the original entitled Quelles sont

les propriétés distinctives du feu in the manuscript of the Berlin collection it is

entitled Quelles sont les proprietés propres et distinctes du feu (fol. 13ro).

6 Mary Ellen Waithe, A history of women philosophers, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 1987, vol. 3, pp. 143-145.

In fact, Jean-Louis Chanal had not made a radical reconstruction of the trea-

tise of Émilie du Châtelet. The text Ms. Gall. Fol. 150 is an exact copy of the

publication in print. The entire process of summarizing the original is confined

to simply omitting paragraphs or sentences which he deemed less significant.

Tracing the previously mentioned interlinear glosses and numerous changes

in the margins brings much more interesting results for they were made by the

author in a later period, when many of the paragraphs had been reconstructed

in a more significant way.

An analysis of just the first leaves allows us to conclude that the subse-

quent amendments are the only serious attempts made to introduce signifi-

cant changes and clarifications to the text of Émilie du Châtelet. For the first

time, the author dared to use his own wording, not satisfied with just omit-

ting sections of the original text. These amendments appear with greater or

lesser frequency from the very beginning of the manuscript. Thus, for example,

fol. 4vo (ill. 2), sentence in which Émilie du Châtelet states that the rays of the

moon are “thicker and denser in the focal point of a lens than those which

radiate from a candle; and yet not just a candle, but also the smallest spark

burns us from a distance, from which the rays of the moon in the lens do not

have any impact on us” (“Ces rayons sont plus épais, plus denses, réunis dans

le foyer d’un verre ardent, que ceux qui sortent de la bougie; et cependant non

seulement la bougie, mais même la plus petite étincelle nous brûle à la même

distance à laquelle les rayons de la Lune réunis dans ce foyer ne font aucun

effet sur nous”). This line is deleted and replaced with “a small number of rays

illuminate but do not give heat; so whatever the cause, which deprived the

sun’s rays, reflected by the Moon, of their burning properties, it is certain that

they illuminate without radiating any warmth,” (“le peu de rayons eclaire et ne

nous echauffe point donc quelque soit la raison qui a depoüillé les rayons du

soleil reflechis par la lune de leur vertu brulante, il est certain qu’ilz esclairent

sans echaufer”).

This sentence is a skillful synthesis of Émilie du Châtelet’s views expressed

in the quoted paragraph and in the next two, which have been crossed out.

Interestingly, it is accompanied by the conjunction “car” to the preceding sen-

tence. The author clearly was not so much concerned with adding a simple

comment, but in creating the impression of continuity and coherence of the

text. Similar corrections emerge in the later parts of the manuscript. This lends




30

support to the theory that the author of the abridged version of the Disserta-

tion is also the author of these glosses.

These changes should be examined in greater detail, since they provide the

real intention of adapting the treatise of Émilie du Châtelet to the specific needs

of the recipient requiring fast and reliable access to knowledge. It is interesting

to witness both for the historian of science and historian of the era, as empiri-

cal studies were the center of attention for many thinkers of the eighteenth

century. The manuscript Gall. Fol. 150 is one of the many surprises found in the

Berlin Collection kept at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow.

Anna Rzepka

A Note on Spanish Drama and Theater in the Berlin Collection in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow

Among the many Iberian manuscripts belonging to the Berlin collection

housed in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow, the group of texts pertaining to

Spanish drama is distinguished by both its abundance and diversity. In rela-

tion to the total number of 109 manuscripts included in the ongoing research

project, the group consists of twenty two catalog units bearing the following

catalog numbers: Ms. Hisp. Qu. 10, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 12, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 13, Ms. Hisp.

Qu. 14, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 15, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 16, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 17c, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 18, Ms.

Hisp. Qu. 19, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 22, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 32a, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 35, Ms. Hisp. Qu.

67, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 68, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 69, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 70, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 71, Ms. Hisp.

Qu. 72, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 73, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 74, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 77 and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 78.

The volumes are made up of both individually bound handwritten texts, as

well as those bound together, which combine more than one, or even a dozen

or more texts. In one case (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 78) an old print had been bound to-

gether with a handwritten supplement. The volume Ms. Hisp. Qu. 16 is a par-

ticularly extensive collection including 38 texts.1 Along with volumes Ms. Hisp.

Qu. 14 and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 15 it creates a kind of whole, distinguishable on ac-

count of its binding, which was made in the same style. The first two volumes,

with titles on the covers, respectively, Theatro Español 1 and Theatro Español 2,

contain the comedias, while the third volume, i.e. Theatro Español 3, contains

the so-called teatro breve or teatro menor, such as loa, entremés, baile, baile en-

tremesado, fin de fiesta, sainete or mojiganga. The criterion for the selection of

1 In the case of the above mentioned volume inaccuracies were found in the Siegfried Lemm catalog of 1918, for failing to include three texts, Cf. Mitteilungen aus der Bibliothek Königlichen, Herausgegeben von der Generalver-waltung, IV: Kurzes romanischen Verzeichnis der Handschriften, Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, Berlin, 1918, pp. 103-105.

Ms. hisp. qu. 13

32

handwritten texts in the volume Ms. Hisp. Qu. 18 was probably that they were

all of the same genre - it is in fact a collection of fifteen entremeses. The col-

lection does not fail to include two zarzuelas texts (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 17c and Ms.

Hisp. Qu. 12), which are lyrical and dramatic forms of musical theater originat-

ing from Spain. One of them, an anonymous piece, entitled La ambición en el

gobierno y la esclavitud de España, in the Berlin collection, exists in two copies,

dating from the eighteenth century (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 17c and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 32a).2

These manuscripts, as well as others from this described group can certainly

provide interesting material for studying Spanish theater and drama, primarily

from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. This is shown by the works

and the names of their authors, mainly from this period. For example, in the

volume Ms. Hisp. Qu. 14 there is a manuscript of the play entitled El mejor repre-

sentante, San Ginés. Comedia famosa de tres ingenios de la corte, an adaptation

of Lope de Vega’s Lo fingido verdadero, written in co-authorship with Antonio

Martínez de Meneses (1608-1661), Jerónimo de Cáncer (¿1599? -1655) and Pe-

dro Rosete Niño (in the first half of the seventeenth century). Other examples

of manuscripts of plays from this period are: Loa para la comedia El defensor

de su agravio by Agustín Moreto (1618-1669) from the volume Ms. Hisp. Qu.

13, and El encanto del Olvido by Juan de la Hoz y Mota, who lived in the years

1622-1714 (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 15). The Berlin collection also includes the work of

one of most esteemed Spanish playwrights of the eighteenth century, Ramón

de la Cruz (1731-1794), a handwritten version of the Spanish farce play sainete,

entitled Las castañeras picadas (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 35).

Codicological, historical and texual studies carried out within the frame-

work of the project, realized in particular stages, allow for a more comprehen-

sive collection of data necessary to indicate where the texts from the Berlin

2 In the collection of Biblioteca Nacional de España, there are three zarzuela manuscripts from the eighteenth-century with the same title, the volume marked with catalog number Mss / 17074 contains a note most probably made by the author of the work: “Dicen que el author de esta comedia fué D.N. Ledesma, consejero de hacienda, a quien descubrió un Paje y dieron muerte dos enmascarados que entraron en su cuarto,” Cf. Catálogo de las piezas de teatro que se conservan en el Departamento de Manuscritos de la Bib-lioteca Nacional, Blass, Tipográfica SA, Madrid, 1934, p. 21 Other manuscripts of the zarzuela from Biblioteca Nacional de España, bear the catalog number: Mss / Mss 16320 and / 15365.

Anna Rzepka

A N

ote on Spanish Dram

a and Theater in the Berlin Collection in the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow

34

collection belong as far as the tradition of manuscripts of Spanish drama is

concerned. It seems these findings may be of particular importance due to the

fact that to a large extent we are dealing with the works of authors who are

now all but forgotten. This is the case with Antonio Benito Vidaurre y Orduña

(1724-1780): it is presumably his name which is signed on seven manuscripts

scattered in the volumes of Ms. Hisp. Qu. 12, Ms. Hisp. Qu. 15, Ms.. Hisp. Qu. 16,

and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 18. As has been ascertained, five of the aforementioned texts

which were signed with the name Vidaurre were probably written by the same

hand, and the characteristic initials and signatures repeated on the leaves sug-

gest that we are dealing with autograph manuscripts. Only the manuscripts

Ms. Hisp. Qu. 16al and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 15d are written in the hand of another

scribe, but even these bear the recognizable signature of a shape known from

the other manuscripts. Concise information on the biography and works of

this author is delivered in a work from 1791, prepared by Joseph Antonio Álva-

rez y Baena.3 In it we learn that Vidaurre, in his time, distinguished himself as a

poet, and in the field of drama “[...] he always tried to imitate the style of Pedro

Calderón, with great success [...]. [He wrote] various loas, sainetes and other

lyrical works, though only a few of these have survived since before his death,

he ordered that they be burned.”4 If confirmed, this information can increase

the value of the preserved manuscripts of Vidaurre in the Berlin collection

housed at the Jagiellonian Library. They represent genres such as the comedia,

zarzuela, sainete, loa, baile and entremés, yet none of these titles of manuscripts

in the Berlin collection are among those specified in Álvarez’s study.

Not only the names of the authors of individual works are valuable in terms

of information that can lead to significant findings, but also other members of

the circle of people involved in theater can be relevant, such as the names of

actors included in the titles of certain manuscripts, often in conjunction with

the date of the artistic season in which the acting troupe staged its play. In the

3 Hijos de Madrid: Ilustres en santidad, dignidades, armas, ciencias y artes. Dic-cionario histórico por el orden alfabético de sus nombres, que consagra al Illmo. y Nobilísimo Ayuntamiento de la imperial y Coronada Villa de Madrid su Autor D. Joseph Antonio Álvarez y Baena vecino y natural de la misma Villa. Tomo Quarto, M. N. P. R. S. T. U. V. Z con aumentos e índices, Madrid: en la Oficina de D. Benito Cano, Año de MDCCXCI, pp. 396-397.

4 Ibidem, p. 397.

manuscript Ms. Hisp. Qu. 16, in this context, two names appear several times,

that of Manuel Guerrero (second half of the eighteenth century), Madrid’s fa-

mous actor, acclaimed author of dramatic works and poetry,5 and María Hidal-

go (1700-1797), his wife, who had gained acclaim for her outstanding beauty

and talent for drama, but above all for creating works for the stage, rather than

interpreting them.6 A member of their acting troupe was the actor Teresa Gar-

rido (died 1761), distinguished as a precursor of tonadillas in comedies.7 As an

example it is worth citing these selected titles from this volume: Introducción

de empezar para el baile de la S.ra Theresa Garrido (manuscript u), Loa para em-

pezar la compañía de Manuel Guerrero, año de 1753 (manuscript ai) or the piece

dated a year later Loa para empezar la temporada en la compañía de la Sra. María

Hidalgo, año de 1754.

An anonymous manuscript entitled Jerusalen Libertada. Comedia Famosa

(Ms. Hisp. Qu. 22) is especially intriguing in light of research examining the

presence and influence of Tasso’s epic poem Jerusalem Delivered (La Gerusa-

lemme liberata) in Spanish literature. Among other scholars, Stefano Arata

became interested in this theme, in relation to the play discovered in the Bib-

lioteca del Palacio Real in Madrid, entitled La Conquista de Jerusalén por God-

ofre de Bullón, he took into consideration the likely attribution of authorship to

Miguel de Cervantes.8 The controversy surrounding this issue remains vibrant,

as evidenced by the recently published article by Máximo Brioso Sánchez and

Héctor Brioso Santos.9 A comparison of the text of the manuscript from the

Berlin collection Jerusalen Libertada with the Madrid manuscript discovered by

Arata,10 leaves no doubt that in both cases we are dealing with different works.

In addition, further textual research has pointed towards evidence that the

manuscript from Königliche Bibliothek in Berlin is copy of the drama connect-

5 Huerta Calvo, Javier; Peral Vega, Emilio; Urzaiz Tortajada, Héctor, Teatro Espa-ñol de la A a la Z, Espasa Calpe, Madrid, 2005, p. 356.

6 Gómez García, Manuel, Diccionario del Teatro, Ediciones Akal, S. A., Madrid, 1997, p. 406.

7 Ibidem, p. 351.8 Arata, Stefano, “La Conquista de Jerusalén, Cervantes y la generación teatral

de 1580”, Criticón, 54, 1992, pp. 9-112.9 Brioso Sánchez, Máximo; Brioso Santos, Héctor, “De Heliodoro a Tasso y a

¿Cervantes?”, Philologia Hispalensis 21 (2007), pp. 161-177.10 La Conquista de Jerusalen por Godofre de Bullón (atribuida a Miguel de Cer-

vantes), Edición de Héctor Brioso Santos, Cátedra, 2009.

Ms. hisp. qu. 77

Anna Rzepka

A N

ote on Spanish Dram


36

ed with the figure of Antonio Enríquez Gómez (1600-1660). Lemm’s catalogue

of 1918 confirmed that authorship, however, not without a question mark.11 In

turn, the codicological and historical data indicate that this is probably a copy

made in the eighteenth century.

The works of two of the finest dramatists of the Spanish Golden Age the-

ater, Lope de Vega (1562-1635) and Pedro Calderón de la Barca (1600-1681),

are also present in the Berlin collection, though not in great numbers. Due to

the importance of both playwrights and the prominent place they occupy in

the history of Spanish theater, the Berlin manuscripts bearing their names or

related to them in any way should be given greater attention, a closer analysis

is currently in progress. In this article, we are above all pointing out their pres-

ence in the collection, situating them against a wider backdrop of the entire

group of manuscripts representing Spanish drama.

In the case of Lope de Vega, the Berlin collection housed in the Jagiellonian

Library includes four manuscripts of his plays, grouped together in volumes Ms.

Hisp. Qu. 77 and Ms. Hisp. Qu. 78. The first volume contains the handwritten

copies (manuscripts) of three works: La mayor virtud de un rey, El guante de doña

Blanca and Sembrar en buena tierra. The latter volume, consists of Lope de Vega’s

manuscript entitled Amar, servir y esperar binded together with seven old prints

- all of the texts are comedies by Spanish playwrights who lived and worked in

the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.12 The old prints come from a Spanish

printing house in Seville and Madrid: the typographers’ names were, among oth-

ers, Juan de San Martin en Madrid, and Doña Theresa de Guzman en Madrid, and

the name of the print shop, among others, Imprenta Real Casa del Correo Viejo en

Sevilla. The date 1743 and 1748 appearing on the old prints allows us to assume

that the accompanying manuscript was probably from the same period.

Moreover, in the Berlin collection, in the volume bearing the helfmark Ms.

Hisp. Qu. 15 figuring as manuscript d, there is a copy of a play entitled De

donde tienen su origen los Monteros de Espinosa. In his catalog, Lemm had attri-

11 Jerusalen libertada comedia famosa de Antonio Henriquez Gomez, the old print is available in a digital version analized in the collection of Biblioteca Histórica de la Universidad de Valencia (catalog number: BH T/0095(02)).

12 La Crueldad por el honor by Juan Ruíz de Alarcón, La española de Florencia by Pedro Calderón, Abogar por su ofensor y varon del Pinel by José de Cañizares and others.

Anna Rzepka

A N

ote on Spanish Dram


38

buted this text to Lope de Vega, referring to the work “Catálogo bibliográfico

y biográfico del teatro antiguo español: desde sus orígenes hasta mediados

del siglo XVIII” by Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera y Leirado. This Spanish author

points to a play of a similar title, namely Los Monteros de Espinosa as “comedia

inédita (¿perdida?)” in the legacy of Lope de Vega.13 Moreover, Lemm was famil-

iar with H.A. Rennert’s study on, “The Life of Lope de Vega (1562-1635),” where

he also mentioned the drama entitled Los Monteros de Espinosa as a work by

Lope de Vega.14 However, some of the data in these studies, though certainly

valid at the time the German catalogue was being written, have undergone

some clarification. Also, the long-lasting controversy surrounding the issue of

authorship and dating of Los Monteros de Espinosa has presumably reached

a compelling resolution: it is currently considered that this is an anonymous

theater play of the eighteenth century, probably written in 1780, though this

date is still questionable.15 This doubt concerning the work’s date seems justi-

fied in light of the materials studied by J.E. Varey and Charles Davis, who in

the repertoire of Madrid’s Teatro del Príncipe of June 1718 drew attention to a

drama entitled Donde tienen su origen de los Monteros Espinosa, a play with an

apparently similar title to the manuscript appearing in the Berlin volume Ms..

Hisp. Qu. 15. In their study, Varey and Davis wrote a concise description of this

work claiming “it is more likely an anonymous adaptation”16 than a drama writ-

ten by Lope de Vega. In turn, Irene Vallejo González analyzing a review which

appeared in a magazine issued in Valladolid called “Diario Pinciano” referring

to the theatrical season of 1787-1788 also mentions a play entitled “Donde

tienen su origen los Monteros de Espinosa - comedia anónima del s. XVIII.”17

13 Catálogo bibliográfico y biográfico del teatro antiguo español: desde sus orígenes hasta mediados del siglo XVIII por D. Cayetano Alberto de la Barrera y Leirado, Imprenta y estereotipia de M. Rivadeneyra, Madrid, 1860, pp. 431, 433 and 865.

14 Rennert, Hugo Albert, The life of Lope de Vega (1563-1635), Glasgow, London, Philadelphia, 1904, pp. 481 and 520.

15 Williams, Harry F., “Los Monteros de Espinosa: Comedia anónima del siglo XVIII by William P. Cooke”, Hispanic Review, vol. 44, No. 2, 1976, pp. 189-191.

16 Varey, J. E., Davis, Charles, Los libros de cuentas de los corrales de Madrid: 1706-1719. Estudios y documentos, Tamesis Books Limited, London, 1992, pp. 335 and 409.

17 Vallejo González, Irene, “La vertiente literaria en el «Diario Pinciano» (1787-1788)”, Castilla: Estudios de literatura, no 1, 1980, p. 127.

In summary, based on these reports it can be assumed that in the case of the

manuscript from Königliche Bibliothek in Berlin, we are dealing with a copy of

that anonymous Spanish work from the eighteenth century. It is possible that

new information will arise in the course of a comparative analysis of the text in

the Berlin collection with its modern edition, such as the edition prepared by

William P. Cooke, Los Monteros de Espinosa: Comedia anónima del siglo XVIII.18

This analysis will be conducted within the framework of the ongoing project,

consisting of textual research.

The Berlin collection also contains a handwritten copy of the work of Calde-

rón, bearing the title of Auto sacramental alegórico: La protestación de la Fee

de Don Pedro Calderon de la Barca, in the volume Ms. Hisp. Qu. 13.19 The same

volume also includes a copy of the printed version of Carta que Don Pedro

Calderón de la Barca escrive al publico de la Corte de Madrid, desde el Retiro de

la sepultura, dando cuenta como el auto titulado Protestación de la fe, no es obra

suya es, aunque se la aproprian [...]. Combining these two texts within a single

volume is not accidental; the autograph manuscript: La protestación de la fe,

held in the Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid,20 is accompanied by two versions

of Carta, one is a manuscript and other is a print. As Gregory Peter Andrachuk

points out, Carta played an important role in the controversy concerning the

authorship of La protestación de la fe, which in present times no longer raises

any doubt among scholars.21 Furthermore, the discussed manuscripts also in-

clude the text entitled Loa Sacramental El juego de el Soldado Para el auto de la

Protestación de la Fee, figuring in the same volume and seems intriguing in light

of the information contained in the study “Manual bibliográfico calderoniano”

about “Loa sin título Va de juego el soldado”22 and certainly requires further

18 Los Monteros de Espinosa: Comedia anónima del siglo XVIII. Estudio y edición crítica [por] William P. Cooke, Playor, Madrid, 1973.

19 Auto sacramental alegórico, La protestación de la fe de Don Pedro Calderón de la Barca is also one of the old prints in volume Ms. Hisp. Qu. 78. (ff. 96r-109v).

20 Catalog number:RES/10521 La protestación de la fe. Edición crítica de Gregory Peter Andrachuk, Universidad

de Navarra, Pamplona, Edition Reichenberger, Kassel, 2001, pp. 9-10.22 Reichenberger, Kurt and Roswitha, Bibliographisches Handbuch der Calderón-

Forschung/Manual bibliográfico calderoniano. Sekundärliteratur zu Calderón 1679-1979: Fronleichnamsspiele, Zwischenspiele und Zuschreibungen. /Estudios críticos sobre Calderón 1679-1979: Autos sacramentales, obras cortas y obras supuestas, Kassel, Edition Reichenberger, 2003, vol. II , p. 1019.

Anna Rzepka

A N

ote on Spanish Dram


40

41

Ms. hisp. qu. 78

analysis. There is also other data found in the same work that may prove useful

in the course of studying the two remaining manuscripts in the Berlin collec-

tion associated with the name Calderón: Auto sacramental alegorico El Lirio y La

Espiga, y Triumphos de Amor Divino de Don Pedro Calderon de la Barca (Ms. Hisp.

Qu. 13i) and El Lucero de Castilla y Privado Perseguido (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 72).23

Apart from works of leading dramatists in the history of Spanish theater, the

Berlin collection also contains copies of works created for the stage by many

other authors, mainly from the period from the eighteenth to the early twen-

tieth century, which by today’s criteria are assigned various levels of impor-

tance, ranging from: the significant and distinctive, to the completely unheard

of or forgotten. For example, it is worth mentioning a few names and titles: El

Viting by Cándido María Trigueros (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 74), Comedia nueba intitulada

El valor sin ambición y El Amor afortunado by Santos Díez González (Ms. Hisp.

Qu. 73), La mujer del Tremendo: diálogo en verso original de Gabriel Briones (Ms.

Hisp. Qu. 70), Tares en Lesbos by Manuel Hernando Pizarro (?) (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 69),

Malos amores by Julián R. del Villar (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 68) or Estado Actual. Tragi-

comedia original de costumbres by Ángel González Carbajo (Ms. Hisp. Qu. 71

– autograph manuscript?)

For a more complete understanding of the group of Berlin manuscripts from

the circle of the Spanish theater, it should be added that it includes not only

the texts of plays, but also a number of documents connected to the theme of

Spanish theater. One of the documents is a copy of the memorandum of the

bishop of the diocese of Orihuela-Alicante, addressed to King Philip V of Spain

(1759-1788), with a request to issue a prohibition of theatrical performances

and operas (Ms. Hisp. Fol. 7c). The date of 1774 contained in the text allows us,

in all likelihood, to identify its author as José Tormo, Bishop of the Diocese of

Orihuela-Alicante in the years 1767-1790. While in volume Ms Hisp. 25 there

are two texts written in verse referring to the aforementioned Teresa Garrido:

the first praising her for talent for acrostic poetry followed by a letter written to

her in verse, signed with the name María Ladvenant y Quiriante (1741-1767),

the prematurely deceased, famous actress, known as la divina (“divine”), who

had led a turbulent life in Madrid’s theater circle.

23 Ibidem, vol. III, pp. 814 and 828.

Anna Rzepka

A N

ote on Spanish Dram


42

The Berlin collection of manuscripts housed in the Jagiellonian Library in

Krakow, considered in its entirety, certainly constitutes a valuable source of

material, for it is still virtually untouched by researchers, which can contribute

to the enrichment of what is currently known about the legacy of the Spanish

drama manuscripts, as well as many other aspects associated with it.

Watermarks in Romance-language manuscripts from the Berlin Collection at the Jagiellonian Library in Krakow – Part 2

Watermarks that we reproduce on the following pages come from Romance-

language manuscripts from the Berlin collection presently held at the Jagiel-

lonian Library in Krakow. This collection is not an archive. The cases in which

we can precisely determine the date and the place of a manuscript’s execution,

thus also about the paper on which the manuscript is made, are not numer-

ous. Among the oldest paper manuscripts, there are a dozen or so in which

the watermarks are identical to the reproductions available in the Briquet and

Piccard repertories. We were also able to find some of the later watermarks in

other repertories. We do not reproduce here those watermarks that already

have been identified and dated in other collections. As we lack comparative

tools, especially when it comes to the papers dated after the sixteenth century,

we decided to progressively publish in Fibula examples of various watermarks

that we were able to date.

We have started with Italian manuscripts (Fibula 3), now we continue with

French ones. There is a connection between two parts (Italian and French) in

the manuscript gall. fol. 145, written in French but in Italy, mostly on Italian

papers.

The reproductions will be listed according to their catalogue number and

according to their format: in folio, in quarto, in octavo. To make searching easier,

an index of motifs appearing in the watermarks will be provided, with referen-

ces to the relevant catalogue numbers.

44

WATERMARKS

Call number Year PlaceGall. Fol. 137 1686 FranceGall. Fol. 141 1607 FranceGall. Fol. 141 1596 FranceGall. Fol. 145 1747 FranceGall. Fol. 145 8 July 1784 GenoaGall. Fol. 145 April 1747 GenoaGall. Fol. 145 April 1747 GenoaGall. Fol. 145 1747 GenoaGall. Fol. 145 30 May 1748 GenoaGall. Fol. 145 2 February 1747 GenoaGall. Fol. 152 1783Gall. Fol. 152 1783Gall. Fol. 204 20 November 1707 SantorinGall. Fol. 221 1795 FranceGall. Fol. 231 1756 FranceGall. Qu. 118 1652 FranceGall. Qu. 150 1789 LondonGall. Qu. 157 1632 ErbachGall. Qu. 43 1764 FranceGall. Qu. 88 1806 FranceGall. Qu. 89 1807Gall. Qu. 89 1807Gall. Qu. 96 1794-1811 FranceGall. Qu. 96 1794-1811 FranceGall. Oct. 8 1765 Suerin (Schwerin)Gall. Oct. 9 1756-1757 FranceGall. Oct. 9 1756-1757 FranceItal. Fol. 134 30 September 1492Ital. Fol. 135 1819 Padova ?Ital. Fol. 135 1819 Padova ?Ital. Fol. 146 16 May-12 December 1772 RomeItal. Qu. 13 1752-1755 TrevisoItal. Qu. 13 1752-1755 TrevisoItal. Qu. 13 1752-1755 TrevisoItal. Qu. 13 1752-1755 TrevisoItal. Qu. 19 1835-1840 VeniceItal. Qu. 29 1746 RomeItal. Qu. 57 1697 Vienna ?Ital. Qu. 57 1697 Vienna ?Ital. Qu. 77 1455 RomeItal. Oct. 2 1760 Berlin

Gall. Fol. 137, 1686, France

46




48

Gall. Fol. 145, 8 July 1784, Genoa

Gall. Fol. 145, April 1747, Genoa

50

Gall. Fol. 145, April 1747, Genoa

Gall. Fol. 145, 1747, Genoa

52

Gall. Fol. 145, 30 May 1748, Genoa

Gall. Fol. 145, 2 February 1747, Genoa

54

Gall. Fol. 152, 1783

Gall. Fol. 152, 1783

56

Gall. Fol. 204, 20 November 1707, Santorin


58


Gall. Qu. 118, 1652, France

60

Gall. Qu. 150, 1789, London

Gall. Qu. 157, 1632, Erbach

62



64

Gall. Qu. 89, 1807

Gall. Qu. 89, 1807

Gall. Qu. 96, 1794-1811

66

Gall. Qu. 96, 1794-1811

Gall. Oct. 8, 1765, Suerin (Schwerin)

68

Gall. Oct. 9, 1756-1757, France

Gall. Oct. 9, 1756-1757, France

70

Ital. Fol. 134, 30 September 1492

Ital. Fol. 135, 1819, Padova?

Ital. Fol. 135, 1819, Padova?

72

Ital. Fol. 146, 16 May-12 December 1772, Rome

Ital. Qu. 13, 1752-1755, Treviso


74



76

Ital. Qu. 19, 1835-1840, Venice

Ital. Qu. 29, 1746, Rome

78

Ital. Qu. 57, 1697, Vienna ?

Ital. Qu. 57, 1697, Vienna ?

Ital. Qu. 77, 1455, Rome

80

Ital. Oct. 2, 1760, Berlin

INDEX OF WATERMARKS

1805 Gall. Qu. 89ADC Ital. Qu. 13ALMASSO Gall. Fol. 204Amsterdam Gall. Oct. 9Anchor Ital. Qu. 29Anvil Ital. Fol. 134Circles (three) Gall. Fol. 145CR Gall. Qu. 118Deer Gall. Oct. 8Eagle Ital. Oct. 2Eagle (double-headed) Gall. Qu. 157Emperor Ferdinand Ital. Qu. 19F Ital. Qu. 29F Cusson Fin Auvergne Gall. Fol. 145Flower ? Ital. Fol. 146FS Ital. Qu. 57G PIKE Gall. Qu. 89GIUSTO Gall. Fol. 145GM Gall. Fol. 204, Gall. Qu. 96GR Gall. Fol. 152Gryphon Gall. Fol. 145, Gall. Qu. 43Hand Gall. Qu. 118, Gall. Fol. 141Horn Gall. Fol. 145, Gall. Fol. 231, Gall. Oct. 9, Gall. Qu. 96I (heart) C Gall. Fol. 137IGI Gall. Fol. 231Lilly Gall. Fol. 145, Gall. Fol. 141, Ital. Qu. 13Lione Ital. Qu. 57Londres F Hennessy Gall. Qu. 150Moons (three) Ital. Fol. 135NP Gall. Fol. 145Patriarchal cross Gall. Fol. 221Pro Patria Gall. Fol. 152Scissors Ital. Qu. 77SNDB Gall. Fol. 145SP Gall. Fol. 145SP2 Gall. Fol. 145VAS Ital. Qu. 13VFC Ital. Fol. 135VG Ital. Qu. 13WR Gall. Oct. 9

82

86

info.filg.uj.edu.pl/fibula


Documents

Fibula 4