{12}

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Chapter 1: An Italian in Kashmir

1. The argument that Partition violence was organised and purposefulrather than spontaneous acts of vengeance is made forcefully in Paul R. Brass,Forms of Collective Violence: Riots, Pogroms, and Genocide in Modern India,Gurgaon, 2006.

2. Letter, Biddy Dykes to Muriel Gambs, 17 October [1947], made availableto me by Biddy’s eldest son, the late Tom Dykes junior.

3. Pamela Barretto, Looking Back after 50 Years, privately printed inAustralia, 1997, 18pp.

4. History of Operations in Jammu and Kashmir, 1947–48, Indian DefenceMinistry, Delhi, 1987, pp. 388–90, republishes the operational instruction forthe start of the airlift.

5. Daily Express, 10 and 11 November 1947.6. Daily Express, 10 November 1947.7. Entry in Father George Shanks’s diary on pages for 13–14 April .

Chapter 2: Caught in the Middle

1. The discrepancy between the frequent portrayal of kashmiriyat as elidingover the differences between Kashmiri Muslims and Hindus, and the quitedifferent reality, is discussed in two pioneering academic studies, ChitralekhaZutshi, Languages of Belonging: Islam, regional identity, and the making ofKashmir, Delhi, 2003, and Mridu Rai, Hindu Rulers, Muslim Subjects: Islam,rights, and the history of Kashmir, Delhi, 2004.

2. Asiya Andrabi, leader of the separatist Kashmiri women’s groupDukhtaran-e-Millat, has declared: ‘I don’t believe in Kashmiriyat. I don’t believein nationalism. I believe there are just two nations—Muslims and non-Muslims.’Outlook, Delhi, 14 August 2006.

3. Alexander Evans, ‘A departure from history: Kashmiri Pandits, 1990–2001’, Contemporary South Asia, 2002, pp. 19–37.

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4. Michael Brecher, The Struggle for Kashmir, New York, 1953, p. 4.5. Mohammad Ishaq Khan, History of Srinagar, 1846–1947: A Study in

Socio-cultural Change, Srinagar, 2007, pp. 34–37.6. The Kashmir Study Group based in New York published in 2005 a

revised edition of its prospectus for Kashmir’s future, Kashmir: A Way Forward.This used official census data to estimate the population of the various parts ofthe former princely state as of 2001. Of the Indian-controlled areas, it put thepopulation of the Kashmir Valley at 5.4 million, of Jammu at 4.4 million and ofLadakh at 0.2 million. Of Pakistan’s portion of Kashmir, it estimated thepopulation of Azad Kashmir at 3.2 million and of the Northern Areas at 0.9million. That’s a total of 14.2 million, as against 4.02 million in the last pre-independence census in 1941.

7. Niaz Naik interviewed in Islamabad, 24 January 2000. Although thesesubstantive discussions on Kashmir got nowhere, the channel of communicationestablished proved of value in helping to resolve the Kargil conflict of 1999.

8. Typescript memoirs of Sir James Acheson, f. 52. Acheson was the BritishResident in Kashmir, 1943–45. I am grateful to his grandson, Nigel Acheson,for sending me extracts from these unpublished memoirs, which are held in theIndia Office Records at the British Library.

9. The development of the press in Kashmir is discussed in Khan, Historyof Srinagar, pp. 193–205.

10. Zutshi, Languages of Belonging, pp. 302–08. Kashmiri politics in the1940s is also discussed in Ian Copland, ‘The Abdullah Factor: Kashmiri Muslimsand the crisis of 1947’, in D.A. Low (ed.), The Political Inheritance of Pakistan,London, 1991.

11. A brief account of the ‘Mr A’ case can be found in Ian Copland, ThePrinces of India in the Endgame of Empire, 1917–1947, Cambridge, 1997, p. 60.

12. Hindustan Times, 14 October 1947. A week later, Kashmir’s PrimeMinister, M.C. Mahajan, was still talking about Kashmir’s goal of being ‘theSwitzerland of the Eastern Hemisphere’—Times of India, 21 October 1947.

13. LP&S/13/1845b, ff.213–19, India Office Records, British Library. Theconversation took place in Lahore on 1 November 1947.

14. LP&S/13/1845b, ff.566–68. Scott added that Kashmiris ‘realise that ahostile Pakistan could seriously disrupt Kashmir’s economy’.

15. Sumantra Bose, Kashmir: Roots of Conflict, Paths to Peace, Harvard,2003, pp. 59–60. In 1997, Sheikh Abdullah’s son, Farooq Abdullah—then chiefminister of the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir—told me his father hadaspired to Kashmir being ‘a kind of Switzerland’. He added that whatever theviews his father had once held, an independent Kashmir ‘was simply not possibleany more . . . [and] would lead to massacres the like of which we did not seeeven in 47’.

16. Muhammad Yusuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, Vol. 1, Lahore,1977, pp. 617–38, provides a detailed and highly personal account of Jinnah’svisit to the Kashmir Valley.

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17. Ian Copland, ‘The Abdullah Factor’, pp. 222–23. The ‘ripe fruit’ quoteappears in Chaudhri Muhammad Ali, The Emergence of Pakistan, London,1967, p. 297—the author was the first secretary-general of the Pakistangovernment. There is a brief discussion of the contrasting attitudes of Congressand the Muslim League to the princely states, and the reasons why Jinnah wasmore willing to contemplate their independence, in Hasan Zaheer, The Timesand Trial of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy 1951: The First Coup Attempt inPakistan, Karachi, 1998, pp. 54–5.

18. Hindustan Times, 28 October 1947.19. L.P. Sen, Slender Was the Thread: Kashmir Confrontation, 1947–48,

New Delhi, 1994, pp. 2–3. History of Operations in Jammu & Kashmir (1947–48), Indian Ministry of Defence, New Delhi, 1987, p. 31.

20. Statesman, 28 November 1947.21. Prem Shankar Jha, The Origins of a Dispute: Kashmir 1947, New Delhi,

2003, discusses this issue at length. Jha also publishes as an appendix the remarkablewritten testimony of Christopher Beaumont, private secretary to the chairmanof the Boundary Commission, who severely chastises both his boss, Sir CyrilRadcliffe, and Lord Mountbatten for the circumstances in which Ferozepur inPunjab was allocated to India. Beaumont insists, however, that there was no lastminute reallocation in regard to Gurdaspur. Alastair Lamb—IncompletePartition: The Genesis of the Kashmir Dispute, 1947–1948, Hertingfordbury,1997, pp. 84–92—argues that the Gurdaspur award was influenced by Sikhsensitivities and not by the Kashmir issue.

22. Stanley Wolpert, Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny, Oxford, 1996, pp. 165,272. Philip Ziegler, Mountbatten: The Official Biography, London, 1985, p. 445.

23. Brecher, Struggle for Kashmir, p. 54.24. The Times, 6 October 1947. Gyanendra Pandey, Remembering

Partition: Violence, Nationalism and History in India, Cambridge, 2001, p. 36—the figures are based on the reckoning of a British diplomat.

25. New York Times, 18 September 1948. The correspondent was RobertTrumbull.

26. Statesman, 22 October 1947. Dawn, 22 October 1947. Sheikh Abdullahhad written to the maharaja days prior to his release to ‘assure Your Highnessthe fullest and loyal support of myself and my organization’—Karan Singh,Heir Apparent: An Autobiography, New Delhi, 1982, pp. 81–82.

27. Dawn, 15 and 19 October 1947.28. Zaheer, Rawalpindi Conspiracy, p. 87. Margaret Parton, The Leaf

and the Flame, New York, 1959, pp. 128–31.29. The Times, 10 October 1947.30. Copland, ‘The Abdullah Factor’, p. 245. That assertion is supported

by Michael Brecher’s interviews in the summer of 1951 with about 200 peoplein the Valley, which led him to conclude that ‘the Kashmiris are essentially pro-Kashmir, not pro-India or pro-Pakistan,’ but that a clear majority preferredIndian rule to the prospect of accession to Pakistan—Brecher, p. 168.

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31. Hindustan Times, 20 October 1947. Ajit Bhattacharjea, Kashmir: TheWounded Valley, New Delhi, 1994, pp. 127–28.

Chapter 3: ‘Wild Bearded Beasts’

1. Abdullah Muntazer interviewed in Islamabad, 25 January 2000.Although the fighting in Kashmir started in autumn 1947, the initial India–Pakistan war is generally dated as 1948, because Pakistani troops were onlyformally deployed from the spring of 1948. Tribal forces took the lead in theincursion into the Kashmir Valley in October–November 1947, and were alsoinvolved in the fighting in 1948. In May 2006, Abdullah Muntazer was workingin Lahore as the editor of the English website of Jamaat-ud-Dawa, widelyregarded as a front organisation for Lashkar-e-Toiba.

2. Sardar M. Ibrahim Khan, The Kashmir Saga, Mirpur, 1990, p. 15.3. Olaf Caroe, The Pathans, 550 BC–AD 1957, Karachi 1983, p. 256.4. See James W. Spain, The Pathan Borderland, The Hague, 1963, p. 210,

and the same author’s Pathans of the Latter Day, Karachi, 1995, p. 115.5. Recounted in Mukulika Banerjee, The Pathan Unarmed: Opposition

and Memory in the North West Frontier, Oxford, 2000. The movement’s leaderKhan Abdul Gaffar Khan was a political ally of Sheikh Abdullah. Khan andNehru famously visited Kashmir together in 1940.

6. Spain, The Pathan Borderland, p. 204, recounts how the Pakistangovernment decided, almost immediately on independence, to abandon all armyinstallations in the tribal belt, completing the pull-out by the close of 1947.

7. Linda Colley, Captives: Britain, Empire and the World, 1600–1850,London, 2003, p. 361.

8. Daily Express, London, 10 and 11 November 1947. Robert Trumbull,As I See India, New York, 1956, pp. 84–89. Margaret Bourke-White, Halfway toFreedom, New York, 1949, p. 203. C.E. Tyndale-Biscoe, Tyndale-Biscoe ofKashmir: An Autobiography, London, 1951, p. 271.

9. Akbar S. Ahmed, ‘Tribes and States in Central and South Asia’, AsianAffairs, 1980, p. 157. Alan Warren, Waziristan, the Faqir of Ipi and the IndianArmy: The North West Frontier Revolt of 1936–37, Oxford, 2000, p. xxv.

10. Ahmed, p. 155. Ahmed suggests that lashkars from more settled Pathanareas, particularly those with irrigated land, were more disciplined, and so moreeffective in keeping and controlling territory.

11. Warren, pp. 279–80.12. Alastair Lamb, Incomplete Partition: The Genesis of the Kashmir

Dispute, 1947–1948, Hertingfordbury, 1997, p. 121.13. ‘The Revolt in Poonch’ written by Richard Symonds on 8 December

1947. DO142/494, British National Archives.14. ‘Let it be Maharajah’s rule. It is a lesser evil, if you would like to call

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it. It is better than the whole region being on fire’—Sardar Abdul Qayum Khan’sinterview in the Times of India, 27 September 2005.

15. Ibrahim Khan, pp. 71–76.16. Ibrahim Khan, pp. 99–100.17. The Fakir of Ipi, Mirza Ali Khan, later advocated ‘Pakhtoonistan’, a

nation state uniting Pathans. He remained a nuisance to the Pakistan authorities,encouraging revolt from his headquarters in a cluster of mountain caves nearthe Afghan border, until his death in 1960.

18. Statesman, 18 October 1947.19. New York Herald Tribune, 25 October 1947.20. Spain, Pathan Borderland, pp. 195, 201. Erland Jansson, India, Pakistan

or Pakhtunistan? The Nationalist Movement in the North-West Frontier Province,1937–47, Uppsala, 1981, pp. 121, 165–66. A Pakistani website, www.cybercity-online.net.seanic21.net/pof, asserts that Pir Aminul Hasanat, who became knownas ‘Pir Sahib of Manki Sharif’, was born at Manki Sharif in 1923 and joined theMuslim League in 1945. He gave up active politics in 1955, and died in a roadaccident in 1960.

21. Personal communication from Andy Roth. There is a brief biographicalnote about Akbar Khan in Hasan Zaheer, The Times and Trial of the RawalpindiConspiracy 1951: The First Coup Attempt in Pakistan, Karachi, 1998, pp. xxx–xxxi.

22. Akbar Khan, Raiders in Kashmir, Delhi, pp. 8–20.23. Tariq Ali, The Clash of Fundamentalisms: Crusades, Jihads and

Modernity, London, 2002, pp. 234–35.24. Sirdar Shaukat Hyat Khan recounted in his memoirs The Nation That

Lost Its Soul: Memoirs of a Freedom Fighter, Lahore, 1995, p. 214, that hereluctantly gave Khurshid Anwar military command of the operation on theurging of Pakistan’s finance minister, Ghulam Mohammed, who was related toAnwar. Akbar Khan recalled, p. 17, that Khurshid Anwar emerged out of themeeting convened by the prime minister and confided ‘that he was not going toaccept any orders from Shaukat Hyat Khan’.

25. Shaukat Hyat Khan, p. 215. Hasan Zaheer, p. 85.26. Shaukat Hyat Khan, p. 215.27. The Hazara district, which includes Abbottabad, is the eastern-most

part of the North West Frontier Province, bordering Kashmir. It is mainly Hindkoand Pashto speaking. The Black Mountain is a mountain range in this area.

28. LP&S/13/1845b, ff.566–68, India Office Records, British Library. NewYork Times, 31 October 1947. Trumbull said the conversation had taken placethree weeks earlier, making Jinnah the likely source for his report—publishedon 9 October—that Pakistan’s leaders privately but strongly believed that a long-standing Sikh plan lay behind the communal violence which marred Partition,with the intention ‘to strangle this baby at birth’.

29. Diary of Sir George Cunningham, 1947–8, MSS Eur.D 670/6, India

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Office Records, British Library. General Sir Douglas Gracey was Pakistan’s actingcommander-in-chief.

30. Statesman, 25 October 1947, 1 November 1947. Times of India, 23October 1947.

31. A.R. Siddiqi, ‘Ex-Major General Mohd Akbar Khan, DSO, Talks onPakistan’s First War and First Coup’, Defence Journal, Karachi, 1985, pp. 1–28.Brigadier Siddiqi himself, the editor of the Defence Journal, had no doubt aboutthe role of the chief minister, asserting in an article serving as the introductionto his interview with Akbar Khan: ‘Beginning as a tribal foray with the backingof a provincial minister (Khan Abdul Qayyum Khan) and the connivance of thecentral government under the overall command of one retired Major KhurshidAnwar . . . fighting in Kashmir subsequently developed into an irregular campaignofficered by the Pakistani regulars and manned mainly by the tribals and partlyby army jawans [soldiers].’

32. DO142/494, British National Archives. The diplomatic memo inquestion appears to have been written early in December 1947.

33. Jansson, pp. 196–97. For a sour view of Khurshid Anwar from a politicalrival, see Wali Khan, Facts Are Facts: The Untold Story of India’s Partition,New Delhi, 1987, pp. 122, 155, and also Banerjee, Pathan Unarmed, p. 186.

34. Frank Leeson, Frontier Legion: With the Khassadars of North Waziristan,Ferring, 2003, p. 205.

35. Frank Leeson interviewed in Worthing, 20 June 2001.36. C.B. Duke’s report is dated 23 October 1947—DO142/494. British

diplomats believed that the Kashmir state forces has been responsible, prior tothe invasion, for the ‘systematic devastation and expulsion of Muslims along athree mile wide belt on the Pakistan border’, LP&S/13/1845c—presumably tocreate a buffer and to make it easier to detect any infiltration of fighters ormilitary equipment.

37. Owen Bennett Jones, Pakistan: Eye of the Storm, Yale, 2002, p. 63.38. Observer, 2 November 1947.39. O.S. Kalkat, The Far-Flung Frontiers, New Delhi, 1983, pp. 29–42.40. History of Operations in Jammu & Kashmir (1947–48), Indian Ministry

of Defence, New Delhi, 1987, p. 18. S.L. Menezes, Fidelity and Honour: The IndianArmy from the 17th Century to the 21st Century, Delhi, 1999, p. 439. On the otherhand, some in the Pakistan army complained loudly that British officers ‘werenot in sympathy with Pakistan’s claim over Kashmir’, Zaheer, pp. xvi-xvii.

41. The article in Dawn, which was datelined Karachi, 7 December 1947,is contained in the Government of India White Paper on Jammu & Kashmir,New Delhi, 1948, pp. 4–5.

42. LP&S/13/1850, ff. 32–35.43. Krishna Mehta, Chaos in Kashmir, Kolkata, 1954, pp. 15–16.44. A.R. Siddiqi, p. 18.45. C.B. Duke’s report was dated 28–29 October 1947. DO142/494.

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46. L.P. Sen, Slender Was the Thread: Kashmir Confrontation, 1947–48,New Delhi, 1994, pp. 37–39. Akbar Khan, Raiders in Kashmir, p. 36. For a moredetailed Indian account of the initial military exchanges, see the Indian DefenceMinistry’s History of Operations in Jammu and Kashmir (1947–48), pp. 16–24.Khurshid Anwar, in his interview with Dawn, said he clashed in Uri with PatialaSikh soldiers. While the Sikh-ruled princely state of Patiala had sent a smallnumber of troops to Kashmir, there’s no firm evidence that they were deployedin forward positions.

47. Daily Express, 27 October 1947.

Chapter 4: The Mission

1. William (George) Shanks, 1909–62. Gerard Mallett, 1913–70. Detailsof the circumstances of their deaths are taken from their personal files in theCentral Archive, Mill Hill.

2. The items Mrs Corboy sent me are being deposited at the Mill Hillarchive. Father Hormise Nirmal Raj, in ‘Unknown Churches, Unknown Martyrs’,a typescript study of the church in Kashmir, a copy of which is held in the MillHill archive, asserted that Shanks ‘had completely broken down mentally sincethe raid of 1947 [and] was still ill even after becoming the Prefect Apostolic’.

3. Letter, Father George Shanks to Veronica Shanks, 20 September 1947.4. Quoted by Father Hormise Nirmal Raj, f. 96. This source, f. 99, records

just how modest was the number of new conversions: ‘One may say nil inKashmir, and few in Jammu.’

5. I am grateful to Sister Sheila O’Neill, who has been researching thehistory of the Franciscan Missionaries of Mary, for providing this extract fromthe order’s records, and much other valuable assistance.

6. Report by Father Shanks, undated typescript 9 ff., Mill Hill archive.7. The Mill Hill missionaries have since moved from St Joseph’s College

at Mill Hill, and their archive is being relocated to Freshfield in Merseyside.8. Father Shanks’s diary entry on pages for 9–12 February.9. Shanks’s diary entry on pages for 26–29 January.10. Shanks diary entry on pages for 22–25 January.11. Muhammad Yusuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, Vol. 2, Lahore,

1979, pp. 903–04.12. LP&S/13/1850, ff. 38, 111–12, India Office Records, British Library.13. Shanks diary entry on pages for 1–4 April.14. Shanks’s typescript report, f. 2.15. James W. Spain, The Way of the Pathans, London, 1962, pp. 16–17.

Ian Stephens, Horned Moon: An Account of a Journey through Pakistan,Kashmir and Afghanistan, London, 1954, pp. 217–18, tells the story of an ornateKashmiri dagger hilt taken back to Waziristan by a veteran of the raid. Anotherwriter about the Pathans heard accounts of ‘numerous items which were clearly

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of Kashmiri origin in the houses of Waziri maliks’—Victoria Schofield, EveryRock, Every Hill: The Plain Tale of the North-West Frontier and Afghanistan,London, 1984, p. 251.

Chapter 5: The Attack

1. Colonel Dykes’s Record of Services, much akin to a log book of armycourses and promotions, was obtained from the India Office Records at theBritish Library with the consent and cooperation of his two elder sons.

2. I am grateful to Alison Spurway, whose mother was a friend of BiddyDykes in India in the early 1940s, for sending me photographs of Biddy andher family.

3. Mother Teresalina’s civil name was Joaquina Zubiri Sanchez. She wasborn in the Spanish Basque country.

4. From the account of a survivor set down in writing in 2002. Thiseyewitness later settled in Karachi and asked not to be named. Spellings andpunctuation have been amended.

5. ‘Autres Details Concernant le 27–10–47 Donnés Par Soeur M. Priscilla’,undated typescript, f.1. I am grateful to Father Jim Borst for making available tome copies of this and other documents in his care in Srinagar. My thanks also toNathalie Monnot for improving my translation from the French.

6. Shanks diary entry on pages for 9–12 April, Mill Hill archive. In thisaccount, Shanks gave Hyat Khan the fictional name of Major Yakoob Khan.

7. Shanks diary entry on pages for 3–6 May. I was told that the nun withthe gold tooth was Sister Petra, a Spanish nun latterly living at a convent insouth India but unwilling to be interviewed about the attack.

8. LP&S/13/1850, f.119, India Office Records, British Library.9. Shanks diary entry on pages for 15–20 May.10. Sardar Sherbaz Khan Mazari interviewed by telephone to Karachi, 12

May 2003. The incident is also recounted in Sherbaz Khan Mazari, A Journeyto Disillusionment, Karachi, 1999, pp. 11–12. Mazari believed that his trip toKashmir was made in the spring of 1948—but if indeed, as he recalled, he reachedas far as the vicinity of Baramulla, his journey must have been in late Octoberor early November 1947.

11. George Shanks to Very Rev. T. McLaughlin, 14 November 1947, MillHill archive.

12. ‘The Sacking of BARAMULLA (Kashmir) by the Tribesmen ofPAKISTAN’, undated typescript, 3 ff., apparently written by Father Severin deJong, Mill Hill archive.

13. Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre, Freedom at Midnight, Delhi,1995, p. 357.

14. S.L. Menezes, Fidelity and Honour: The Indian Army from the 17th

Century to the 21st Century, Delhi, 1999, p. 438. Lt Gen. Stanley Menezesinterviewed in London, 12 May 2003.

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15. Brian Cloughley, A History of the Pakistan Army: Wars andInsurrections, Oxford, 2000, p. 14.

Chapter 6: Signing up to India

1. Karan Singh interviewed in New Delhi, 2 May 1997. For an account ofthe gossip surrounding his birth, see Tariq Ali, The Clash of Fundamentalisms:Crusades, Jihads and Modernity, London, 2002, pp. 225–26.

2. Karan Singh, Heir Apparent: An Autobiography, New Delhi, 1982,p. 145.

3. Mehr Chand Mahajan, Looking Back, Mumbai, 1963, p. 266.4. Sir George Cunningham’s diary, 18 October 1947, MSS Eur.D 670/6,

India Office Records, British Library.5. Karan Singh, Heir Apparent, p. 40.6. The instrument of accession prepared for princely rulers ceded to India

only authority over defence, external affairs and communications. It stated:‘Nothing in this Instrument affects the continuance of my sovereignty in and overthis State.’ However, in practice the situation was much more fluid. ‘Graduallythe realization dawned on [the rulers] that after the advent of independencethey would have no choice but to grant responsible government to their people. . . . Fears regarding the likely attitude of popular ministries were not entirelygroundless. Take the case of Kashmir: no sooner had Sheikh Abdullah securedcomplete power than he insisted that the Maharajah should stay out of the State.It was on Sardar [Patel]’s persuasion that the Maharajah agreed to do so, thoughreluctantly.’ V.P. Menon, Integration of the Indian States, Hyderabad, 1985, pp.485–86.

7. Alan Campbell-Johnson, Mission with Mountbatten, London, 1951,p. 120. Menon, p. 394.

8. Sir Frank Messervy, ‘Kashmir’, Asiatic Review, January 1949, pp. 469–82. Campbell-Johnson, p. 48.

9. Mahajan, p. 126. See also Prem Shankar Jha, The Origins of a Dispute:Kashmir 1947, New Delhi, 2003, pp. 47–49. Nehru’s own thoughts are reflectedin his letter to Sardar Patel of 27 September 1947—Selected Works of JawaharlalNehru, Second Series, Vol. 4, New Delhi, 1986, pp. 263–65.

10. Margaret Parton papers, Division of Special Collections, Universityof Oregon. I am grateful to the University of Oregon Libraries for permissionto quote from these papers.

11. Christopher Snedden, ‘What Happened to Muslims in Jammu? LocalIdentity, “the Massacre” of 1947 and the Roots of the “Kashmir Problem”, SouthAsia, 2001, 24/2, pp. 111–34.

12. Mahajan, p. 150.13. The e-mail was sent to Owen Bennett Jones, a BBC presenter and author

of a history of Pakistan, by R.L. Batra’s great-grandson, Sudeep Budhiraja. Iam grateful to Mr Budhiraja for his help in establishing the provenance of the

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maharaja’s letter. His copy of this document is not the original, but a photocopy,with filing holes punched in the side. Dr Karan Singh is not convinced of itsauthenticity. In response to my query, he e-mailed to say: ‘I have not before comeacross the attached document. Prima facie it seems highly unlikely that my fatherwould have deputed a comparatively minor functionary for such an importanttask.’ Those historians who have researched in the maharaja’s archives and towhom I have shown this document share my view that it is likely to be genuine.The letter appears to be the ‘intriguing document’, hitherto undiscovered, aboutwhich Alastair Lamb speculates in his book Incomplete Partition: The Genesisof the Kashmir Dispute, 1947–1948, Hertingfordbury, 1997, pp. 143–48.

14. For the drama about Hyderabad’s volte face over accession in lateOctober 1947, see H.V. Hodson, The Great Divide: Britain–India–Pakistan,London, 1969, pp. 478–82.

15. The text of Nehru’s broadcast is given in the Government of IndiaWhite Paper on Jammu & Kashmir, New Delhi, 1948, pp. 52–55.

16. Campbell-Johnson, p. 225. Campbell-Johnson was out of India at thetime of the defence committee meetings of 25 and 26 October, and was briefedon what happened by Mountbatten on 28 October. It’s likely that this accountconflates Mountbatten’s contributions to the two meetings. The minutes of bothdefence committee meetings are reprinted in Jha, pp. 197–213.

17. Karan Singh interviewed in Delhi, 2 May 1997. There’s also an accountin his autobiography, Heir Apparent, pp. 57–58.

18. Menon, p. 398.19. Sam Manekshaw ended his military career as a field marshal. His

statement about the mission to Srinagar was recorded by Prem Shankar Jha inDecember 1994 and appears as an appendix in Jha’s book.

20. Karan Singh, pp. 58–59. Victor Rosenthal was a Russian who, in thewords of Karan Singh, ‘had enjoyed a fabulously chequered and romantic career’.He was one of the maharaja’s closest friends and advisers.

21. Mahajan, pp. 151–52, 277. This curious account of a crucialconversation is borne out by Sheikh Abdullah’s autobiography, Flames of theChinar, New Delhi, 1993, p. 95. Sheikh Abdullah had apparently flown to Delhion 25 October, his second visit to the Indian capital since being released fromjail the previous month.

22. White Paper, p. 3.23. Menon, pp. 399–400.24. The most detailed recent accounts of the accession drama are to be

found in Lamb, pp. 139–78, Jha, pp. 64–85, and Victoria Schofield, Kashmir inConflict: India, Pakistan and the Unfinished War, London, 2000, pp. 49–72.

25. LP&S/13/1845b, ff.283–95, India Office Records. Symon recorded thisin a summary of developments in Kashmir, written in diary form and compiledon 27 October.

26. Mahajan, pp. 152–53. Mahajan regarded the letter carried to Delhi on24 October by his deputy R.L. Batra as the ‘letter of accession’, so explaininghis reference to ‘supplementary documents’.

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27. Mahajan, p. 154. In an appendix to his autobiography, Mahajansuggested in passing that the instrument of accession was signed by the maharajabefore he left Srinagar, a comment not repeated in his more detailed account ofthe events surrounding accession. The plane which took Mahajan and Menonto Jammu appears to have flown on to Srinagar with Sheikh Abdullah and aBritish officer on diplomatic duty, Major W.P. Cranston. LP&S/13/1850, ff.32–35, India Office Records.

28. Jha, pp. 186–91.29. Sardar Patel’s Correspondence 1945–50: Vol. 1, New Light on Kashmir,

Ahmedabad, 1971. The instrument of accession is in the holdings of India’sNational Archive. I have been refused permission to consult the documentbecause it is, apparently, classified. A facsimile of the entire document was postedin 2005 at the Indian ministry of home affairs website.

30. Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, 2: 4, pp. 278–99.31. This is also the conclusion of Stanley Wolpert, the biographer of both

Jinnah and Nehru—see his Nehru: A Tryst with Destiny, Oxford, 1996, pp.416–17.

32. Jha, p. 212.33. A copy of the statement, dated 31 October 1947, is in the India Office

Records, LP&S/13/1845b, f. 220.34. LP&S/13/1845b, f.471, India Office Records.35. The operational instruction is reprinted in the Indian defence ministry’s

History of Operations in Jammu & Kashmir (1947–48), New Delhi, 1987, pp.388–90.

36. S.K. Sinha, Operation Rescue: Military Operations in Jammu &Kashmir, 1947–49, New Delhi, 1977, p. 14–16.

37. Cited in Maurice Cohen, Thunder over Kashmir, Kolkata, 1955, p. 3.38. Hiralal Atal, Nehru’s Emissary to Kashmir, New Delhi, 1972, p. 34–36.

Bharat Kumar, An Incredible War: Indian Air Force in Kashmir War 1947–48,New Delhi, 2007, p. 47.

39. DO142/494, British National Archives. The high commissioner’s memowas dated 1 November 1947.

40. Nehru to Hiralal Atal, 27 October 1947, Selected Works, 2:4, pp. 283–86.41. LP&S/13/1845b, ff.469–70, India Office Records.42. Mountbatten to Patel, 27 October 1947, Sardar Patel’s Correspondence,

1, pp. 68–69. Nehru to Sheikh Abdullah, 27 October 1947, Selected Works, 2:4,pp. 279–82.

Chapter 7: Liberating Kashmir

1. Inayatullah (not his full name, which he asked to be withheld)interviewed in Baramulla, 8 March 1997.

2. Muhammad Yusuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, Vol. 2, Lahore,1979, p. 906.

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3. Saraf, Vol. 2, p. 908.4. Statement of Mother Mary of St Conwall (a Scottish woman, Barbara

McPhilimy), LP&S/13/1850, f.119, India Office Records, British Library. ‘AutresDetails Concernant le 27–10–47 Donnés Par Soeur M. Priscilla’, undatedtypescript, f.3, courtesy of Father Jim Borst in Srinagar.

5. LP&S/13/1850, ff.256–57, India Office Records. This telegram fromDelhi to London was apparently written on 26 October 1947.

6. List of Non-Muslim Abducted Women and Children in Pakistan andPakistan Side of the Cease-Fire Line in Jammu & Kashmir State, [New Delhi,1954]. I am indebted to Urvashi Butalia for allowing me to consult her copy ofthis remarkable and moving book. It is also discussed in Urvashi Butalia, TheOther Side of Silence: Voices from the Partition of India, New Delhi, 1998, pp.134–48. She comments: ‘One of the myths that historians of communal conflicthave held clear, and that victims of such conflict often help to perpetrate, is thatthe aggressors are always “outsiders”. This list, to me, was conclusive proof ofthe opposite: so many women had been picked up by men of the same village.’

7. Ranjit Kaur, ‘Back Again, After 40 Years’, in Ritu Menon (ed.), NoWoman’s Land: Women from Pakistan, India & Bangladesh Write on the Partitionof India, New Delhi, 2004, pp. 147–53.

8. Krishna Mehta, Crisis in Kashmir, Kolkata, 1954, republished mostrecently as Kashmir 1947: A Survivor’s Story, New Delhi, 2005.

9. Margaret Brown, Cross Every Mountain: The Story of Lily Boal,Missionary to Kashmir, India & Pakistan, Newtownabbey, 1992, p. 67. For a passingreference to a Kashmiri Sikh boy orphaned in 1947–48 who converted to Islam,see J.H. Harvey-Kelly, ‘Kashmir—1948’, Hagha Dagha, August 1993.

10. Kamla Patel, Torn from the Roots: A Partition Memoir, New Delhi,2006, pp. 171–76. See also Parvez Dewan, Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh: Jammu,New Delhi, 2007, pp. 154–57.

11. Robert Trumbull, As I See India, New York, 1956, p. 89. A cruder versionof the same argument was put forward by an Indian army veteran of the conflict:‘Had the tribesmen not delayed at the Baramulla convent for a little recreationalrape, the Kashmir war might have been fought differently’—E.A. Vas, WithoutBaggage: A Personal Account of the Jammu and Kashmir Operations, October1947–January 1949, Dehra Dun, n.d., p. 11.

12. Akbar Khan, Raiders in Kashmir, Delhi, n.d., pp. 37–38.13. The Times, 10 November 1947. The estimate of 10,000 fighters in the

lashkar was one repeated by the Observer, the New York Times and the HindustanTimes.

14. Times of India, 6 November 1947.15. ‘Note on Visit to Abbottabad’, 3 ff., DO 142/494, British National

Archives. This is a fascinating and detailed account apparently written by C.B.Duke, a British diplomat based in Lahore.

16. Smith’s testimony is recorded in DO142/194, as told to British diplomatsin Delhi on 11 November 1947.

E n d N o t e s 257

17. Saraf, Vol. 2, p. 908.18. Times of India, 11 November 1947—a slightly different account

appeared in the Hindustan Times, 12 November 1947.19. ‘The Burning of Baramulla’ by Frank Moraes, Times of India, 13

April 1957. Father Shanks’s manuscript account of the raid suggests that the Pirof Manki Sharif came to the mission on 29 October.

20. Sir George Cunningham’s diary for 29 October 1947, MSS Eur.D.670/6, India Office Records. Much of this entry is also cited in Norval Mitchell, SirGeorge Cunningham: A Memoir, Edinburgh, 1968, pp. 143–45.

21. An authoritative and sympathetic history of the Pakistan army—BrianCloughley, A History of the Pakistan Army: Wars and Insurrections, Oxford,2000, pp. 18–19—concluded: ‘Certainly, the invasion was conducted bytribesmen, but as time went on they were joined and indeed directed by Pakistaniofficers in civilian guise although referred to by military rank.’

22. When British diplomats enquired about Sydney Smith’s account ofthis large contingent of Punjabis, the Pakistani military authorities suggestedthat these men were in fact Poonchis, Muslim ex-soldiers from the Poonch areaof the princely state. Like Punjabis, Poonchis would have been quite distinct inappearance from both Kashmiris and Pathans.

23. Personal communication from Jim Michaels.24. Sardar Patel, India’s deputy prime minister, was regarded by the

Pakistani leadership as a hawk.25. LP&S/13/1845b, ff.213–9, India Office Records.26. The article in Dawn was datelined Karachi, 7 December 1947 and was

included in India’s White Paper of 1948.27. Frank Leeson, Frontier Legion: With the Khassadars of North

Waziristan, Ferring, 2003, p. 211.28. Qayum Khan’s remarks about military training for the Frontier tribes

were reported in the Hindustan Times, 22 November 1947.

Chapter 8: Heading for Srinagar

1. There are several Indian military memoirs of 1947–48, and somedisagreement between them. The most detailed published narrative of the firstfew days of the Sikh regiment’s deployment in Kashmir, in Amarinder Singh,Lest We Forget, Patiala, 2000, pp. 19–68, has made use of otherwise unavailableIndian military records. Other Indian accounts with a claim to authority areKuldip Singh Bajwa, Jammu and Kashmir War (1947–48): Political and MilitaryPerspective, New Delhi, 2003, Bharat Kumar, An Incredible War: Indian AirForce in Kashmir War 1947–48, New Delhi, 2007; and History of Operations inJammu & Kashmir (1947–48), Ministry of Defence, New Delhi, 1987. A detailedPakistani account of the fighting is given in History of the Azad KashmirRegiment, Vol. 1, 1947–1949, Mansar, 1997.

258 E n d N o t e s

2. DO142/494, British National Archives. The despatch from Lahore waswritten on 31 October 1947. In the margin in pencil next to the reference to thepresence of a British officer in Kashmir is the word ‘Untrue’.

3. Cranston’s note of 27 November 1947 is in the India Office Records atthe British Library, LP&S/13/1850,f.38. Cranston had also made an earlier tripto Srinagar in mid-October 1947.

4. DO 142/494. The official Indian account suggests nine Indian fatalitiesin these initial exchanges—Amarinder Singh, p. 42.

5. Agha Humayun Amin, ‘The war of lost opportunities: Part 1’, fromthe online edition of the Defence Journal, Karachi, April 2000.

6. Kumar, p. 53.7. New York Times, 2 November 1947. L.P. Sen, Slender Was the Thread:

Kashmir Confrontation, 1947–48, Delhi, 1994, pp. 60–61.8. The Times, 1 November 1947.9. Brigadier Hiralal Atal provided a detailed account of the evacuation,

conducted ‘without exposing the family to detection which would have brought[Sheikh Abdullah] into disrepute and gravely affected his leadership’, in his bookNehru’s Emissary to Kashmir, New Delhi, 1972, pp. 51–54. Nehru wrote fromDelhi to Sheikh Abdullah in Srinagar on 31 October, mentioning in passing that‘Begum Abdullah and family are leaving by plane early tomorrow for Indore’,Selected Works, 2:4, pp. 294–95.

10. Times of India, 9 October 1947.11. Nehru to Hiralal Atal, Selected Works, 2:4. pp. 283–86.12. The Times, 28, 29 and 31 October 1947. Sheikh Abdullah’s own brief

account of the recruitment and deployment of ‘the People’s Militia’ is in hisautobiography, Flames of the Chinar, New Delhi, 1993, pp. 93–94.

13. Kuldip Singh Bajwa, pp. 112–13.14. Hindustan Times, 3 November 1947. Statesman, 8 November 1947.15. National Army Museum, London, 1963–12–248–4. The letter is dated

‘6.10.47’ but that’s clearly an error—it was probably written on or around 6November. Gwen Burton (otherwise Mrs Gwen Bird) wrote as a postscript: ‘Iam giving this to a Air Pilot to post in Delhi.’ The Delhi postmark is dated 10November 1947. I am grateful to her nephew, Gilbert Burton, for permission toquote from this letter.

16. Ajit Bhattacharjea, Kashmir: The Wounded Valley, Delhi, 1994, p. x.17. Margaret Parton’s papers, including letters to her mother written while

in Kashmir, are at the Division of Special Collections, University of Oregon.Margaret Parton, Journey through a Lighted Room, New York, 1973, pp. 113–14. See also her earlier book The Leaf and the Flame, New York, 1959.

18. Hindustan Times, 6 November 1947.19. Dawn, 24 October 1947.20. Sat Paul Sahni went on to be a key figure in the Kashmir press corps

and later became the Director General of Information for Farooq Abdullah,Sheikh Abdullah’s son and political heir.

E n d N o t e s 259

21. New York Herald Tribune, 2 November 1947. Also New York Times,2 November 1947. DO 142/494, report from British diplomat in Lahore on 28–29 October 1947.

22. Personal communication from Jim Michaels. He eventually got betteraccess to Kashmir travelling from Rawalpindi in Pakistan, and met andinterviewed leaders of the Azad Kashmir movement in Poonch.

23. Akbar Khan, Raiders in Kashmir, Delhi, n.d., pp. 35–36.24. Akbar Khan, pp. 39–40. Dawn, 31 October 1947. Although there

appear to have been no major accidents at the overcrowded airstrip at Srinagar,more than twenty Indian servicemen were killed on 31 October when a Dakotacrashed near the Banihal pass–Kumar, p. 50.

25. L.P. Sen, pp. 66–67. Washington Post, 3 November 1947. Personalcommunication from Max Desfor. Several of his photographs were publishedin Sphere, 15 November 1947.

26. Statesman, 5 November 1947.27. L.P. Sen, p. 74.28. Dawn datelined Karachi, 7 December 1947 and cited in the Indian

government’s White Paper of the following year. Khurshid Anwar had beeninjured on 10 November, apparently by a splinter from an Indian bomb. He wasgetting medical treatment in Karachi at the time of the Dawn interview. He dieda few months later.

29. Harbakhsh Singh, In the Line of Duty: A Soldier Remembers, NewDelhi, 2000, pp. 200–03.

30. History of Operations in Jammu & Kashmir, pp. 38–39.31. Times of India, 7 November 1947.32. New York Herald Tribune, 7 November 1947.33. L.P. Sen, pp. 98–99.34. Dawn, 8 November 1947 and report datelined 7 December 1947.35. Akbar Khan, pp. 47–55. M. Ibrahim Khan, The Kashmir Saga, Mirpur,

1990, p. 135. History of the Azad Kashmir Regiment, Vol. 1, pp. 206–07.36. Agha Humayun Amin, ‘The war of lost opportunities: Part 1’.37. Parton, The Leaf and the Flame, p. 274.

Chapter 9: ‘Ten Days of Terror’

1. Father Shanks diary on pages for 14–21 June.2. Father Shanks’s typescript account of the attack on Baramulla, f. 6.3. Jusqu’à La Mort, Franciscan Missionaries of Mary, Paris, 1956, p. 113.4. Shanks diary entry on pages for March 28–31.5. Diary of Sir George Cunningham, 7 November 1947, MSS Eur.D 670/

6, India Office Records, British Library. The extent to which Bates derived hisaccount of Kaushalya from Smith’s reports in the Daily Express is discussed inchapter 11.

260 E n d N o t e s

6. ‘Notes of a Statement made by Major J.E. Thomson [sic] . . .’ 3 ff.,DO142/494, British National Archives.

7. A copy of the text of Father Shanks’s letter is in the India Office Records,LP&S/13/1850, f. 114. It was also cited in the Statesman, 18 November 1947.

8. Aslam Khan’s father, Brigadier Rahmatullah Khan, was placed underarrest and eventually released by the Indian authorities as part of a prisonerexchange, as detailed in Victoria Schofield, Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistanand the Unfinished War, London, 2000, p. 64 and P.N. Sharma, Inside PakOccupied Kashmir, Delhi, 1958, p. 111.

9. The inscription on the rear, in Veronica Shanks’s hand, dated thephotograph to 1946. It is more likely to have been taken at the time of the lashkar’sincursion in the following year.

10. Rev. G. Shanks, ‘Au Revoir, Baramulla!’, Missions and Missionaries,London, Summer 1948, pp. 8–10.

11. My lengthy attempts to track down Sydney Smith ended when I chancedupon his obituary in the Daily Telegraph, 6 February 2002, from which detailsof his life and career are taken. Smith had lived for many years in France, wherehe died on 12 December 2001, aged eighty-nine.

12. DO142/494, British National Archives.13. Ignacio Omaechevarria, Una Victima Perfecta, Vitoria, 1949, p. 161,

suggests that Smith joined the other captives on 2 November, the seventh day oftheir ordeal, relying apparently on the account of Sister Priscilla.

14. Selected Works, 2: 4, New Delhi, 1986, p. 317.15. Daily Express, 11 November 1947.16. Father Shanks, typescript, f. 7.17. Jahan Ara Shahnawaz, Father and Daughter: A Political Autobiography,

Lahore, 1971, pp. 232–38. Begum Shahnawaz’s account is unreliable, suggestingamong other things that her daughter flew into Baramulla. Tazi Shahnawazdied in a plane crash in 1948 at the age of 35. There is a brief but affectionatepen portrait of her by the Herald Tribune’s Margaret Parton, Journey througha Lighted Room, New York, 1973, p. 109.

18. LP&S/13/1850, f.159, India Office Records.19. A copy of Lily Boal’s letter, written at Haripur in the North West

Frontier Province and dated 8 November, is in the India Office Records at LP&S/13/1850, ff.66–67. Accounts of Davies’s mission and death are given in JockPurves, Lal Sahib: The Story of Ronald Davies, Missionary, Soldier, Martyr,Stirling, 1950, and in Margaret Brown, Cross Every Mountain: The Story ofLily Boal, Missionary to Kashmir, India and Pakistan, Newtownabbey, 1992.

20. Daily Express, 10 November 1947. I am grateful to the Daily Expressfor permission to include extracts from the newspaper in this book.

21. Daily Express, 11 November 1947.22. L.P. Sen, Slender Was the Thread: Kashmir Confrontation, 1947–48,

New Delhi, 1994, p. 103.

E n d N o t e s 261

23. P.N. Sharma, p. 16.24. New York Herald Tribune, 11 November 1947.25. The Times, 11 November 1947.26. Copyright by the New York Times Co. Reprinted with permission.27. Times of India, 11 November 1947. Mahmud of Ghazni was an

eleventh century Muslim ruler noted for the reputed violence of his incursionsinto India.

28. LP&S/13/1850, f.36, India Office Records.29. LP&S/13/1850, ff. 20, 76.30. Hindustan Times, 14 November 1947. Times of India, 13 November 1947.

Chapter 10: War

1. There is a brief account of the demonstration at which Lone was beatenup in Manoj Joshi’s The Lost Rebellion: Kashmir in the Nineties, New Delhi,1999, p. 261.

2. Abdul Ghani Lone was shot dead on 21 May 2002 at a memorial meetingin Srinagar for Mirwaiz Maulvi Farooq, also believed to have been killed byarmed separatists. For accounts of Lone’s killing and the way it was reported,see Arun Joshi, Eyewitness Kashmir, Singapore, 2004, pp. 236–8, and MuzamilJaleel, ‘Deciphering Silence in Kashmir’, in B.G. Verghese (ed.), Breaking theBig Story: Great Moments in Indian Journalism, New Delhi, 2003. Obituariesstated that Lone had been born in 1932.

3. L.P. Sen, Slender Was the Thread: Kashmir Confrontation 1947–48,New Delhi, 1994, pp. 80, 87.

4. Times of India, 10 November 1947.5. Margaret Parton papers, Division of Special Collections, University of

Oregon. This letter took the form of a travel journal, of which this section appearsto have been written on 10 and 14 November 1947.

6. The Times of India and the Statesman, 15 November 1947, both quotedprisoners as alleging Pakistani government complicity in the raid. See alsotestimony included in Government of India White Paper on Jammu & Kashmir,1948.

7. Hindustan Times, 20 November 1947. Similar remarks by SheikhAbdullah were reported in the Statesman, 18 November 1947. In a robust pieceof political rhetoric, Sheikh Abdullah also declared it a ‘duty of every Mussalmanto start a jihad (holy war) against these raiders who are spoiling the [fair] nameof Islam’—Statesman, 27 November 1947.

8. Times of India, 11 November 1947.9. White Paper on Jammu & Kashmir, p. 26. See also Sheikh Abdullah,

Flames of the Chinar, New Delhi, 1993, p. 99.10. New York Times, 16 November 1947. Hindustan Times, 21 November

1947.

262 E n d N o t e s

11. Sen, Slender Was the Thread, pp. 113–14.12. History of Operations in Jammu & Kashmir, (1947–48), Ministry of

Defence, New Delhi, 1987, pp. 71–76. The defence committee meetings referredwere held on 28 November and 3 December 1947.

13. Harbakhsh Singh, In the Line of Duty: A Soldier Remembers, NewDelhi, 2000, p. 207.

14. Akbar Khan, Raiders in Kashmir, Delhi, p. 47. Dawn, 12 November1947.

15. Article in Dawn datelined 7 December [1947] cited in the Indiangovernment’s White Paper of 1948.

16. DO142/494, British National Archives.17. Akbar Khan, Raiders in Kashmir, pp. 90–91.18. Statesman, 28 November 1947.19. Sen, Slender Was the Thread, p. 143.20. History of Operations in Jammu & Kashmir, pp. 87–88. See also Sen,

pp. 146–51 and Harbakhsh Singh, pp. 216–17.21. For brief accounts of the Gilgit ‘rebellion’, see Victoria Schofield,

Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unfinished War, London, 2000, pp.62–64, and Alistair Lamb, Incomplete Partition, Hertingfordbury, 1997, pp. 190–95. And for the account of the instigator, William A. Brown, The Gilgit Rebellion1947, London, 1998.

22. Christopher Snedden, ‘What Happened to Muslims in Jammu? LocalIdentity, “the Massacre” of 1947 and the Roots of the “Kashmir Problem”’,South Asia, 2001, 24/2, pp. 111–34.

23. Parvez Dewan, Jammu, Kashmir, Ladakh: Jammu, New Delhi, 2007,pp. 116–60. Alexander Evans’s forthcoming essay on communal violence inJammu division in 1947 argues that over 300,000 people were displaced fromIndian-administered and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, and that thousandsof Hindus and Sikhs and tens of thousands of Muslims were killed.

24. History of the Azad Kashmir Regiment, Vol. 1 (1947–49), Mansar,1997, p. 27.

25. Autobiographical notes compiled by Russell Haight in 2005, andprovided to me by his daughter, Alexandra Haight Furr. Haight—a veteran ofboth the Canadian and US armies who served in the Second World War andlater in Korea and in Vietnam—died in Norman, Oklahoma, aged eighty-fourin 2006.

26. Rocky Mountain News, undated cutting, probably November 1947. Iam grateful to Alexandra Haight Furr for sending me copies of a compilationof newspaper cuttings relating to her father’s time in Kashmir, and of the notefrom the Azad Kashmir government.

27. Daily Express, 25 November 1947.28. New York Times, 29 January 1948. Copyright by The New York Times

Co. Reprinted with permission.

E n d N o t e s 263

29. Robert Trumbull, As I See India, New York, 1956, pp. 92–93.30. Letter dated 8 January 1948, DO142/494, British National Archives.31. Cunningham Diary, 7 November 1947.32. Brian Cloughley, A History of the Pakistan Army: Wars and

Insurrections, Oxford, 2000, pp. 18–21.33. White Paper on Jammu & Kashmir, pp. 52–55. The text of Nehru’s

broadcast was also carried in the Times of India, 3 November 1947 and in otherdaily papers.

34. Hindustan Times, 12 November 1947. Times of India, 17 November1947.

35. Alongside Nehru’s public stance, in private correspondence he showedsome willingness to be flexible on the Kashmir issue. In a somewhat overlookedletter to the maharaja on 1 December 1947, Nehru canvassed the options of aplebiscite, or independence or various partition lines and was reconciled to thepossibility of areas such as Poonch being part of Pakistan. Ramachandra Guha,India After Gandhi: The History of the World’s Largest Democracy, London, 2007,pp. 71–72.

36The full text of the resolution is given in Josef Korbel, Danger in Kashmir,Princeton, 1966, pp. 357–62. The resolution’s failure to consider any other optionfor Kashmir but accession to either India or Pakistan was a blow to any remainingaspirations for independence.

37Korbel, pp. 97, 198, 207. Korbel’s daughter, Madeleine Albright, wasseveral decades later the US secretary of state.

38. The theme of Soviet ambitions in Kashmir formed the backdrop to athriller set amid Srinagar and the ski slopes of Gulmarg, M.M. Kaye’s Death inKashmir. Mollie Kaye was born in India and knew Kashmir well.

39. Korbel, p. 121.40. History of Operations in Jammu and Kashmir, p. 171 et seq.41. Cited in R.J. Moore, Making the New Commonwealth, Oxford, 1987,

p. 83.42. Moore, p. 89. Alastair Lamb, Incomplete Partition, pp. 241–42, cites

different figures, which show a less clear-cut but still significant imbalance inthe role of British officers and troops in the Indian and Pakistani armed forces.

43. Lt Col. J.H. Harvey-Kelly’s account of his mission to Kashmir wasserialized in a regimental veterans’ journal Hagha Dagha and republished inabridged form in the Indian Army Association Newsletter in April 1998. Henamed Major Johnnie Benskin of the Kurram Militia as another British officerwho saw active service in Kashmir, and was later withdrawn on orders fromabove. The story of Harvey-Kelly’s involvement in Kashmir also featured in hisobituary in the Daily Telegraph, 17 October 1994.

44. Telegrams and letters dated 8 January, 16 January and 30 January1948, DO142/494, British National Archives. Alastair Lamb suggests that oneBritish officer died on service with Pakistan forces in Kashmir, and up to twelve

264 E n d N o t e s

others were at times deployed there in 1948—Incomplete Partition, p. 242. See alsoParvez Dewan, Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh: Jammu, New Delhi, 2007, p. 137.

45. Victoria Schofield, Kashmir in Conflict, p. 67.

Chapter 11: Telling Stories and Making Myths

1. Sir George Cunningham, Diary, 4 November 1947, MSS Eur.D.607/6,India Office Records, British Library. The second woman journalist was probablyLee Eitingon, a Life reporter who often worked in tandem with the photographerBourke-White.

2. Margaret Bourke-White, Portrait of Myself, New York, 1963, p. 272.Bourke-White died in 1971 at the age of sixty-seven.

3. Vicki Goldberg, Margaret Bourke-White: A Biography, London, 1987,p. 311. Several of Bourke-White’s most memorable photographs of Partitionwere republished in 2006 in a special edition of one of the most famous ofPartition novels, Khushwant Singh’s Train to Pakistan.

4. Margaret Bourke-White, Halfway to Freedom: A Report on the NewIndia, New York, 1949, p. xi.

5. Bourke-White, Halfway to Freedom, p. 206.6. Despatch from Peshawar to Karachi, 27 November [1947], DO 142/

494, British National Archives.7. Bourke-White, Halfway to Freedom, pp. 207–08.8. B.P.L. ‘Baba’ Bedi was a communist and close adviser to Sheikh

Abdullah, who later moved away from political activism to pursue spiritualconcerns. He died in 1993 aged eighty-three. His British wife, Freda, who alsolived for several years in Kashmir, turned from left-wing politics to become arenowned practitioner of Tibetan Buddhism.

9. Bourke-White, Halfway to Freedom, p. 211. These reminiscences, whilerichly illustrated, contain no photographs from Baramulla or Abbottabad.Bourke-White’s photos and negatives, as well as some personal papers, are heldat Syracuse University Library in New York, which advises that none are labelledin a manner to suggest they were taken in Kashmir.

10. Bourke-White, Halfway to Freedom, pp. 210–11. ‘Mujahid’ means‘holy warrior’, and in more recent years has come to denote an Islamic radicalpursuing jihad in Afghanistan, Kashmir or elsewhere.

11. Muhammad Yusuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, Vol. 2, Lahore,1979, pp. 942–43. The incident during Jinnah’s 1944 visit is recounted in Saraf,Vol. 1, p. 633 and Parvez Dewan, Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh: Kashmir, NewDelhi, 2004, p. 86.

12. Times of India, Statesman, Hindustan Times, 11 November 1947.13. I am grateful to P.N. Jalali for making available to me cuttings from

the People’s Age apparently from issues of November and December 1947.14. Statesman, 22 November 1947.

E n d N o t e s 265

15. Sheikh Abdullah, Flames of the Chinar, New Delhi, 1993, p. 96. L.P.Sen, Slender Was the Thread: Kashmir Confrontation, 1947–48, New Delhi, 1994,p. 141. Kashmir Defends Democracy, New Delhi, 1948, p. 10. History ofOperations in Jammu & Kashmir (1947–48), Ministry of Defence, New Delhi,1987, p. 23. Parvez Dewan, Parvez Dewan’s Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh:Kashmir, New Delhi, 2004, p. 94.

16. Saros Cowasjee, So Many Freedoms: A Study of the Major Fiction ofMulk Raj Anand, Delhi, 1977, pp. 163–65.

17. V.K. Krishna Menon’s Marathon Speech on Kashmir at the U.N.Security Council, Allahabad, 1992, p. 26.

18. From the section entitled ‘Mujahid Sherwani’ in Somnath Dhar’s ‘Talesof Kashmir’, www.ikashmir.org/sndhar/9.html

19. History of Operations in Jammu & Kashmir, p. 31. Rai wasposthumously awarded the Maha Vir Chakra, a decoration for military gallantry.

20. I Will Be the First: The Story of Mother Mary Teresalina, London,1957, p. 29. In a later reprint, the dying words have been edited, rather clumsily,to suggest that the nun offered herself for the ‘people’ not the ‘conversion’ ofKashmir.

21. Father Ignacio Omaechevarria, Una Victima Perfecta, Vitoria, 1949, p.142. Jusqu’a là Mort, Rome, 1956, p. 130.

22. H. Nirmalraj [Father Hormise Nirmal Raj], ‘Unknown Churches,Unknown Martyrs’, an undated 103ff. typescript in the Mill Hill archive. Spellingand grammar has been slightly amended. This study was written in 1976. I amgrateful to the Mill Hill archivist, Father Hans Boerakker, for his kindness inmaking available to me a copy of the typescript and putting me in touch withFather Nirmal Raj.

23. There are better attested accounts of Hindu and Sikh women drowningthemselves in Muzaffarabad, notably in Krishna Mehta, Kashmir 1947: A Survivor’sStory, New Delhi, 2005, a new edition of a book first published in the 1950s.

24. The Thoa Khalsa deaths feature in Bhisham Sahni’s novel Tamas andthe incident is explored and recounted in Urvashi Butalia, The Other Side ofSilence: Voices from the Partition of India, New Delhi, 1998, pp. 193–245.

25. Daily Express, 10 November 1947.26. George Shanks to Very Rev. T. McLaughlin, 23 November 1947, Mill

Hill archive.27. The telegram is date-stamped 31 August 1948. I am grateful to Sydney

Smith’s daughter, Peta Adès, for lending me some of her father’s cuttings booksand much other help. She is unaware of the location of any diary kept by herfather during this period.

28. Undated letter from Anthony Havelock-Allan at Constellation Filmsto the Very Rev. Thomas McLaughlin, who acknowledged receipt on 21 April1949. The letter, along with several other documents relating to the Mill Hillmissionaries in Kashmir, is in the ‘Pakistan’ files in the Mill Hill archive.

266 E n d N o t e s

29. H.E. Bates, The Scarlet Sword, pp. 13–15. Page references are to theedition published by Cassell Military Paperbacks in 2001. The argument aboutBates’s literary borrowing from Sydney Smith was made in my review article, ‘Batesand Baramulla’, published in Biblio, New Delhi, November/December 2001, pp.17–18. Father Shanks’s account of Kaushalya has been discussed in Chapter 9.

30. Bates, Scarlet Sword, p. 157.31. Dean R. Baldwin, H.E. Bates: A Literary Life, Selinsgrove, 1987, p. 169.

I am grateful to Professor Baldwin for his readily offered insights into Bates’sliterary method, and his guidance on contemporary reviews of The Scarlet Sword.The review cited appeared in the Saturday Review of Literature, 27 January 1951.

32. Bates, Scarlet Sword, p. 52.33. Alan Moorehead, The Rage of the Vulture, London, 1948, p. 136.

Almost sixty years later, events in Kashmir in 1947 featured prominently inSalman Rushdie’s Kashmir novel Shalimar the Clown.

34. Ian Stephens, Horned Moon: An Account of a Journey through Pakistan,Kashmir, and Afghanistan, London, 1953, p. 109. The quotes were from acontemporary memorandum written by Stephens.

35. Stephens, Horned Moon, p. 202. Azad, or ‘Free’, Kashmir refers tothat part under Pakistan’s control.

36. Stephens, Horned Moon, p. 218.37. Ian Stephens, Pakistan, New York, 1963, pp. 193–203.38. L.F. Rushbrook Williams, The State of Pakistan, London, 1962, p. 78.39. Alastair Lamb, Incomplete Partition: The Genesis of the Kashmir

Dispute, 1947–1948, Hertingfordbury, 1997, p. 187.40. Hasan Zaheer, The Times and Trial of the Rawalpindi Conspiracy

1951: The First Coup Attempt in Pakistan, Karachi, 1998, p. 145.41. Times of India, 13 April 1957.42. ‘Sack of Baramula Recalled: Story Told by Foreign Survivors’, Kashmir,

November 1958, pp. 273 et seq. I am grateful to Khurshid Guru for e-mailingme a copy of this article.

43. New York Times, 11 November 1947.44. V.P. Menon, Integration of the Indian States, Hyderabad, 1985, p. 406.

Other examples of misleading citing of Trumbull’s figures include Sisir Gupta,Kashmir: A Study in India-Pakistan Relations, Mumbai, 1966, p. 111; JyotiBhusan Das Gupta, Jammu and Kashmir, The Hague, 1968, p. 96; AmarinderSingh, Lest We Forget, Patiala, 2000, p. 19.

45. Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, Jammu and Kashmir ConstituentAssembly: Opening Address, 1951, p. 17.

Chapter 12: ‘I Think They’ll Try Again’

1. The downfall of Sheikh Abdullah and the breach between Srinagar andDelhi is told briefly but effectively in Sumantra Bose, Kashmir: Roots of Conflict,Paths to Peace, London, 2003.

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2. The issue of what was said at Shimla is discussed, with varyingconclusions, in Alastair Lamb, Incomplete Partition: The Genesis of the KashmirDispute, 1947–1948, Hertingfordbury, 1997, pp. 295–96; Victoria Schofield,Kashmir in Conflict: India, Pakistan and the Unfinished War, London, 2000, pp.16–121; Sumit Ganguly, The Crisis in Kashmir: Portents of War, Hopes of Peace,Cambridge, 1997, pp. 59–63; and Owen Bennett Jones, Pakistan: Eye of theStorm, Yale, 2002, pp. 80–81.

3. One senior Indian army officer commented of Kargil: ‘What hashappened seems similar to what Pakistan did in 1947 and 1965 when it used thefaçade of Mujaheddins and Kabailis’—cited in Praveen Swami, The Kargil War,New Delhi, 2005, p. 27.

4. The most significant writings by Kashmiri Muslims about the conflictand its antecedents are in large part autobiographical, notably SheikhMohammad Abdullah, Flames of the Chinar, Delhi, 1993, and MuhammadYusuf Saraf, Kashmiris Fight for Freedom, 2 Vols, Lahore, 1977 and 1979.

5. Saraf, Vol. 2, p. 903.