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o ETHICAL DECISION-MAKING IN ANEMERGENCY DEPARTMENTFINDINGS ON NURSING ADVOCACYPam McGrath, Central Queensland UniversityEmma Phillips, Central Queen sland University
The purpose of this article isto share with the reader the specific findings on the role ofnurseas consumer advocate from astudy on ethical decision-making inan emergency department (EDI.Qualitative interviews were conducted with11 health professionals (doctors and nurses) workinginthe ED ofahospital.The interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim and thematicallyanalysed.
In ED, where the decision-making isdescribed as medico-centric, advocacy ipso facto necessitatesa challenge to doctor decision-making. The findings indicate that ED nurses' experience withadvocacy varied depending on the democratic qualities and communication skills ofthe particulardoctor who had care of the consumer. It is noted that seeing the need for advocacy does notnecessarily translate into effective action, as management support is essential forproductiveadvocacy. A phenomenon ofthe desirenot to rock the boat was reported. The findings indicatethat the support ofother nurses isessentialforadvocacy and affirm the importance offocusingon theethical nature of the organisation as opposed toan exclusive focus on the individual.
INTRODUCTIONAdvocacy for clients is viewed as a key ethical obligation and an essential function fornursing (Gaylord and Grace 1995 ; Hanks 2007; McGrath and Walker 1999; Shirley2005) . Informed by early writers such as Curtin (1979), Gadow (1980), and Kohnke(1982), advocacy is a relatively new role for nurses (Hanks 2005). However, the role ofnurse as consumer advocate is now not only widely accepted in the profession aroundthe world (McSteen and Peden-McAlpine 2006) but is also described as an indicator ofexcellence in nursing practice (Hewitt 2002; Vaartio et al. 2006).
Referred to as an ethic of practice (Gaylord and Grace 1995; McSteen and PedenMcAlpine 2006), there is a strong connection between the notion of advocacy and ethicaldecision-making for nurses. At the core of this concept is the moral commitment to caringand an ethical concern with translating the principle of autonomy into practice (McSteenand Peden-McAlpine 2006). Prior research by the present authors on the topic of ethical
16.1 MONASH BIOETHICS REVIEW. VOLUME 28. NUMBER 2.2009 MONASH UNMRSIlY EPRESS
decision-making in an acute medical ward (McGrath et. al. 2006; McGrath and Henderson 2008b; McGrath and Holewa 2006) indicated that advocacy is seen as central toethical praxis for nurses and described in holistic terms as the representation of theconsumer in the context of the family through the processes of respecting choice, information-giving, explaining, communicating, maintaining professionalism and providingcomfort (McGrath et. al. 2007) . The authors received strong interest in the findings fromthe original study, along with requests for the research to be extended to other hospitalsettings. As a consequence, the work has now been repeated in an emergency department(ED). This setting was chosen as, to date, there has been scant work completed on theethical decision-making of health professionals in ED departments. The purpose of thisarticle is to share with the reader the specific findings on advocacy from the ED study,which both resonate with and differ from the prior insights from acute medicine. Theart icle is a further response to Atwal and Calwells' (2005) call for further research onthe interface of medico-centrism and nursing advocacy.
The work involved qualitative interviews with health professionals working in EDat Redland Hospital, Queensland Australia (Hospital) . The Hospital is a 140-bed generalhospital situated in Cleveland on the eastern outskirts of Brisbane. The Hospital, whichis part of the Bayside Health District Service, provides Emergency, Medicine, Surgery,Obstetrics and Gynaecology, Paediatrics and Mental Health services.
THE RESEARCH
THE AIM
The purpose of this article is to share with the reader the specific findings on the role ofnurse as consumer advocate from a study on ethical decision-making in an emergencydepartment (ED). The overall aim of the study is to explore and document the healthprofessionals' organisational processes for responding to ethical issues in ED of thehospital. The study builds on previous pilot work with the same aim and methodologyconducted in an acute medical ward .
The study, funded by an Industry Grant, represents collaboration between the International Program of Psycho-Social Health Research (lPP-SHR), Central Queensland
University and Redland Hospital.
PARTICIPANTS
All of the health professional partic ipants were staff working full-time in ED at theHospital and included a purposive sample of the team of professionals working in ED.
ETHICAL DECISION-MAKING INAN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTICLE 16.2
There were four doctors (n= 4) and seven nurses (n=7) interviewed . Because the participants were enrolled from a small identifiable group at the Hospital the informed consentprocedures gave a strict commitment to confidentiality and a guarantee that no identifyinginformation would be presented or published with the findings. Hence further demographic description will not be provided to protect the identity of the participants.
The participants were enrolled through the Project Officer for the study who wasunder contract with the University and thus independent of the Hospital. The ProjectOfficer had meetings with representatives from the different disciplinary groups (medicineand nursing) to discuss the study. She provided written Project Descriptions of the project,invited voluntary participation in the research and followed-up enrolment of interestedparticipants. There was no screening of participants. Prior to interviewing participantswere informed of their ethical rights (e.g., informed consent, confidentiality, right towithdraw) before agreeing to participate and a written consent was obtained prior tothe interview. The University ethics committee and the Queensland Health DepartmentHuman Research Ethics Committee approved the study.
RESEARCH DESIGN
The theoretical framework for the research was situated in descriptive phenomenology,which seeks to gain insights on a phenomenon from the insider's subjective descriptionnot affected by prior assumptions (Holloway 2008; Giorgi and Giorgi 2004). In thiscase, the phenomenon was the notion of health care ethics and how this notion was operationalised in the hospital system. Descriptive phenomenology is particularly appropriatewhere little is known about an issue (Creswell 2003), and so was well suited to a qualitative study of ethical definition and process where there was scant previous research literature. As Holloway (2008) clearly states, phenomenology is not a research method initself, but rather an attitude that informs a response to the phenomenon under study.Thus, the following discussion outlines the method that was taken to operationalise theaim of a descriptive phenomenological understanding of the processes of hospital ethics.
INTERVIEWS
The exploration of appropriate organisational processes for responding to ethical issueswas conducted through an iterative, phenomenological, qualitative research methodologyusing open-ended interviews conducted at the time' and location of the participant'schoice. As Kvale (2007) explains, interviews are the best form of generating data in descript ive phenomenology. The interviews were conducted by a psychosocial researcherwith a background in Bioethics employed by the University and thus independent of the
16.3 ETHICAL DECISIDN-MAKINlrINANEMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTIClE
Hospital. The interviews were conducted either by speaker-phone or in the privacy of ameeting room at the Hospital, depending on the choice of the particular participant.
The health professional participants were encouraged to talk about how they woulddefine the notion of eth ics and to describe the strategies they used to respond to ethicalconcerns during their work at the Hospital. The interviews were informed by the principles
of 'phenomenological reflection' as outlined in the work of Van Manen (1990) . The interviews lasted for approximately one hour and were audio-recorded. The interviews
were transcribed verbatim by a research assistant independent of the Hospital.
ANALYSIS
The language texts were then entered into the QSR NUD*IST (N5 1995) computer
program and analysed thematically. All of the participants' comments were coded into'free nodes' which are category files that have not been pre-organised but are 'freely'created from the data. The list of codes was then transported to a Word Computer Pro
gram (Word 97) and organized under thematic headings. The coding was established by
an experienced qualitative researcher who is an expert in the area of Bioethics andcompleted by the Project Officer who has extensive experience with coding qualitative
data. There was complete agreement on the coding and emergent themes. The cod ingfor each of the participant groups was completed separately. There were 38 free nodes
created from the doctor transcripts and 81 free nodes created from the nursing transcripts.The findings presented in this article represent the relevant codes from nursing and doctorparticipants that provide insights about the process of nursing advocacy in ED.
As inductive, phenomenological, qualitative work, the reporting of findings is basedon a comm itment to the bracketing of researcher's assumptions and focusing on the essence of the phenomenon from the participants' point of view (Gearing 2004). Thus anarrative account dominates, with a clear separation between the presentation of theexact words of the participants in the findings section and the interpretation in the discussion section (Grbich 2007).
SETTING THE STAGE - SUMMARY OF PRIOR FINDINGS
One of the key findings from the study which is detailed elsewhere (McGrath andHenderson 2008a) is that health professionals are not only able to clearly articulate no
tion s of ethics, but that the notions expressed by an intra-disciplinary diversity of participants share a common definit ional concept of ethics as 'consumer-centered care '. Bothprofessional groups (medicine and nursing) from this study indicated that there is aprinciple guiding their ethical sense of the 'good' or the 'ought' and that is to act in a
ETHICAL DECISIDN·MAKING INAN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTICLE 16.4
way that furthers the interests of consumers and their families. This finding was originally
articulated in a pilot study in an acute medical ward (McGrath and Henderson 2008a)
and has been affirmed by this study, which involved an extension of that study into ED.
As a background to the present discussion it is important to note that further findings
from the study indicated a high level of health professional satisfaction with ED as a
supportive environment for ethical decision-making. The factors reported to be contrib
uting to this satisfaction included effective leadership, effective communication processes,
respect for other team members, an environment supportive of disagreement and the
minimal staff turnover associated with a small regional hospital. Of key importance to
th is discussion, however, is the finding that the doctors were the decision leaders and
had the final say. Doctor reported seeking advice predominantly from other doctors
rather than nurses. As the following findings ind icate, in certain situations this can lead
to conflict between the nursing and medical profession and a need for nurses to take an
advocacy stance to represent consumer and family wishes . This discussion moves from
the generic findings on the team cohesion, submitted for publication elsewhere, to explore
specific examples of ED ethical practice perceived by nursing participants to require
consumer advocacy. In summary, nursing advocacy is seen as the ethical practice of
representing consumer and family needs and wishes to ensure that medical decision
making is cognizant of consumer wishes.
As nursing advocacy is, by definition, a process concerned with nurses representing
the needs of their consumers to doctors, most of the comments in the following findings
are from nurses and thus indicated by an (n) at the beginning of the quote. However,
there are some doctors' statements affirming the nurses' notions of medico-centrism
(indicated by an (m) at the beginning of the quote) .
FINDINGS
COMMUNICATING THE CONSUMER MESSAGE
At the core of the nursing advocacy ethical praxis is the process of effectively communicating the consumer message to the medical decision-makers. Many, but not all, of the
nursing participants indicated that ED is a supportive environment for engaging in ad
vocacy communication. As one nurse summed up: ' In the area I work in I feel that people
do listen to everybody else' . For most nurses the ED.subculture is seen as supportive of
individuals voicing their opinions - an important prerequisite for effective advocacy. For
example:
16.5 ETHICAL OECISION·MAKING INAN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTICLE
(n) Yeah, I think it works pretty well in the group itself. Yeah I feel
we've got a great thing here, I feel very supported in speaking my mind.
That's why I choose to work here.
However, special mention was made of the fact that the opinions of the senior nursesare especially held in respect and so they are in a strong position to effectively communicate on behalf of consumers and their families. This was noted by junior staff, for example:
(n) We do know who the senior doctors are and I feel that the nursing
staff respect their experience. But similarly the medical staff respect
the opin ions of especially the senior nursing staff as well.
It was also noted by senior nursing staff, for example:
(n) I guess I'm lucky in a way because I'm one of the senior nurses in
here and I've probably been used to communicating at a higher level
anyway so I don 't have any problems being assertive or telling them
[doctors] what they should be doing [on behalf of consumers and their
families].
Thus, many potential advocacy issues are dealt with at the level of effective interdisciplinary communication:
(n) I think by sitting down and talking with staff is probably the best
way to try and resolve the issues [relevant to nursing advocacy con
cerns] .
As noted previously, one of the key themes that emerged from the findings was thatthere is a strong, doctor-led group cohesion where professionals generally share agreementon appropriate interventions, have opportunities such as staff and nursing meetings toexpress concerns and value consulting consumers and their families to ascertain theirneeds and desires. In short, there are many healthy communication processes that deflectconflict and the need for nursing advocacy.
ETHICAL DECISIDN·MAKING INAN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT AIlT1CLE 16.6
ADVOCACY PRAXIS - A DIFFICULT CHALLENGE
However, even in the ED environment that was described as supportive of differencesof opinion , it was noted that there could be difficulties associated with taking an advocacy
stand:
(n) You'd voice it [concern about the consumer's welfare] . But that's
often what gets me into problems because I would push that.
For some nurses, seeing the need for advocacy did not necessarily translate into effective
action :
(n) I always see it [the need for advocacy] and I think it's the most
difficult part for me is that I can see it and it gets me nowhere.
The first step of actively listening to consumers and families was reported as easybut the translation of this into advocacy action often difficult, as one nurse expressed:
(n) The big dilemma is though that I may as a nurse find out very
nicely what people want but then when it comes to being, as we like
to be, a consumer advocate I feel it falls completely in the water. I
cannot. I very rarely can prepare consumers' wishes and rights into
reality.
Some gave examples of ineffective advocacy action, for example:
(n) But often I will write a letter or something and if then the letter
comes back and they say... or I may speak to someone higher up.. .
and if the response is fairly negative or 'well there 's noth ing we can
do about it' - then I will leave it.
THE PROBLEM OF MEDICO-CENTRISM
From the findings, it appeared that the nub of the problem is the strong medico-centrismthat reinforces the doctors' control in decision-making and marginalizes the voices ofnurses. As one nurse stated:
(n) It is the physician and consumer relationship that is very strong
and they [doctors] certainly don 't want thai to be disturbed ... the
decision has to be made by them.
16.7 ETHICAL DECISIDN·MAKING INAN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT AJlT1ClE
The doctors interviewed for the study also noted that the decision-making is medicocentric, for example:
(m) ... for the vast major ity of the time I'll discuss it [ethical concern
relevant to nursing advocacy concerns I with one of the senior doctors
and then formulate a plan. And then yes, it is about trying to implement
the plan the best way basically.
The only reason given for involving the senior nurse was a lack of other docto rs availableto consult, as one doctor explained :
(m) Occasionally there's situat ions where you're by yourself and would
be absolutely delighted to have some senior nurses with me to help,
to bounce ideas off and things, but ....
Most ethical situations relevant to nursing advocacy concerns are viewed by EDdoctors as not requiring consultation other than with other doctors, for example:
(m) I probably haven't been confronted with any situation which is
complex enough to warrant that kind of broad based consultative
approach. Any ethical questions so far have been simple enough to
just be dealt with between myself and whatever other senior doctor
that's available .
However, nurses reported that they had different experiences in relation to advocacydepending on which doctor they were working with. As the following participant indicated, there is individual variation in doctors' ability to listen to nurses when advocatingfor their consumers:
(n) Yeah, they know that we're the closest people to the consumers
and we are the consumer's advocates . I mean a lot of doctors do listen
to us, but there are definitely ones who don't. There are certain doctors
who won't listen to you and won't take any of your advice. But then
there are others who really take on board what you think.
ADVOCACY BURN·OUT
One particularly disillusioned nurse provided direct statements about the oppressionassociated with being marginalized in the medico-centric decision-making process.
ETHICAL DECISION-MAKING INAN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTICLE 16.8
(n) But I have had a personal issue here with one of the doctors and I
learned very clearly then that you 're just such a small cog in the
workforce. And that's what the organisation really gave me to under
stand. And it was between a doctor and a nurse ... that I was of very
little consequence. And that sounds very depressing but that was the
reality.
For this nurse, the consequence was to lose the enthusiasm for consumer advocacy:
(n) So I tend since that happened - I tend to let things [advocacy] go
a bit more. The fire in the belly is gone .
However, other nurses indicated that they had not experienced a serious problem withbeing a consumer advocate in ED that had led, as yet, to such a tense and isolated situ
ation:
(n) I haven't come across that situation myself yet.
THE TRADE OFFThroughout the data there were references to a phenomenon whereby a need for advocacy
perceived by the nurse was either silenced or suppressed by a desire to maintain peacefulteam working relationships. This priority given to what is colloquially known as 'not
rocking the boat' over an advocacy response to an ethical concern is termed, for thepurpose of this article, the 'trade off ' . One nurse explained this idea of the 'trade off'when asked what would happen if the efforts of advocacy were causing tension withinthe ED team as follows:
(n) And I recognise that you have to work with people and that is an
overriding thing . I have a lot of difficulties with it [not acting on an
ethical sense of what the consumer wantsI but that's just the reality .
(emphasis added)
As this is an important issue posited by many of the participants the interviewersummarized the insight, giving participants the opportunity to affirm, disagree or clarify.As can be seen by the follow ing example, the participants affirmed the notion of a 'tradeoff' :
16.9 ETHICAL DECISIDN·MAKING INAN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTIClE
(n) [Interviewer: What I'm hearing is that there is a trade off between
maintaining the goodwill and keeping the cohesion of the work group,
and being able to advocate effectively for your consumer, that you can
only push it so far and then you've got to adhere to keeping the
workgroup relationships okay . $0 there 's -a trade off there. Is that a
correct summary of the issue?] That's right . Yes, that's exactly right .
That's exactly how I see it.
An example of a ' trade off' in relation to end-of-life ethical decision-making is explained
by the following nursing statement:
(n) ... within a team the nurs ing staff would say: 'this person or their
family has declared their wishes that the person doesn 't want to be
resuscitated'. And we would make that known to the medical team.
If they wanted measures to be taken to try and resuscitate the person,
then, yes, I would probably take part.
One of the key ideas posited by many of the nurses was that the team is seen as
positive because people share similar ideas:
(n) I must admit I don't have too many problems. I think in the ED
here most people think along the same lines. It's a pretty good team .
However, maintaining the positive team spirit was seen as so important it could putat risk dealing with the 'real issues', as one nurse explained:
(n) They constantly seem to talk about that you work all together
but not deal with the real issues. They say 'oh no that isn't an issue
we need to just address '. [Interviewer clarifying the statement: $0 really
there 's more the pressure to just get on with it?] That's right.
One nurse indicated that an individual nurse may have to pay a high cost of leaving theposition if the tension was not controlled, as can be seen by the following statement:
(n) And I can move around. You can work around and nurses are
needed everywhere, but you can't keep doing that and so I would stop
[i.e. not advocate] . And so be it!
ETHICAL DECISIDN·MAKING IN AN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTICLE 16.10
Accordingly, even though the ED team was seen as a supportive environment, advocacy
could be an isolating experience, as one nurse explained:
(n) I don 't have anyone [to go to] that I know of. I like to work in a
team so I get a lot of support from the team . But in those sort of issues
in the end if you have the problem with it - you deal with it.
ADVOCACY - ANURSING RESPONSIBILITY
It was suggested that more nurses should embrace advocacy for their consumers:
(n) And maybe as nurses we have to show them much more. We need
to take responsibility for what we do - much more than we actually
in reality are doing now.
A truly multi -disciplinary approach was noted as a necessary prerequisite to integrate
nursing advocacy into the system so that nurses are not 'bystanders', but rather active
participants in the ethical decision-making process on behalf of consumers and their
families. As one nurse eloquently stated:
(n) I think we need to get away from the fact that only one person [i.e.
the doctor] is the final decision-maker. I think that would do good for
nurse s because then nurses would be able to say, 'Hey we can't always
stand outside this circle being uninterested bystanders' . 'We have a
duty to partake in this decision making because we feel that we're
worthwhile. You playa part - It's not such a token part.' And that
you say: 'Well we were asked and the decision is not just made by one
person' .
DISCUSSION
Nursing advocacy is documented as an inherent element of professional nursing ethics
(Vaartio et al. 2006) . The discussion of advocacy in this article needs to be set in the
context of the wider find ings from the study indicating that health professionals in ED
define ethics as 'consumer-centered care'. Thus, the rationale for advocacy provided by
participants in this study is based on the nurses' ethical responsibility for ensuring quality
care for consumers. This resonates with the work of Gaylord and Grace (1995), who
argue that advocacy for nursing stems from a philosophy of nursing in which nursing
practice is the support of an individual to promote his or her own well-being, as under-
16.11 ETHICAL DECISION -MAKING INAN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTICLE
stood by that individual. As Mitty (1991) writes, advocacy is the act of pleading thecause of the client based on an understanding of their wishes.
As with the prior study in acute medicine (McGrath et. al. 2007), the doctors didnot have a language for advocacy, it is a notion exclusive to the nursing participants. InED, where the decision-making is described as medico-centric, advocacy ipso facto necessitates a challenge to doctor decision-making. The ED nurses' experience with advocacyvaried depending on the democratic qualities and communication skills of the particulardoctor who had care of the consumer. Atwal and Caldwells' work points to concernsabout the nursing profession's efficacy in advocacy in the face of such medico-centrism(Atwal and Caldwell 2005). Nurses in the present ED study described a range of advocacyprocesses which varied along a continuum from non-confrontational strategies of informaldiscussions with doctors to formal and confrontational interdisciplinary discussion.Lothian (2005) refers to this as the 'dance of advocacy', where appropriate communicationis not only with consumers but, equally importantly, with other members of the healthcare team. In ED, the communication processes are recorded as supportive, non-authoritar ian and respectful of difference of opinion. In particular, senior nurses are seen asrespected for their opin ion and able to voice their advocacy concerns with openness.
The findings indicate that the support of other nurses is essential for advocacy. AsShirley (2005), it is necessary in fulfilling the moral responsibility of advocacy for nursesto speak collectively. Welchman and Griener (2005) affirm the notion of the importanceof a collective nursing responsibility and argue that both consumers and their nursessuffer unnecessarily from burdening individual nurses with the responsibility of consumeradvocacy. In short, as documented elsewhere (Vaartio et al. 2006), it is essential for effective advocacy for the nurse to have the support of their team . As with the previouswork in acute medicine, the findings affirm the importance of focusing on the ethicalnature of the organisation as opposed to focusing exclusively on the individual. Thework continues to concur with Corley and associates' insights on the significance of theorganisational environment to moral distress intensity (Corley et al. 2005). As Olson(1998) points out, relationships with doctors are a major factor impacting on the hospitalethical work environment for nurses.
The findings provide insights on the difficulty of advocacy for nurses in ED. Thenotion that nurses have to overcome barriers to become effective consumer advocates isnoted elsewhere in the literature (Hanks 2007; McGrath and Walker 1999). Individualnurses reported a sense of feeling 'pushy' when they advocated, which had individualramifications for them in the team. Others indicated that their efforts to advocate forthe consumer did not necessarily translate into effective outcomes. The findings reported
ETHICAL OECISION·MAKING INAN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTIClE 16.12
here resonate with the work of McGrath and Walker (1999) in that the act of activelistening to the consumer and their family is considered easilyaccomplished but translatingthe wishes into action can be much more difficult and frustrating. In the advocacy literature, the nurse 's role is described as a constant observer of the consumer's conditionwith an ethical obligation to ensure quality of care (Vaartio er al. 2006; Hyland 2002;Schroeter 2000) . However, the findings from the present study emphasise that th is is notan individual activity as support from the team and management are essential in operationalising advocacy.
The negative consequence of frustration in advocacy for nurses is burn-out associatedwith a sense of not being valued by the organisation. Similar research on ethical decisionmaking by intensive care health professionals also indicates that medical hegemony canensure nurses' roles remain unacknowledged and devalued, with nurses unable to influencedecision-making (Coombs and Ersser 2004) . The important point for this discussion isthat such burn out is seen as having direct repercussions in terms of the quality of ethicaldecision-making on the ward : that is, the nurses posited a strong link between beingvalued by the organisation and the ability to make appropriate ethical decisions. Thenurses interviewed in Vaartio and associates' (2006) study reported professional satisfaction associated with advocacy, but interestingly these nurses did not experience anyproblems with respect to their professional autonomy. Thus, the indications are thatprofessional respect and autonomy are essential factors associated with satisfaction withthe ethical nursing praxis of advocacy.
A significant conceptual notion posited from the findings of the present ED study inrelat ion to the process of ethical decision-making is the idea of the 'trade off'. Throughoutthere were references to a phenomenon where a need for advocacy perceived by the nursewas either silenced or suppressed by a desire to maintain peaceful team working relationships. We called this priority given to 'not rocking the boat' over an advocacy responseto an ethical concern, the 'trade off'. The team was seen to work well on occasions wherethere was a shared agreement as to the best course of action . Disagreement was seen ascausing tension and thus a negative to be avoided . Maintaining the positive team spiritwas seen as important. The implication is that ethical decision-making in relation toadvocacy is directly related to how the team handles differences of opinion. There is noother mention of the notion of 'trade off' in the literature, although in the prior studyin acute medicine there was similar notion posited, that health professionals avoid takinga stand to avoid conflict (McGrath and Holewa 2006) .
The fact that many nurses struggle with feelings of powerlessness and distress inethically difficult care situations is noted throughout the literature (McSteen and Peden-
16.13 ETHICAL DECISION-MAKING IN AN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTICLE
McAlpine 2006; Astrom et al. 1995; Soderberg and Norberg 1993; Uden et al. 1995).
Without the backing of the team of nurses, advocacy can be a very isolating experience
for nurses . The participants called for nurses to embrace advocacy as an appropriateethical response to their work with consumers. A truly multi-disciplinary approach is
noted as a necessary prerequisite to integrate nursing advocacy into the system so thatnurses are not 'bystanders' but rather active participants in the ethical decision-makingprocess.
CONCLUSIONMany of the insights from the study in ED resonate with the original work in acutemedicine, especially those pertaining to the problems created by medico-centrism andlack of organisational support for the individual nurse's efforts to advocate for their
consumers. It is with confidence that the authors can state that advocacy needs to be
embraced at a professional and collegial level if nurses are to be protected against unreasonable stress and consumers' needs are to be appropriately attended to. As Welchmanand Griener (2005) state:
Our admiration would not be diminished if henceforth we recognised
that advocacy for patients' interest is not and cannot be the sole re
sponsibility of individual nurses .
FUNDINGThis study was supported by a collaborative Industry Grant offered by Central QueenslandUniversity and Redland Hospital.
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Cite this articleas: McGrath, Pam; Phillips, Emma. 'Ethical decision-making in anemergencydepartment: Findings onnursing advocacy'. Monash Bioethics Review 28 (2): pp. 16.1 to 16.16.001: 10.2104/mber0916.
ETHICAL DECISION-MAKING INAN EMERGENCY DEPARTMENT ARTICLE 16.16