Europe, Early Modern and Modern

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  • 7/27/2019 Europe, Early Modern and Modern

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    Europe: Early Modem and Modem 1631Elizabethan enforcement was strict, and, in the end,vicar and congregation conformed to the new order.

    R OGE R B. MANNINGCleveland State UniversitySTEPHEN GAUKROGER. Francis Bacon and the Transfor-mation of Early-Modem Philosophy. New York: Cam-bridge U niversity P ress. 2001. Pp. xii, 249. Cloth$59.95, paper $21.95.Th i s is a remarkable book, written by one of ourleading authorities on Rene Descartes and Cartesian-ism, who turn s his attention here to Francis Bacon andBaconianism, one of the most densely researchedtopics in the history of early modem science. StephenGaukroger offers one more reading of Bacon's philo-sophical achievement. "Bacon," he says, "is concernedwith nothing less than a new era in human existence,th e key to which lies . . . in a new kind of naturalphilosopher, whom Bacon hopes to mould" (p. 115).Th is new man (not woman), unlike philosophers ofold, would not merely contemplate the world but usehis knowledge to improve the human condition byproviding us with "infinite commodities" (p. 71). Norwould he contemplate in splendid isolation; rather hewould furnish a method of collective inquiry intonature that would allow us, with state sponsorship, tomarshal! the talents of many researchers.Gaukroger makes his case by both quoting fromBacon himself and drawing on the work of Baconscholars, including especially Julian Martin, AntonioP6rez-Ramos, Graham Rees, and P eter H arr ison.Gaukroger argues that "Bacon's was the first, system-atic . . . at tempt to transform the early-modem philos-opher from someone whose primary concern is withhow to live morally into someone whose primaryconcern is with . . . natural processes" (p. 5). I wouldbe happier if Gaukroger, in developing his argument,had dealt with the fact that Bacon also saw himself asa moral philosopher and had treated more fully Ba-con's own views on ethics and morals. In this respecthe could have drawn on the work of Benjamin Far-rington, Jerome R. Ravetz, Anthony Low, MarkkuPel tonen, Ian Box, John C. Briggs, and John E. Leary.Gaukroger also raises the question of Bacon's influ-ence on later seventeenth-century philosophers butrestricts that influence to his impact on their naturalphilosophy. Men like Sir Edward H yde, John W ilklns,T homas S prat, John B eale, John Evelyn, Joseph G lan-vill, and S amuel P arker saw Bacon as both a moral anda natural philosopher and were deeply indebted to himon both counts. For these Baconians, science wasmeant to serve certain well-defined moral and socialpurposes, and these in tum were underpinned bynatural religion. A full assessment of Bacon's legacywould have to take all this into consideration.Gaukroger 's book is laced with interesting observa-

    "bypassing [K ing] James altogether" and turning toP rince H enry instead (p. 161). Bacon also never seemsto have considered any working contemporary scien-tific institutions as precedents for S olomon's H ouse,his proposed scientific research center, despite theexistence of organizations like Gresham College andT ycho Brahe's superb observatory, U raniborg, patron-ized by the Danish king (pp. 163-64). Finally, Gau-kroger draws a parallel between a projected but neverrealized S olomon's H ouse and the contemporary butvery real Society of Jesus (pp. 127-31). Both weremeant to be devoted to reform, one of science, theother of the Catholic Church, and both required theirmembership to live according to a strict discipline seenas necessary to the accomplishment of their respectivemissions. Both, Gaukroger claims, also required abso-lute obedience to their respective rulers: the pope inthe case of the Jesuits, and the monarch in the case ofS o lomon 's H ouse. But, as to the latter, Gaukroger ismistaken. The king is not the head of that scientificpowerhouse, "the lantern" of Bacon 's U topian king-do m of Bensalem; in fact, according to Bacon, therewill be times when the king is not even informed of hisscientists' research findings: "some of these we doreveal sometimes to the state," their spokesman says,"and some not."Gaukroger says rather cryptically that Bacon's NewAtlantis is a portrait of a scientific U topia, "w hereself-respect, self-control, and internalized moral au-thority are central" (p. 52, n. 42). I would like to readmuch more from him on this. It is a statement that sitsoddly with his notion that Bacon should be seen not asa moral philosopher but as a new kind of naturalphilosopher. I do not think Bacon and his followerswould have understood that distinction. Gaukroger'st reatment of his thesis, provocative and suggestivethough it is, needs some serious tweaking, if not amajor overhaul.

    JAMES R. JACOBJohn Jay C ollege,City University of New YorkCYNDIA SUSAN CLEGG. Press Censorship in JacobeanEngland. New York: Cambridge U niversity P ress.2001. Pp. xi, 286. $59.95.Cyndia Susan Clegg has written a knowledgeable,detailed, and shrewd study of censorship during thereign of James L Althoug h she focuses primarily on thetwenty-three years of James's kingship, her book hasimportant implications for the ways in which bothliterary scholars and historians conceive of censorshipand describe its effects.Central to Clegg's arguments concerning the natureand effectiveness of censorship is her insistence that asa Jacobean political and cultural practice it must beunderstood as multivocal rather than univocal, local

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