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The Effect of Self-Relevance on Judgments of Moderate and Severe Disciplinary Encounters

Author(s): Sharon D. Herzberger and Howard TennenSource: Journal of Marriage and Family, Vol. 47, No. 2 (May, 1985), pp. 311-318Published by: National Council on Family RelationsNational Council on Family RelationsStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/352131

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The Effect of Self-relevanceon Judgmentsof Moderateand Severe

DisciplinaryEncountersSHARON D. HERZBERGER

Trinity CollegeHOWARD TENNEN*

University of Connecticut Medical SchoolThisstudy investigated the effects of discipline experienced as a child on the adult's percep-tions of the severity, deservedness, and appropriateness of disciplinary actions. Clinicalobservation suggests that individuals abused as children are more likely to label severephysical discipline as deserved, appropriate, and perhaps even beneficial. To test thishypothesis, participants read descriptions of a child's behavior and the parent's response.Those who had experienced similar parental treatmentjudged the discipline less harshlyand held the child more accountable than those without similar experiences. The resultsgeneralized to moderate emotional and physical discipline and to severe physical tech-niques. The implications of these results for the cyclical hypothesis of child abuse arediscussed.

A person's perception of the severity of a disci-plinary act is influenced by many factors, includ-ing his/her cultural and ethnic heritage (Giovan-noni and Becerra, 1979), religion (Morris, 1979),and professional affiliation (Gelles, 1977;Giovan-noni and Becerra, 1979). One factor that hasreceived much attention is the individual'sprevious exposure to aggression both within andexternal to disciplinarysituations. Consistent withsocial learning theory's premises on the effects ofmodels (Bandura, 1973), findings show that peo-ple who have observed violence in the past mayregard it less seriously than those who have not.

Portionsof this paperwerepresented t the AmericanPsychologicalAssociation convention n Washington,DC,August1982.Thestudywassupported ya FacultyResearchGrant romTrinityCollege.Department f Psychology,TrinityCollege,300 Sum-mitStreet,Hartford,CT06106.*Departmentf Psychology,University f ConnecticutMedicalSchool,Farmington,CT06032.

Thomas and associates (1977), for example,found that children who had observed a physicallyaggressive police drama were less physiologicallyaroused by a subsequent fight between pre-schoolers than those who had watched an excitingvolleyball game. Lefkowitz and colleagues (1972)suggest that a pattern of viewing violent televisionprograms among children may contribute to apropensity for aggression a decade later.The effects of modeling may even extend tothose who have been the recipients of aggression.Clinical reports (Kempe and Kempe, 1978), forexample, suggest that some children regard theirabusive parent's treatment as rightful and charac-teristic of other families. While it is unclearwhether these children are more likely to engage inaggression than other abused children, we knowthat children who have been abused tend to bemore aggressive than children in general (Georgeand Main, 1979; Kinard, 1979) and that abusedchildrentend to lack empathy (Strakerand Jacob-son, 1981). Furthermore, observation of harshtreatment is believed to be one factor that ac-counts for the increased incidence of child abuse

JOURNAL OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY 311May 1985

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among parents who were abused as children(Straus, 1979).The present paper reports a study that furtherexamines individual differences in perceptions ofmoderate and severe discipline by applying experi-mental methodology to Kempe and Kempe's(1978) clinical findings. We examined the extentto which a history of parental discipline wouldrender an individual more accepting of similartreatment of others and the extent to which suchtreatment would predispose one to label particularacts of discipline as severe and abusive.Why would experiencing discipline, and espe-cially abusive discipline, make one more acceptingof similar treatment of others? One explanation issuggested above; that is, modeled aggression maydisinhibit the victim, leading him/her to believethat aggression is acceptable. If one's parentengages in such activities, it would be difficult toreject the activity without rejectingthe parent (cf.Kernberg, 1975). Another explanation may stemfrom the "just world hypothesis" (Lerner andMiller, 1978; see also Piaget, 1932), a widespreadbelief that events occur according to just andorderly processes. Just world beliefs allow victimsto maintain a sense of control and meaning intheir lives and may help them to cope with un-toward events (Bulman and Wortman, 1977;Ten-nen et al., 1984). Children may develop thesebeliefs in response to punishment as a means ofcomprehending discipline and of avoiding it in thefuture. Furthermore, discipline is often accom-panied by verbal communication that substanti-ates the parent's behavior. Justification for paren-tal treatment makes it appear more reasonableand complements the child's belief in a just world.This system of belief then may carry over intoadulthood and result in less sympathy for othervictims.The present study tested hypotheses consistentwith the above rationale. If it is true that thosewho experienced similar treatment are more ac-cepting of the discipline technique, we would ex-pect them to judge the technique less severelythanother people. We also would expect people whohave experienced similar discipline to view thetechnique as more deserved and appropriate. Inthe following study young adults were asked toread descriptions of disciplinary encounters andto judge the severity and appropriateness of theparent's behavior. In addition, participants wereasked to judge the emotional impact of the dis-ciplinary encounter and its effect upon the child'sfuture behavior. If people who have experiencedaparticular form of discipline regard it as"rightful," we might expect them to predict that

the discipline would benefit the child either behav-iorally or emotionally.A second, more exploratory purpose of thestudy was to investigate whether abuse is ap-proached in a qualitatively distinct way than otherforms of discipline or whether it is seen as com-parable, albeit more extreme. That is, we assessedwhether the effects of self-relevance on percep-tions of severity and deservedness extend toabusive and moderate disciplinary encounters.Moreover, emotional forms of discipline werepresented, in addition to physical methods, to fur-ther examine the generalizability of the hypothe-ses.METHOD

Questionnaire DevelopmentA list of discipline techniques was developedfrom a similar list prepared by Giovannoni andBecerra(1979). The list was given to pilot subjects(16 males, 19 females) who rated the techniqueson a scale from 1 (not at all severe) to 7 (extremelysevere). Two physically abusive, two emotionallyabusive, one physically punishing, and two emo-tionally punishing acts then were selected accord-ing to the following criteria:(a) moderate punish-ments received mean ratings below the midpointof the scale, and abuse received mean ratingsabove 6.00;' (b) the two techniques within thesame category (e.g., physical abuse) did not differsignificantly in severity;but (c) they did differ sig-

nificantly from techniques that represent a dif-ferent degree of discipline (e.g., physical abuse vs.physical punishment). Spanking was the onlyphysical punishment chosen, since no other com-mon physical technique was regardedmoderately.Thus, spanking was used twice in the question-naire. The discipline techniques and their ratingsare presented in Table 1.Pilot subjects also rated a list of misbehaviorsperformed by the child on a scale from 1 (not atall deserving of punishment) to 7 (extremely de-serving). Eight misbehaviors were chosen that metthe following criteria: (a) they were moderatelyprovocative (deserving of punishment, but notevoking extreme reactions); (b) they did not differsignificantly from one another in degree ofdeservedness of punishment; and (c) there were nosignificant differences in deservedness ratings bymales and females. The chosen misbehaviors arelisted in Table 2.The misbehaviors were each paired with a dis-cipline technique in two random sets of pairingsand developed into a short vignette with namesfor the characters and a few contextual details.For example:

JOURNAL OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILY12 May 1985

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TABLE 1. RATINGSOF THE SEVERITYOF PARENTALDISCIPLINETECHNIQUESTechnique Mean SDPhysical-moderate:arentspankschildwithhandon rear. 3.19a 1.31Physical-severe:arenthits child withleather trapon bare skin. 6.40bc 0.86Parentbangschildagainstwallseveral imes. 6.65b 0.63Emotional-moderate:arent orces childto acknowledgewrongdoing t dinner able. 3.46a 1.74Parentdoesn't allow childto playwithfriends or 3 days. 3.05a 1.49Emotional-severe:arentscreams or 20 minutes,callingchild "miserable astard"andalso "worthlesspieceof crap." 6.24c 0.93Parentcompares hildwithyounger ibling, mplying hatthechildis not reallyhis/herown andis unwanted. 6.16c 0.96

Note:Techniqueshat do not sharesuperscripts iffer from one anotheratp < .05 levelof significance.

Kris s thedaughter f Mr.andMrs.Jones.Oneday when Kris was drawingat her desk, shedecided o draw a pictureon the bedroomwallwithcrayons.WhenMr. Jonessaw whatshehaddone, he banged her against the wall severaltimes.[Physicalabuse]Four of the vignettes (one of each type) involved adaughter, and four involved a son, with gendercounterbalanced across questionnaires. The disci-plinary agent (mother versus father) varied acrossparticipantsbut remained the same within a givenparticipant's questionnaire. The vignettes werecollated in two random orders.Experimental Session

Subjects. College students (N = 139) from asmall private college participated in the study tofulfill a requirement as part of their introductorypsychology course.Procedure. Participation took place in groups(30-50 subjects in each) and under conditions ofanonymity. Participants were handed the ques-tionnaire that contained the eight vignettes andgiven the following written instructions:On the followingpageswe describedisciplinaryinteractionsbetweenparentand child. The in-teractions have been taken from actual casestudies.The namesof theparticipants, owever,have been alteredand other dentifyingnforma-tionhas beendeleted o protect heanonymity fthe individuals nvolved.Each interaction ookplacebetweena parentand his or her4-7 year-

old child. Pleaseread eachdescription arefullyand answer the questions accompanying hedescription.We areinterestedn obtainingyourimpressions f the incident-not theimpressionsyou thinkyoushould have.So, pleasebe honestandopenaboutyouropinions.Do not write ournameanywhere n thisbooklet.Participants then were asked to read the vignettescarefully and to make six judgments about each.The six judgments were: (a) severity of theparent's response (regardless of the child's pro-vocation), from 1 (not at all severe) to 7 (extreme-ly severe); (b) appropriateness of the parent's be-havior, from 1 (not at all appropriate) to 7(perfectly appropriate); (c) likelihood that theparent's behavior would increase or decrease thechild's tendency to misbehave in the future, from-4 (very likely to decrease future misbehavior) to+4 (very likely to increase future misbehavior);(d) likelihood that the parent's behavior wouldproduce a positive or negative result on the child'semotional development, from -4 (very likely toproduce a negative effect on emotional develop-ment) to + 4 (very likely to produce a positive ef-fect on emotional development); (e) a dichoto-mous choice as to whether the respondent wouldregard the parental behavior as "child abuse";and (f) degree to which the parent's action wasseen as the child's responsibility, as the parent'sresponsibility (both ratings were expressed in per-centage form and were requiredto sum to 100%07).

TABLE2. RATINGSOF THE CHILD'SMISBEHAVIOR ORDESERVEDNESS F PUNISHMENTDeservedness Mean SDRefused o cleanup roomafterbeingaskedseveral imes. 3.68 1.30Brokepieceof chinaby balancingt on head;dropped o floor. 3.63 1.28Wascaughtsmoking. 3.77 1.26Drewa pictureon bedroomwallwithcrayons. 3.83 1.29Constantlyeasing he familycat;one day yankedcat'stail. 3.60 1.75Spilledgrape uiceon the carpetafterhavingbeen told never o take food into the livingroom. 3.77 1.52Sneakednto neighbor'syardand stole someberries. 3.94 1.81Hit baseball nto neighbor'swindowafterbeingtold not to play except n park. 4.00 1.28Note:Therewereno significant p < .05)differences mongthe means.

JOURNAL OF MARRIAGE AND THE FAMILYay 1985 313

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TABLE 3. JUDGEMENTS MADE BY INDIVIDUALS WHO DID NOT EXPERIENCE (NOT SIMILAR) ANSIMILAR TREATMENTSeverity Appropriateness Misbehavior Emotional

Not Not Not NotVignetteType Similar Similar Similar Similar Similar Similar Similar SimilarEmotional-moderate, son(77,62)aEmotional-moderate,daughter (84,54)Emotional-severe, son(123,14)Emotional-severe, daughter(123,15)Physical-moderate,son (35,104)Physical-moderate,daughter (44,92)Physical-severe, son(124,14)Physical-severe,daughter(123,15)

3.48

4.09

6.10

6.24

3.91

3.80

6.56

6.71

3.05*

3.06****

6.00

5.87

3.23***

3.20***

5.86**

5.87***

3.78

3.24

1.36

1.32

3.11

3.25

1.44

1.24

4.85****

4.83****

1.86

1.60

4.46****

4.24***

2.36**

2.40***

-1.27 -1.85**

-1.32 -1.83*

.78 1.18

.74 1.00

-.48 -1.31**

-.68 -1.54***

-.53 -1.14

-.84 -.67

-.29

-.90

-3.24

-3.41

-.86

-.84

-3.07

-3.36

.52**

.76****

-3.21

-3.07

-.16**

.11****

-1.64****

-2.93

aThe numbers in parentheses represent the number of participants who did not receive similar treatment and trespectively, as a child.*p < .10.**p < .05.***p < .01.****p < .001.

C-0

oz

Il-

0

0zCJmIt

I

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When the participant completed the judgmentsfor the eight vignettes, she/he was asked to rereadeach vignette and note whether the parental dis-ciplinary act was similar or not similar (if notprecisely the same) to parental treatment receivedby the participant.2 Respondents were then de-briefed.RESULTS

On each vignette t tests were performed com-paring the judgments of those who rememberedhaving experienced similar parental treatmentwith those of respondents who did not. Thenumber of participants in each group, as well asthe mean rating on each dependent variable andthe resultsof associated t tests, are shown in Table3. Participants who had experienced moderateemotional, moderate physical, and/or severephysical discipline similar to the child in thevignette judged the techniques less harshly thandid participants who had not experienced similardiscipline. Participants with similar treatmentperceived the treatment to be less severe and wereless likely to label it "abusive." They also deemedthe treatment more appropriate and attributedmore responsibility to the child for the parent'sdiscipline. Participantswith similartreatmentalsowere more likely to predict that the disciplinewould result in decreased misbehavior and wereless likely to predict that the discipline wouldresult in emotional harm. Of the 36 comparisons,26 were significant at the p _< .05 level. Of the 10nonsignificant comparisons, 9 pairs of means dif-fered in the predicted directions, thus offeringfurther support for the hypotheses.3While participants who had experienced emo-tionally severe discipline were consistently morelenient than others in their judgments of similardiscipline, none of the 12 judgments of emo-tionally severe disciplinary episodes showed sig-nificant differences between groups (only onecomparison approached significance, p < .10).The findings described above compare judg-ments of individuals with and without similartreatment and, as noted, consistent differencesemerged. In addition, one should examine therelative values of the judgments for the sample asa whole. This examination reveals that, whilestrong quantitative differences indeed exist, thejudgments did not vary qualitatively acrossgroups. For example, a majority of the individu-als in similar and nonsimilar treatment groupsregarded the emotionally and physically severepunishments as abusive and the emotionally andphysically moderate punishments as not abusive.Furthermore, judgments of the effects of disci-pline were similar across groups. The mean nega-

tive ratings for the effect of discipline on futuremisbehavior indicate that moderate emotionaland physical discipline and severe physical dis-cipline were predicted to reduce misbehavior.Emotionally severe discipline was predicted byboth groups to enhance the likelihood of misbe-havior. In general, both groups also believed thatall types of discipline would affect adversely thechild's emotional development; only participantswho had experienced moderate emotional orphysical punishment believed it would produce apositive effect. Finally, in response to almost allvignettes, participants in both groups held theparent more than the child responsible for the dis-cipline. In summary, individuals who recalledhaving experienced the discipline in questionjudged it in a qualitatively similar way to other in-dividuals. Thus, although self-relevance provokesless severe judgments, it does not ensure that aparticular discipline will be seen as innocuous.

DISCUSSIONConsistent with previous clinical reports(Kempe and Kempe, 1978), participants whoremembered experiencinga particulardisciplinarymethod viewed the method less harshlythan thosewho did not remember experiencing it. In addi-tion to perceiving the disciplinary interactions tobe less severe and more appropriate, participantswith similar backgrounds believed that thepunishment would be less likely to harm thechild's emotional development and more likely to

decrease the incidence of future misbehavior.These results held for moderate spanking, as wellas more severephysical discipline, and across bothemotional and physical forms of punishment.Thus, self-relevance of the discipline appears tooperate comparably in judgments of a wide varie-ty of discipline techniques.Although the results support the hypothesesand are consistent with the explicated rationale,one might ask why the opposite effect does notoccur-why victims do not develop empathy forthose sharinga similarplight? Feshbach and Fesh-bach (1969) suggest that child abuse may stemfrom a lack of empathy on the part of the parent.Since abusive parents may be less empathic thanother parents (Spinetta and Rigler, 1972), theymay be less responsive to others' pain anddistress. One might speculate that experiencesthatincrease parents' ability to empathize woulddecrease the likelihood of inflicting pain in thefuture. This logic might suggest a decline, ratherthan an increase, in the use of physical disciplineamong those who were severely punished.Research on the development of empathy, how-ever, suggests that empathy may not ensue merely


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from exposure to a particular treatment. Hoff-man (1970) notes that "inductive" discipline bestencourages the development of internalized moralstandards and empathy. Induction includes askingthe child to explain his/her actions and makingthe child recognize the consequences of the actionfor others. On the other hand, "sensitization"techniques, which include yelling and corporalpunishment, encourage the child to' think of theconsequences of misbehavior to himself/herself.Therefore, parents who rely primarily upon sen-sitization techniques not only provide a model ofaggression but fail to encourage the child to con-sider the implications of aggression from anotherviewpoint.Several circumstances, however, may encour-age the victim of harsh treatment to reject similartreatment of others. The first circumstanceis sug-gested in the above paragraph; when the child isexposed to induction, as well as sensitization, re-jection of another's harsh treatment is possible.Second, Kelley (1967) noted that unique, unex-pected behavior is viewed as more undesirablethan common behavior. Therefore, opportunitiesto notice that the severity of discipline does notcorrespond with the degree of misbehavior or thatthe discipline technique is uncommon may lead torejection of the technique. Third, to the extentthat the parent recants his/her actions, the childmay also learn that the discipline is inappropriate.Fourth, children who have undergone treatmentfor child abuse, including removal from thehome, may be more empathic due to an awarenessof how society in general views abuse (cf. Herz-berger et al., 1981). These conditions, amongothers, should be examined for the degree towhich they interfere with the predicted percep-tions of harsh discipline.The present results are consistent with evidencefor a cyclical patternof child abuse (Straus, 1979),meaning that abuse is passed from one generationto the next. Although behavioral modeling (Parkeand Collmer, 1975) and emotional deprivation(Martin and Rodeheffer, 1976; Steele andPollock, 1968) have been suggested as mecha-nisms for the cross-generational transmission ofabuse, it is quite possible that a perspective fromwhich to view disciplinary styles is passed fromparent to child (cf. Bandura, 1973; Herzberger,1983). The transmission of perspective may rendermore likely the possibility of the parent and childadopting similar discipline techniques.Caution must be exercised, however, about thepresent results' support for the cyclical hypothe-sis. First, the study did not test directlythe cyclicalhypothesis but merely demonstrated a relation-ship between parental treatment and current

perceptions of punishment. As research on therelationship between attitudes and behavior hasoften shown (Schuman and Johnson, 1976),thought and action may be quite independent.Consequently, future research should investigatewhether (and under Whatcircumstances) attitudesabout various forms of discipline affect the likeli-hood of engaging in disciplinary actions that maybe termed abusive.

Second, the present sample did not compriseparents. To test the generalizabilityof the results,we asked a pilot sample of parents to complete thesame questionnaires. The sample was too small(N = 16) to generatemany significant results, butthe judgments were similar to those in the non-parent sample. Generally, parents who had ex-perienced similardiscipline as a child regardedthediscipline as less severe, more appropriate, andless harmful than did other parents. Parents whohad experienced emotional abuse, however, weremore rejecting of similar treatment of anotherchild. Thus, with the exception of judgments ofemotional abuse, the results generalized acrosssamples. Views about discipline may differ whenone considers the treatment of an unknown childversus one's own, but the results of this experi-mental analogue are consistent with reports usingclinical samples (e.g., Silver et al., 1969).Child abuse generally has been studied in isola-tion from other discipline techniques and has beenconsidered implicitly and explicitly qualitativelydistinct (see Zigler, 1979). Similarities in the ef-fects of self-relevanceon judgments across diversetypes of discipline, however, suggest the impor-tance of comparing physical abuse with othertechniques. Although similarity in judgment doesnot necessarily imply a standard process of for-mulating the judgments, the degree of consistencyshown in the present study is striking. To the ex-tent that comparable processes account for thejudgments about physical abuse and other formsof discipline, abuse should be viewed more as partof a disciplinary continuum and less as a distinc-tive activity. The results suggest, however, thatemotional abuse should be considered separatelyand its unique consequences examined.One additional finding should be mentioned. Apervasive perception among participants was thatemotional development would be affected ad-versely by even moderate discipline. This result isinteresting in light of Coopersmith's (1967) andBaumrind's (1967) reports that strict discipline,coupled with clear rules, warmth, and attention,produce emotionally healthy children. In con-trast, in homes where discipline is too lax or tooharshly applied, children often have behavioraland emotional difficulties. Therefore, it is not dis-


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cipline per se that adversely affects the child, butits form. The current results suggest, however,that disciplinary agents may not recognize thatthey are helping the child when they administerpunishment. Future research should explore theimplications of these results for the quality ofparent-child interactions and the effectiveness ofattempts to control the child's behavior.

FOOTNOTES1. Discipline techniques labeled "abuse" for this studyalso were regarded as severe by the professionalssampled by Giovannoni and Becerra (1979). Spank-ing was not regarded as severe.2. Participants were asked to note similarity to owntreatment after the other judgments were made in

order not to make self-relevance salient in the judg-ment process. This procedure was believed to corre-spond to naturalistic judgment situations in whichself-relevance may be a factor that affects judg-ments, but in which judges are not compelled to con-sider its relevance.The wording of the request-to note whether theparticipant had experienced similar treatment-waschosen deliberately. Given that participants wereasked to recall parental behavior that occurred manyyears ago, they may have forgotten specific details;yet, the overall type of discipline that the parentsused should be recalled. Although some error inrecall may have occurred, it was not expected to af-fect the groups differentially. Furthermore, one'srecollections of disciplinary interactions are interest-ing in themselves and, even if faulty, are likely to af-fect current attitudes and behavior. Therefore, recol-lection of parental discipline style was deemed an ap-propriate measure.

3. The t-test comparisons were necessary-as opposedto an overall analysis of variance-because groupmembership (having experienced similar treatmentvs. not having similar treatment) varied dependingupon the discipline technique presented in eachvignette. The probability of obtaining 26 out of 36significant t values by chance is remote, especiallywhen the means for the remaining nonsignificantcomparisons differed in the predicted direction. Thereader who prefers a more conservative approach,however, should note that 9 means differed signifi-cantly at thep < .05 level, 9 at thep < .01 level, 4 atthe p < .001 level, and 4 at the p < .0001 level.

REFERENCESBandura, A.1973 Aggression: A Social Learning Analysis.Englewood Cliffs, NJ:Prentice Hall.

Baumrind, D.1967 "Child care practices anteceding three patternsof preschool behavior." Genetic PsychologyMonographs 75:43-88.Bulman, R. J. and Wortman, C. B.1977 "Attributions of blame and coping in the 'realworld': severe accident victims react to theirlot." Journal of Personality and Social Psy-chology 35:351-363.Coopersmith, S.1967 The Antecedents of Self-Esteem. San Fran-cisco:W. H. Freeman.Feshbach, N. and Feshbach, S.1969 "The relationship between empathy and ag-gression in two age groups." DevelopmentalPsychology 1:102-107.Gelles, R. J.1977 "Problems defining and labeling child abuse."Paper presented to the Study Group on Prob-lems in the Prediction of Child Abuse andNeglect, Wilmington, DE (June).George, C. and Main, M.1979 "Social interactions of young abused children:approach, avoidance, and aggression." ChildDevelopment 50:306-318.Giovannoni, J. M. and Becerra, R. M.1979 Defining Child Abuse. New York:Free Press.Herzberger, S. D.1983 "Social cognition and the transmission ofabuse." Pp. 317-329 in D. Finkelhor,R. Gelles, E. Hotaling and M. Straus (Eds.),The Dark Side of Families: Current FamilyViolence Research. Beverly Hills, CA:Sage.Herzberger, S. D., Potts, D. A. and Dillon, M.1981 "Abusive and nonabusive parental treatmentfrom the child's perspective." Journal of Con-sulting and Clinical Psychology 49:81-90.Hoffman, M. L.1970 "Moral development." In P. H. Mussen(Ed.), Carmichael's Manual of Child Psychol-ogy. New York:John Wiley & Sons.Kelley, H. H.1967 "Attribution theory in social psychology." InD. Levine (Ed.), Nebraska Symposium onMotivation (Vol. 15). Lincoln:University ofNebraska Press.

Kempe, R. S. and Kempe, C. H.1978 Child Abuse. Cambridge, MA:HarvardUniversity Press.Kernberg, 0.1975 Borderline Conditions and Pathological Nar-cissism. New York:Jason Aronson.Kinard, E. M.1979 "The psychological consequences of abuse forthe child." Journal of Social Issues 35:82-100.Lefkowitz, M. M., Eron, L. D., Walder, L. O., andHuesmann, L. R.1972 "Television violence and child aggression: afollow-up study." In G. A. Comstock andE. A. Rubinstein (Eds.), Television and SocialBehavior, Vol. 3: Television and AdolescentAggressiveness. Washington, DC:U.S.Government Printing Office.


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Lerner, M. J. and Miller, D. T.1978 "Just world research and the attribution proc-ess: looking back and ahead." PsychologicalBulletin 85:1030-1051.Martin, H. P. and Rodeheffer, M. A.1976 "The psychological impact of abuse on chil-dren." Journal of Pediatric Psychology 1:12-16.Morris, B.1979 "Value differences in definitions of childabuse and neglect. Jehovah Witnesses: a caseexample." Child Abuse and Neglect 3:651-655.Parke, R. D. and Collmer, C. W.1975 Child Abuse: An Interdisciplinary Analysis.Chicago:University of Chicago Press.Piaget, J.1932 The Moral Judgment of the Child. New York:Harcourt-Brace.Schuman, H. and Johnson, M. P.1976 "Attitudes and behavior." Annual Review of

Sociology 2:161-207.Silver, L. B., Dublin, C. C. and Lourie, R. S.1969 "Does violence breed violence? contributionsfrom a study of the child abuse syndrome."American Journal of Psychiatry 126:404-407.Spinetta, J. J. and Rigler, D.1972 "The child-abusing parent: a psychologicalreview." Psychological Bulletin 77:296-304.Steele, B. F. and Pollock, D.1968 "A psychiatric study of parents who abuse in-

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